Chapter VIII: Part 8

The "Opinion" says further that no land among all these islands has come with a just title into the power of the Spaniards. To this we have only to reply that we came to these districts by his Majesty's order, and therefore are here, obeying his royal mandate; and, as we are not lawyers, we shall cease discussing the justice, title, or cause that his Majesty has or can have in these islands. In what concerns the robberies and injuries that have been committed (if any have been) in this land, the natives have given the occasion for it, some of them being traitors and breaking the peace, as they have broken it at different times, especially in this city of Manila. The master-of-camp, Martin de Goiti, having come hither the first time and entered in peace, and having made and ratified it with the rajas of Manila, without the Spaniards on their part giving them any occasion, the natives tried to kill the latter, discharging at them five or six pieces of artillery, the greater part of which hit the junk on which was the said master-of-camp. Thus the Spaniards were forced in self-defense to fight and enter the city, as it was entered. And, if the city was burned, it was for the security of the few Spaniards who had entered it, that the natives might not attack them among houses closely joined together. The same natives confessed that they themselves had begun the war. Further, as for assaulting villages at night, this has been done in the case of rebellious villages that defied the Spaniards. It was necessary for the security of our friends to break and crush their pride, to avoid greater evil. If some have gone to excess in this matter, it is the individual excess which casts blame on the community in general, because the instructions that the governors have given and do give, whenever any expedition is made, are Christian in tone, and quite in conformity with those which they have from his Majesty. If sometimes the commanders have inflicted injury or waged any war, it is because the malice of the natives is so great, that wherever they sally out in war, with their ambuscades and other treacheries they provoke the Spaniards to self-defense. If the latter go with the mailed hand, it is for the security of their own persons; for, if they were unarmed and unprepared, the natives would kill them--as they have done to many Spaniards whom they have caught astray and alone, killing them and practicing great cruelties upon them. Therefore it is necessary to go everywhere with weapons in hand, for the security of the Spaniards; for there is so little justice and reason among these natives, and they never obey one another, or have lords or headmen among them, but all sorts of disorders, clans, and factions. Before the Spaniards came hither, the natives killed one another in their own villages for very slight causes. Wherefore it is clear that wherever the Spaniards go, they must go ready and prepared to defend themselves, as they are but few among many infidels, and loyal among traitors. Therefore it is a perfectly good argument to say that wherever they go they go with weapons in hand. As to the matter of maintaining the natives in peace and justice, it is a just one. Therefore we try in every way to protect those who are friendly to us. Those who are in the neighborhood of the Spaniards are very well protected and defended--not only from their enemies, who aforetime were wont to make war on them, but even from their servants and the members of their households, who among them were wont to kill, punish, and enslave one another, a thing not done now. And if this is done in any remote district, it is in places in which, on account of their remoteness, no remedy can be had from the Spaniards. Thus it is of great use and profit that the Spaniards have come to the natives hereabout, on account of the security that they have from one another, and because they have free recourse to their trade and interests without being hindered or robbed by any one. They were not accustomed to this security before the Spaniards came hither, because it is a thing publicly known and notorious that even in their own houses they were captured and robbed. They were not free to go fishing on the sea without being captured. Now not only are they safe in their houses, but they go safely to different places, without any harm being done them. If there are piracies, they are very far from this town and in places where the Spaniards do not go. It is a very ancient custom that the natives had among themselves, of capturing, robbing, killing, and imprisoning one another. Now there are few injuries committed, in comparison with what used to be committed before the Spaniards came here. Every day there will be fewer, because we are ever striving to take and punish such pirates, as today there were some taken in this town. In regard to the tribute that has been raised, and the amount of tribute in gold that is collected from Los Ylocos and Los Camarines, without giving them any greater benefit than going there and collecting the tribute, it is a matter clearly to be understood, that, for the support of those who live in this land, it is quite necessary that the natives assist with tribute as they do in the other part of the Indies. They are not considered friends, nor do they have any security, without first having paid the tribute--which is, in proportion to their condition and wealth, very little; and which they are willing to give gladly and without compulsion. In each island, district, and village, the natives give what they please, for in some places they give provisions, and in others wax, cloth, and other things which they obtain from their harvests. To them it is little, and almost nothing, because they have those things abundantly. If gold has been collected from the Ylocos and the Camarines, it is because the land is very rich in mines, and because they have great quantities of gold. Cloth and provisions are worth more to them than in other districts, and so the natives would rather give the tribute in gold, of which they have an abundance, than in cloth and provisions, which they lack. If up to this time the said districts and villages have not been settled, it is on account of having so few men in the land and because it is not possible to do anything else. Moreover, Captain Juan de Salcedo has already settled in Los Ylocos, has built a village there, and has a cleric to instruct them in the tenets of our holy Catholic faith; and he made a settlement in Los Camarines shortly after they were pacified and discovered. Although we have not gained a complete knowledge of the nature of the land and settling it, because Spaniards are going about everywhere still, exploring and making an end of pacifying it. When there is any possibility of settling it, that will be done, as has been done in the other districts where the natives have made and are making peace.

As regards the excessive tribute which in the "Opinion" is said to have been collected from the natives, to generalize from individual cases is to confuse the whole matter. We say this because a