Chapter III: Part 3

The next morning, having heard from a Moro captured in one of the _tapaques_ that the town of Menilla was very near, all the vessels and _praus_ set sail, taking the captured Moro as guide. In the afternoon they came in sight of a very large bay, which formed a wide gulf. It resembled a narrow sea with its entrance at that point; but the guides affirmed that the land was one, and so it proved to be when we entered the bay. We had taken with us from Panae a Moro, a native of the town of Menilla, who has had intercourse with Spaniards for many years and is well known among them; for, when the camp was in Zebu, he always came to sell them provisions. Before the master-of-camp started on this expedition from Panay, this Moro, and his wife and one son, had become Christians. He left his wife in Panay, and accompanied the master-of-camp as interpreter. He had taken with him his brother, who was likewise a native of Menilla. When we entered the bay, these men advised the master-of-camp not to cast anchor before the town of Menilla itself, for the coast was treacherous, and to enter the river it was necessary to wait for high tide. They advised him to anchor in a small sheltered port, two leagues from the port of Menilla; and thence to send word to Raxa [29] Soliman, the greatest chief of all that country, with whom the terms of peace and friendship were to be made, and whose opinion was to be heeded.

The master-of-camp found this advice good, and felt at ease about the port; for he had been fretting over the possibility of finding shelter in all that bay, which, because it was so large and spacious, seemed almost harborless. Therefore we sailed straight to the harbor pointed out by the guides, reaching it two hours before nightfall. The land all around this bay, in the part where we anchored, and which the guides declared to be the port of Menilla, was really marvelous. It appeared to be tilled and cultivated. The slopes were smooth, and had but little herbage. In fact, so excellent indications have not been seen in this land, as were seen there. After the master-of-camp cast anchor in the small port, the _praus_ and the frigate arrived there. On that day it was decided to send to Raxá Soliman, lord of Menilla, to request peace and friendship; and that the man appointed for this should be the brother of Mehomete, the converted Moro. It was decided that the captive Moro and a Cafre [30] interpreter should go to examine the port and its position, as well as to sound the mouth of the river. These men departed the next morning, two hours before daybreak. Before leaving the ships, Mehomate's brother, who had been married in Menilla, said that he would be able to bring back an answer on the same day, as he intended to rest at his own house. The master-of-camp was so desirous of making peaceful terms with the town of Menilla that, although hasty by nature and disposition, he patiently waited there for three days after the Moro's departure. The Moro returned with another man, his uncle, who was said to be a servant of the king of Menilla. He had been sent to act as ambassador, with certain other Moros who accompanied him. He tried to make us understand, with high-sounding words, that his master was a most magnificent lord. After a great show of authority and many pauses, he finally declared that the king of Menilla wished to be the friend of the Spaniards, and that he would be pleased to have them settle in his land, as they had done in Çubu and Panay. The master-of-camp answered, through the interpreters, that he was much pleased to consider the king of Menilla as a friend of the Spaniards, since his only aim in coming was that of offering them peace and friendship. He also added that to carry out these wishes it was necessary for them to see each other. He therefore declared that he was going to set out immediately for the said town of Menilla, and said that the Moro should precede him to advise the chief of it. The Moro ambassador begged him not to set sail until he had already gone a little distance, for he wished to go first to advise his master. The master-of-camp promised him to do so, and so managed that, until the Moro had gone a considerable distance, he would not set out. But when it appeared that the Moro had advanced about half a league away from us, all the vessels set out in the wake of his _prau_. We sailed along a thickly settled coast. Moros came out in _praus_ from some of the towns to complain of the Raxa Soliman, for having plundered their towns and killed many of the inhabitants. The master-of-camp was going ahead under full sail; and, receiving all of these people very kindly, we kept on until about ten o'clock in the morning, when we passed the bar of the river of Menila. The town was situated on the bank of the river, and seemed to be defended by a palisade all along its front. Within it were many warriors, and the shore outside was crowded with people. Pieces of artillery stood at the gates, guarded by bombardiers, linstock in hand. A culverin-shot from us, and close to the houses of the natives, were four Chinese ships. Immediately the Chinese came in their skiffs to visit the master-of-camp. They brought him brandy, hens, winnowed rice, a few pieces of silk, and knick-knacks of little value. They complained to the master-of-camp of the Moros of Menilla, saying that the latter had taken away by force the helms of their ships and the best of their goods without paying for them. The master-of-camp received them kindly; but, desiring to be at peace with all, he waived that question. Then having dismissed the Chinese, he sent the interpreter ashore to tell King Soliman that he wished to confer with him, and to make arrangements therefor. The interpreters returned quickly, and said that they would meet at the edge of the water, and that Raxa Soliman would come thither. The master-of-camp immediately landed with the Spaniards, to meet him. Immediately an uncle of the ruler, who also bore the title of king, advanced with so large a following that he was thought to be Soliman himself. He embraced the master-of-camp, and appeared to be a man of good intentions. Soon after came the other ruler, his nephew Soliman, who was a younger man than he who first came. Soliman assumed an air of importance and haughtiness, and said that he was pleased to be the friend of the Spaniards, but the latter should understand that the Moros were not painted Indians. He said that they would not tolerate any abuse, as had the others; on the contrary they would repay with death the least thing that touched their honor. This speech having been made through the interpreter, the master-of-camp gratified the chief with kind words; then after they had embraced each other and made a friendly compact, the Moro entered his fort. The master-of-camp returned to his ship, leaving all the oared boats and most of his men on shore, less than thirty paces from the town; and gave general orders that no man should enter the town, until the Moros, who seemed quite irritated, had regained their calm. Then leaving ashore the sergeant-major, Juan de Moron, in command, he returned to his ship to have it moored and set in order.

In the afternoon of the same day, at three o'clock, the Moro Mahomate asked permission to spend the night among his relatives, and the master-of-camp granted his request. During the day the Moros came to look at the soldiers ashore with their arquebuses and lighted match-ropes. The Moros carried their weapons and showed a rather bold attitude. They even did things which the Spaniards not often tolerate; but in order to obey the orders of the master-of-camp, and not give the appearance of starting hostilities on our side, they overlooked all the unmeasured boldness displayed by the Moros. At nightfall the men ashore withdrew to the ships, where they slept. The next morning the Moro Mahomete returned with the same ambassador who had first come. The latter bore a message from Rraxa Soliman, to the effect that he had been informed that a tribute was to be asked of him; and that, consequently, he would not allow the Spaniards to enter the river. The master-of-camp--as one desirous of peace, and in view of the orders of the governor to make peace with the said town of Menilla--in his answer, requested the messenger to tell his lord not to believe such reports, for hitherto he had not asked for any tribute from him. He added that they would see each other again, and make a friendly settlement, which would be to his taste. Thus he dismissed the messenger; and he himself, after a little thought, went ashore with only the Spanish and Moro interpreters, without notifying any one of what he was going to do. He entered the palisade, whose gates were guarded by many Moros, and was led by the Moros straightway to a small house, where he was bidden to await King Soliman. As soon as the latter heard that the master-of-camp was within the fort, he hastened to him; and both went to a house where they made a friendly compact, after the fashion of the land--namely, in this wise: the master-of-camp drew blood with the two chiefs, uncle and nephew--both called Rraxa, which in the Malay language signifies king. The Moros drank the blood of the master-of-camp mixed with wine, and the master-of-camp drank that of the Moros in a similar way. Thus the friendship was established, on the terms that the Moros of Menilla were to support the Spaniards who came to settle there; and, doing this, they should pay no other tribute. The master-of-camp asked them for a list of the neighboring towns on the bay; and they gave him the names of forty towns of those situated on the shore, besides those inland. After this friendly agreement had been made with the Moros, who promised to give some food for our men, the master-of-camp left the fort, much to our pleasure. The Moros, notwithstanding the great security given them by the master-of-camp, persisted in their hostile and warlike attitude; and, even on account of the peace made, would not lay aside their weapons--on the contrary, the number of armed men seemed to be increasing continually.

In the afternoon of the same day the chief notary went to the fort with the permission of the master-of-camp, to see whether any of the kings wished to trade for the royal testoons which he had in his charge. He went there accompanied by a boy only, and spoke of the matter to one of the chiefs. The latter received him very kindly and showed him some gold trinkets, which he wished to exchange for gold. For each gold piece the Moro asked five of silver, but the notary would give him only three. The Moro Mahomete, who was present at this trading, and acted as go-between, told the chief notary to postpone the bargain until another day; and to return to the ship, and tell the master-of-camp that King Soliman said that, in order to celebrate the peace made that day, he was about to pass in review his people, both on sea and on land, and should fire all his artillery, at which no offense should be taken, for all was in celebration of the peace. The chief notary left the port with the message, and found the master-of-camp receiving information in the above-mentioned vessel of friendly Indian rowers; they were saying that, having relatives among the Moros, they had learned that the latter were planning to fall upon the Spaniards at the first rain, when it would be impossible for them to make use of the arquebuses. From this news, and from the preparations which the Moros were making on both sea and land for the great review they said they were about to give, we saw that they were anxious to start the affray. At this time the Moro Mahomete arrived with a message from Rraxa Soliman, to the effect that King Soliman had learned that the lord of Candola, a town on the other side of the river, intended to fight the Spaniards on sea and had invited him to join in the attack; but that he, Soliman, had refused to do so. For this reason he would get in readiness, and, if the chief really came to offer battle, he would aid the Spaniards with his people, since the master-of-camp was his friend. This new message gave a full understanding of the deceitful plan of the Moros; notwithstanding all this, the master-of-camp sent his thanks to Soliman for the warning, saying that he would be pleased to fight any one who desired to fight with him. He added that if it were not so late he would immediately go to the town of Candola to fight with that chief. Having dismissed the envoy with this message the master-of-camp ordered all the men to be on the watch, and for all the crews of the _praus_ to sleep on land. That day the sunset was so blood-red that it presented a wonderful sight. The men said that the sun was blood-stained. All that night the men, both on land and sea, slept fully armed. The next morning two or three soldiers were going ashore in a little canoe, when, seven or eight paces from land, their small canoe suddenly filled with water and the men went to the bottom. One of the soldiers, Juan Nunez, a native of Talavera, was drowned. At ten o'clock of that same morning, some sails were seen at sea, and the master-of-camp, thinking them to be the ships of those who were coming to fight with the Spaniards, despatched a _prau_ to reconnoiter them. As the _prau_ came near them, these vessels were seen to be _tapaques_, and the master-of-camp, fearing that the _prau_ might do them harm, called it back by firing a cannon seaward. The Moros, who were waiting an opportunity for treason--but had not manifested it because it had not rained as they had expected--therefore opened the war; and without any warning, fired three cannon-shots, one after another. One of them pierced the side of the ship, and struck the cast-room, scattering its ashes among the bystanders; the other two shots were high, passing over the ship half-way aft; and one would have killed many men had the aim been a _vara_ [31] lower. The Moros had begun their treacherous work even before this; for they had seized some of the friendly Indians who had gone there to feast with their friends, had wounded the Indian slave of a soldier, beaten and frightened two or three others, and wounded another soldier with an arrow. When the effrontery of the Moros was seen, and that they could do us some injury with their artillery, it was decided to attack them. [32] Therefore in the twinkling of an eye, the Spaniards attacked and took the palisade, hurling down the bombardiers with linstock in hand, giving them no chance to fulfil their duties. After this first artillery had fallen into their hands, they immediately took the town, and set fire to it, on account of its being large. The Moros abandoned the burning town, for they were unable to resist the attack of the arquebusiers, or rather the will of God, who had ordained it so--a self evident fact, since for every Spaniard there were a hundred Moros. The large ship was firing upon a Moro boat with long-bladed oars, which was far up the river. This vessel was said to have three or four hundred fighting men and rowers on board, with many culverins and large pieces of artillery. The cannonball struck the water, for the vessel was some distance away, surrounded by more than five hundred Moro _praus_ and other large ships full of armed men, bowmen, and lancers. All these ships were scattered by the artillery of the large junk.

The town was rapidly burning. The master-of-camp hurriedly took the artillery from the Moros--thirteen pieces, small and large. He took care to protect the vessels of the Chinese, who had been greatly frightened. He ordered the return of the sails and helms which the Moros had taken away from them; and the Chinese, attaching the helms to their ships as quickly as they could, proceeded to cast anchor near the junk, so that the firing should do them no harm. The master-of-camp, having captured the enemy's artillery, fired upon them with their own pieces, while they were fleeing, thus inflicting upon them severe losses, both on land and water. About one hundred dead were found on land, having been burned to death, or slain by arquebus bullets; more than eighty persons were taken captive; and many others were killed in the _praus_, as they fled up the river. The rain expected by the Moros came when the town was quite destroyed by fire. The loss in the town was considerable, for it was large, and carried on an extensive trade. In the town lived forty married Chinese and twenty Japanese. Of these some came to see the master-of-camp on board the ship, before the breaking out of hostilities, among whom was a Japanese with a Theatin cap, from which we thought him to be a Christian. When we asked him if he was one, he answered in the affirmative, saying that his name was Pablo [Paul]. He adored an image, and asked for some beads; but people say that he was among the Moro bombardiers.

Among the prisoners were the Chinese wives of some of the Chinese who had married and settled in the town; and although it would have been justifiable to make them slaves, because their husbands had fled with the Moros, the master-of-camp was unwilling to do so, but simply handed them over to the Chinese of the ships. One of the Chinese women wished to come with us, and we have found since that she was insane; now she is with the governor, who will send her back to her own country. Those who saw Soliman's house before it was burned, say that it was very large, and that it contained many valuable things, such as money, copper, iron, porcelain, blankets, wax, cotton, and wooden vats full of brandy; but everything was burned to the ground with the house. Afterward the iron and copper furnished gain to whomsoever wished to take it, for a great quantity of it which this house and others contained, was found on the ground after the fire. When the prisoners captured were asked why the Moros had broken the treaty of peace and friendship, they answered that the young Soliman was to blame, for he always opposed his uncle, the other chief; that he had a malicious disposition; and that it was he who gave the order to fire, and who even fired with his own hand the first shot, which struck the ship. Next to Soliman's house was another which was used as a store-room. It contained much iron and copper, as well as culverins and cannon which had melted. Some small and large cannon had just been begun. There were the clay and wax moulds, the largest of which was for a cannon seventeen feet long, resembling a culverin. The Indians said that the furniture alone lost in Soliman's house was worth more than five thousand ducats.

After the burning of this town the master-of-camp waited two days in the river for some message from the Moros, but seeing that no one appeared, and that he had but few men with him to seek them inland; and that the bay and waterway was such that, in order to sail out of it, they needed the northeast wind (which was now blowing, although feebly); and that the southwest gales were coming, so that, as the interpreters affirmed, if the necessary steps were not taken the probability was that the large ship would not leave the place; and in order not to lose the ship and its artillery--the master-of-camp decided to leave the bay immediately after having first asked full information concerning the towns upon its coast. Thus we set sail in company with only the Chinese and their four vessels; these said that they had no articles of trade in their vessels except some large earthen jars and porcelain. Many of the soldiers bartered trifles of little value with them in exchange for wax, which the Chinese greatly value and even buy with gold. From what we could see and hear of them, the Chinese are a very humble people. It seems that they observe among themselves a certain form of politeness and cleanliness. They became great friends with us, and gave us letters of security, which consisted of white cloths that they had with them, upon which were painted the royal coat of arms. They promised to come the next year to this river of Panay, and to establish trade with the Spaniards. All that the Chinese asked was given them, which pleased them much, and they were shown the best possible treatment. Then they left us, and, according to what they said, went to Mindoro. The master-of-camp cast anchor in the port where we halted before; and there we remained another day, to see whether or not any of the natives would come to us for peace. Seeing that no one came, the master-of-camp, fearing lest the northeast wind would cease, left the harbor with his vessels, for it would not be possible to do so when the southwest wind should blow. He coasted past the towns which had made peace on the voyage hither, until the town of Balayan was reached. Thence we despatched the junk to the island of Panae with Captain Juan de Salcedo, who had not yet recovered from his wound in the leg, and five or six sick soldiers. The master-of-camp remained with the oared _praus_ in order to win over all the towns which were desirous of peace. Thus leaving them behind pacified and assured of friendship, he returned to the camp; for the governor had sent them by sea an advice-_prau_ on the arrival of the fleet from Nueva España. Such, then, are the events of this voyage.

[_Endorsed_: "An account of the conquest and discovery of Manilla."

"May eight, 1570." "Relation of the discovery of the island of Luçon, one of the western islands."]

Act of Taking Possession of Luzon [33]

In the island called by the natives "Luzon the greater," in a town and river of the same called Manila, on the sixth of June in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy, the honorable Martin de Goite, his Majesty's master-of-camp in these Western Islands, declared before me, Hernando Riquel, chief government notary, and in the presence of the undersigned witnesses, that, inasmuch as--a thing well and generally known--his Excellency being in this river of Manila, with the men and ships accompanying him, and having made peace and drawn his blood with two chiefs, styling themselves kings of this said town (by name Soliman and Raxa respectively), and without giving them cause or treating them in a manner that would make the said natives change their attitude, the above said chiefs began war treacherously and unexpectedly, without advising him beforehand; and wounded and seized certain Indians accompanying us. After that they discharged the artillery in their fort, two balls from which struck the ship "San Miguel," on board of which was the said master-of-camp. He, in order to guard himself from the injury which the said Moros were doing him in starting the war, and to prevent their artillery from harming his men, attacked the said fort of the Moros, and captured it by force of arms and is now in possession of it. And inasmuch as the said fort and town of Manila have been won in lawful and just war, and since, according to the said natives, Manila is the capital of all the towns of this said island: therefore in his Majesty's name, he was occupying and did occupy, was taking and did take, royal ownership and possession, actual and quasi, of this said island of Luzon and of all the other ports, towns, and territories adjoining and belonging to this said island. Moreover, as a sign of real occupation, he ordered his ensign to raise the flag of his company on the fort built by the natives, had the artillery found in the said fort taken for his Majesty, and performed other acts and duties as a sign of real occupation. And when he had thus taken the said possession in his Majesty's name, he asked me, the aforesaid notary, to certify and attest it, and to draw up a statement so that the proceeding might be clearly set forth. In fulfilment of that demand, I, the said Hernando Riquel, certify, as an actual witness, to whomsoever may see this present, that the said master-of-camp took and seized in his Majesty's name the said possession in the manner above specified. And in affirmation of the above I draw up this statement, which the said master-of-camp signed; witnesses to all the abovesaid being the sergeant-major Juan de Morones, the high constable Graviel de Rrivera, the ensign-in-chief Gaspar Ramirez, and many other soldiers in the said fort.

_Martin de Goite_

Drawn in my presence:

_Hernando Riquel_

Collated with the original, which is in my possession.

_Hernando Riquel_

[_Endorsed:_ "Possession taken of the island of Luçon in his Majesty's name." "Possession of Luzon."]

Letter from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi to Felipe II

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

With Captain Joan de la Ysla, who arrived at this river on St. John's eve last, I received a letter from your Majesty from the Escorial [34] dated the sixteenth of November, of the year sixty-eight, with the despatches and the favors that your Majesty was pleased to grant this camp. For these and for other things that we expect from your Majesty, all these faithful vassals of your Majesty, and in their name for all, kiss your Majesty's royal feet and hands. We pray God, our lord, to give us time and opportunity, as loyal vassals employed in your royal service, to merit being the instruments of the augmentation of your royal crown, with increase of new realms and dominions; and that in the fortunate days of your Majesty the Christian faith may be planted, grow, and increase in these lands, where the infidelity and rule of the Devil, our adversary, so long prevailed.

With the ships that left here last year (sixty-nine), under Captain Felipe de Salcedo, I sent your Majesty a report of everything that happened until then and the affair with the captain general of the Portuguese fleet. They write me that this same Felipe de Salcedo took this despatch to your Majesty on a despatch boat that was sent from Mexico, for this purpose, whereby your Majesty will have seen, learned, and understood what occurred here. We have had no word here, since then, of the Portuguese; nor do I believe that they will return, because they were much harassed, and also I am certain that none of those that went from here will have any desire to return. That, however, is no reason why I should neglect what concerns your Majesty's royal service. I await them within three months in this archipelago, which is the time in which they can come; and so I live with as much foreboding as if I had them before me.

By other letters I have entreated your Majesty, informing you of the necessity in this archipelago for boats with oars; and how important they will be for the further discovery of other things of greater importance, which until now has been neglected, through not having these boats. Twice I have sent men in Indian _praus_ for explorations to the north and northwest of us. Once they discovered certain islands, small but well peopled with Moros; and the other time they discovered on the coast of Luçon, which is a large island, several settlements of Moros. The latter have artillery, which they themselves cast and finish, and likewise powder and other ammunition. Some of the towns received them in peace, but others would not. The possessions taken in your Majesty's name accompany the present letter. These Moros have much more trade, because they make voyages for that purpose, going among the people on the Chinese mainland, and to the Japanese. I again repeat how advantageous it would be to your Majesty's service to have some oared vessels here, because the Spanish are not accustomed to navigate with skill in those of the Indians, and run great risks by going in them. And in order that this may not occur, will your Majesty please command that what seems best to you in that case be ascertained and provided.

The Portuguese left us so badly accredited with these natives that some of them withdrew from our friendship; and it has been necessary to turn to pacifying them again, and at somewhat greater cost than the first time. In the future we shall have the greatest care in their conversion and good treatment, as your Majesty commands. We will gladly strive to bring them to the subjection and dominion of your royal Majesty, and with those who refuse and do not wish it, we shall adopt more convenient means to preach and teach to them all the evangelical law, wherein God our lord and your Majesty will be well served.

In fulfilment of your Majesty's orders, on these two ships which are going to Nueva España, I send ten or twelve Portuguese from this camp. Some still remain but it seemed to me that to avoid trouble, it was well not to send many together. I am certain that some of them are good soldiers, and have served your Majesty very well. There has not been heard or imagined of them anything that they ought not to have done, but your Majesty's order was very well considered and noted, and therefore will be executed. On the first ships that leave here will go those who remain. The foreigners of these nations can not be banished at present, without considerable inconvenience; because all the workmen, carpenters, gunners, and half of the sailors are foreigners, Some of the soldiers are Flemings, and others Italians, Venetians, Greeks, French, and so on. Wherefore no new action has been taken in this at present, until your Majesty is pleased to have the matter looked into, and shall command what you think best to be done about it.

We have had news here from Mexico that a certain fleet that sailed from Peru in your Majesty's name, to discover Nueva Guinea and other lands in those western regions, was instructed to settle all the lands extending westward between ten degrees north latitude and sixty degrees south latitude. This was incredible, because, as your Majesty knows, the fleets that have left Nueva España in your Majesty's name have discovered many islands and lands as far as the equator, and in south latitude. What I have settled, subdued and discovered in your Majesty's name commences at six degrees latitude north of the equator, and extends from there farther north. If it were conceded to those from Peru up to ten degrees, it would be equivalent to giving them the greater part of all this Filipinas archipelago, and more. I thought that I ought to inform you of it, so that your Majesty could make what provisions seemed best to you.

Melchior de Legazpi, my son, who for a long time has resided at that court, has charge of my affairs; and last year, Captain Felipe de Salcedo, my grandson, went to give your Majesty a report of affairs here. I humbly pray your Majesty to have them sent back, granting them favor so that they may come to serve your Majesty in these regions.

Captain Joan de la Isla goes to that court, and will return on the same ship on which he went. He has served and labored much; I pray your Majesty to reward him as he merits. With him I send your Majesty two bronze culverins [_versos_] made by the Moros of this land, so that your Majesty may see what dexterity they possess in working and casting artillery. Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty, may our Lord guard and increase the life and person of your Royal Majesty with more kingdoms and seigniories for many happy years, with victories over your enemies, as your royal heart desires. From this island of Panae, on St. James' Day, July xxv, 1570. Your Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty's most humble and faithful servant, who kisses your royal feet and hands.

_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_

Evidence Regarding the Portuguese Expedition Against Cebu--1570

In the island and town of Cubu in the Western Felipinas islands, on the twenty-first of October, one thousand five hundred and seventy, the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his Majesty the king, Don Felipe, our lord, and of his troops and royal fleet for the exploration of the said islands, in the presence of me, Fernando Riquel, chief government notary, and of the undersigned witnesses: he declared that, whereas the day before yesterday, the nineteenth of this present month, while he was building some gabions on the river of Çubu, for the defense of certain pieces of artillery, which he ordered to be mounted there, Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet which is anchored in this port, wrote to him that he must stop work on those gabions which were being made on the said river. To please him, the said governor, although the gabions were for the defense of the said artillery, yesterday (the twentieth of the said month) ordered the men to stop work. In the morning the said captain-general wrote to him again, ordering him to demolish the said gabions, as it seemed to him that they were being made as a menace to him and his fleet; and that he should reply to him what he intended to do in this matter, for, whether he answered or not, it will be held as if answered. At the same time when the Portuguese sent the above letter, the said governor had written to the said captain-general, and had sent to him the factor Andres de Mirandaola, and myself, the said Fernando Riquel, with an answer to a requisition which the said captain-general had sent him the day before. Whereupon the captain-general again sent word that he must order the said gabions to be destroyed; because, if they were not destroyed between that time and the evening of that day, he would take it for granted that war was declared. This said day, after dinner, the aforesaid persons having returned with this message of reply to the said governor, they told him how the galleys and small boats of the Portuguese fleet were coming ashore. The said governor ordered the master-of-camp, Martin de Goiti, to go to see what was wanted. The said Portuguese--immediately, and before the expiration of the time-limit set by the said captain-general, and without waiting for any response to be given--those of the said galleys and _fustas_, began to batter down the said gabions with a great number of guns; and they continued this almost until sunset. Nevertheless, the said governor ordered that no one should discharge any artillery at them from his camp; on the contrary, he reproved an artilleryman who, without his permission, discharged one gun. While the said Portuguese were demolishing the said gabions, the said governor sent the said answer to the said captain-general, complaining that he was commencing and making unjust war, against all reason and without the said governor having given any occasion for it. Not only did the Portuguese not relax at all but sent part of his galleys and fustas to blockade the other entrance to this harbor, which lies toward the east, so that nothing can enter or leave this camp. The governor declared that the said Portuguese have said and published that through famine they will seize and carry us away prisoners, by force. In order that the manner in which the said captain-general and his men commenced to make war--and they began it, as is related hereafter--may be manifest both now and in the future, he said that he asked me, the said notary, as he did, to certify these facts to all the aforesaid in public form, in such wise that witness may be had for the protection of the rights of his Majesty, and of himself in the king's royal name. All those who were present he ordered to witness it, and signed it with his name.

I, the said Fernando Riquel, chief notary aforesaid certify to whomsoever shall see this present, or copies of it drawn up in public form, that on yesterday, Wednesday in the morning, the twentieth of this said month, I, having gone by the order of his lordship the said governor to the flagship where the said captain-general Gonzalo de Pereira was, to take him a certain answer to a requisition sent by the said captain-general to the said governor, the said captain-general sent an oral message through me, the said notary, and the factor, Andres de Mirandaola, to the said governor, to the effect that, if on the evening of that day the gabions on the river of Cubu were not ordered to be demolished, he would consider war declared. With this message we came from the said ship. Almost at high noon, and after dinner, I, being in the said governor's room, despatching certain messages which the said governor had to send to the said captain-general, we heard a heavy fire of artillery. It was reported to the said governor that the Portuguese, in _fustas_ and galleys, were attacking and firing upon the river of Cubu, where there were certain works and soldiers from this camp. The said governor ordered that no artillery should be fired from this camp; on the contrary, he reproved an artilleryman who fired a piece without his permission. Then he sent me, the said notary, with a letter and other despatches to the said captain-general. I went to his galleon and on my way thither, I saw that the said galleys and _fustas_ were discharging artillery at the said river and the gabions. Having arrived where the said captain-general was, and having complained in the name of the said governor, he replied that he had ordered the firing of those pieces, and those being fired at the time, to frighten the troops who were on the said shore with the said gabions. Also the said captain-general said that he intended to make war without wasting so much powder as was wasted that day; that on the following day if they did not remove the gabions, war would begin in earnest. So on the said day at this hour (which might be eight o'clock, more or less), I see, and it is seen clearly, that three galleys of the said Portuguese fleet are rounding the island of Matan with oars, against a head wind, toward the other entrance of this harbor eastward. In affirmation of the abovesaid, I signed here my name, jointly with the said governor, who asked to have given him necessary copies of this testimony. There were present, as witnesses to the said request, Captains Luis de la Haya, Andres de Ybarra, Juan de Salcedo, Juan Maldonado de Verrocal, and many other soldiers of this camp.

_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_

I, the said Fernando Riquel, chief notary of the royal fleet that came for the exploration of the Western Islands, and their government for his Majesty, certify to the aforesaid, in the form and manner abovesaid, wherefore I here affix my usual signature and flourish, in witness of the truth.

_Fernando Riquel_

I, Sancho Lopez de Agurto, royal notary of the royal _Audiencia_ and _chancelleria_ of Nueva España for his Majesty, hereby certify that Miguel Lopez de Legazpi by whom this testimony is signed is governor and captain in the Western Islands; and Fernando de Rriquel, by whom this testimony is witnessed and signed, was appointed as his Majesty's government notary--as appears by other acts that he has exercised and exercises in the said office; and the handwriting and signature of the said subscription appears like those that I have seen him make, all of which are alike. In order that this may be manifest, by the order of this royal _Audiencia_, I gave this present, which is dated from the City of Mexico, on the eighteenth of January, one thousand five hundred and seventy. Wherefore I sign in witness of the truth.

_Sancho Lopez de Agurto_

I, Jhoan Augustin de Contreras, his Majesty's recorder of the royal _Audiencia_ of this Nueva España, certify that Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, whose signature is attached to this testimony, was appointed governor and general of the islands of the West and Fernando Riquel as his government notary; and that I have certain information that they discharge their offices in those provinces and this is a matter well and generally known regarding the above-mentioned persons. And, having seen them writing and signing their names many times, I hold and recognize as their writing and signatures, those which are contained in the above testimony of this other part, given by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Fernando Rrequel, and followed with the subscription of the said Fernando Requel. I saw the aforesaid despatched as such governor and general and government notary of those islands, in the first fleet sailing thither in the month of December of the year sixty-four, and to which I refer. In affirmation whereof, I gave this present, which is dated at Mexico, the twenty-eighth of January, one thousand, five hundred and seventy.

Accordingly, in witness of the truth, I here affix this my signature, which is as follows:

_Joan Augustin_, his Majesty's notary.

Documents of 1571-72.

Relation of the discoveries of the Malucos and Philippinas. [1571?] Requisitions of supplies for the Spanish forces in the Philippines. [1571?] Conquest of the island of Luzón. April 20, 1572. Foundation of the city of Manila. Fernando Riquel; June 19, 1572.

_Sources_: MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla. The third is obtained from Retana's _Archivo del Bibliófilo filipino_, iv (Madrid, 1898).

_Translations_: The first two documents are translated by Alfonso de Salvio; the third, by J. G. Gill; the fourth, by James A. Robertson.

Relation of the Discoveries of the Malucos and Philippinas, and Various Negotiations Concerning Them

From what may be gathered in the said account and various agreements concerning the navigation, discovery, and commerce of the Western Islands, especially those of Maluco, Philippinas, and Çubu, we must assume that the discovery of the Yndias was begun by order of the Catholic Sovereigns, in the year ninety-two, and on the second of May of the following year, ninety-three.

The supreme pontiff, Alexander the Sixth, granted to the Catholic Sovereigns of Castilla and Leon, and to their successors, the navigation of the Yndias, with all the privileges, favors, indulgences, and prerogatives which had been granted to the kings of Portugal in respect to the Yndias of Guinea, part of Affrica, and other Yndias which they might conquer. This is contained more fully in the bull of concession, an authentic copy of which is to be found in the Archives of Simancas. On the third of the said month and year, the same supreme pontiff made a concession to the Catholic Sovereigns of Castilla and Leon, and their successors, of all the Yndias in general, the islands and mainlands which had been discovered or should be discovered in the limitless future, drawing a line from pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the Acores and Cabo Verde islands. All land already discovered and to be discovered, found west and south of this line (being not actually occupied by any Christian prince before Christmas and the beginning of the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-three) [35] was to be the navigation and discovery of the kings of Castilla, and was to come under their kingdom, seigniory, and jurisdiction. He who passed this line without permission would incur blame and punishment, as is more fully shown in the original bull, which is sealed with lead and deposited in the Archives of Simancas, and dated at Rome on the fourth of May of the said year.

On the twenty-sixth of September of the said year one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, the same supreme pontiff conceded to the Catholic Sovereigns, and their successors, besides the general concession of the Yndias, whatever conquest they might make in their name in the eastern, western, and southern islands, "provided they be not occupied by any other," etc., as is more fully shown in the original bull given in Rome on the sixth of October of the same year, and deposited in the Archives at Simancas.

These concessions made to the Catholic Sovereigns of Castilla and Leon and their successors, as well as that made to the Kings of Portogal, respecting the navigation of the East Indies, caused and still cause dispute and controversy between the kings of Castilla and those of Portugal, concerning the boundaries which should separate their navigation and discovery--the limit and bound which is to be drawn from pole to pole on this side of our hemisphere, and concerning the other bound and meridian line which is to be drawn in the hemisphere corresponding to the upper one.

Differences have existed and still exist between the kings concerning the line of demarcation which was to be drawn between their respective navigations and discoveries in this our hemisphere. The kings of Castilla claim that it was to be drawn according to the papal concession, one hundred leagues west of the islands of Acores and Cabo Verde; the kings of Portugal claim that it was to be drawn farther west, so that their side of the demarcation might include most of the coast of Brasil, and of that Tierra Firme [36] adjoining it. They agreed to settle this controversy, and the kings of Castilla consented to have the line of demarcation drawn two hundred and seventy leagues farther west than the line decreed in the bull of concession, as is set forth in a deed of agreement.

(In the original instrument, drawn on paper, the said year, in the presence of Fernand Alvarez of Toledo, secretary of the Catholic Sovereigns, and in the presence of Estevan Vaes, secretary of the king of Portogal, is found a confirmation by the Catholic Sovereigns. The said instrument, drawn on parchment, in Arevalo, on the second of July, 1495, is fully signed by the Sovereigns. The signature of the prince is found below. The instrument is countersigned by the said secretary. The seal was removed, but the cord to which it was attached remains. The confirmation of the said instrument of Tordesillas by King Don Joan of Portogal is attested by a contract written on five pages of parchment, signed by the king, and countersigned by Martyn de Veyra. The confirmation was given in Ebora on February 27, 1525)

[It] practically reads that on the seventh of June, one thousand four hundred and ninety-four, the attorneys of the Catholic Sovereigns and of the king of Portogal empowered by their masters met in Tordesillas, and drew up the said instrument. The agreement reached was that a line or meridian was to be drawn from the Arctic to the Antarctic pole, three hundred and seventy leagues west of the islands of Cabo Verde. Everything west of the said line or meridian was to belong to the kings of Castilla, and that east was to be the navigation, discovery, and conquest of the kings of Portogal. The sea of the king of Portogal was open for navigation to the kings of Castilla, with the understanding that the latter should follow their course without any deviation. Whatever should be found up to the twentieth of the said month of June in the first two hundred and fifty leagues of the three hundred and seventy, was to belong to the kings of Portogal; and that which should be found in the remaining hundred and twenty leagues was to belong to the king of Castilla.

_Item_, both parties agreed to send within ten months an equal number of ships, pilots, astrologers, and sailors to mark out the said line of demarcation.

It is not specified that within the said ten months they did send the said pilots, astrologers, and sailors to draw the said line of demarcation; on the contrary, it is clear that the said line was not drawn; for according to the copy of a decree and declaration of the Catholic Sovereigns given in Madrid on May the seventh, 1495, and signed by the secretary Samano, it is urged that the said line be drawn--from which it is evident that the line had not been drawn within the ten months. That this line had not been drawn appears also from the conferences and records concerning the possession and ownership of the Malucos, between the commissioners of both parties in the year twenty-four at the bridge of Acaya, Yelves, and Badajoz, where the determination of this line of demarcation was discussed; and the determination thereof, discussed under three heads.

First, whether a spherical or plane surface should be considered in drawing the line of demarcation.

Second, how should the islands of Cabo Verde be properly situated and located.

Third, from which of the said islands should they begin to measure the three hundred and seventy leagues for the demarcation.

The Castilians agreed with the Portuguese to employ the spherical surface and still not to exclude the plane surface and other measurements. The second point appears not to have been discussed. As to the third, the Castilians disagreed with the Portuguese, saying that the three hundred and seventy leagues were to begin from the island of Santo Anton, the most western of the islands of Cabo Verde. The Portuguese claimed that they ought to begin from the islands of La Sal and Buena Vista, the most eastern of the group. It seems (the original having been destroyed) that each party was striving to have the islands of Maluco fall on his side of the demarcation--thus contending for the contrary of what they claimed in the year 1494, when each party, ignorant of the differences which would arise about the Malucos, was striving to have the coast of Brasil fall on its side of the demarcation.

_Item_: From the Castilian and Portuguese sea-charts it appears that the said line of demarcation was neither drawn nor determined; because, in the model sea-charts deposited in the India house of trade in Sevilla, this line or meridian is found drawn from pole to pole so as to cut our hemisphere three hundred and seventy leagues from the island of Sancto Anton, the last of the Cabo Verde islands. It also cuts the coast of Brasil about two degrees from the equinoctial line through the land of Humos, the tropic of Capricorn, the Cape of Dospermitas, and the river of Sant Salvador. According to these charts, the line of demarcation of the king of Portogal includes three hundred and ninety leagues through which the line of demarcation passes inland, and for a distance of six hundred leagues down along the coast. Within the line of demarcation of the kings of Castilla fall all of Tierra Nova [Newfoundland], of the Bacallaos, and of Labrador. In the Portoguese sea-charts, this line of demarcation is so drawn as to cut Brasil farther north than the great river of Orellana or Amazonas, two degrees from the equinoctial line, and thirty-eight degrees south, through the low submerged districts, so that it cuts the land seven hundred leagues inland and almost one thousand three hundred leagues along the coast, including within the demarcation of Portogal all of Tierra Nova, Bacallaos, and Labrador.

[Here follows some matter which we omit, as superfluous--an account of Portuguese settlements in Brazil, decisions of the Junta of Badajoz, and the Treaty of Zaragoza.]

After the execution of the said deed, one of the first and chief instructions in the settlements and discoveries made, as well as on the merchant vessels and fleets despatched, is that no one shall go beyond the line of demarcation of the king of Portogal, and the boundaries specified in the said contract. A similar injunction forbidding men to go beyond the boundaries of demarcation of the king of Portogal was made after the execution of the demarcation deed, in the year fourteen hundred and ninety-four.

1535. In the year thirty-five, Simon de Alcaçava was despatched with two hundred and forty men. He passed the strait of Magallanes and one of the ships returned to Santiago de Cuba.

1536. In the year thirty-six, Cortes sent Grijalva and Alvarado with two ships below the equinoctial line. They reached the Malucos.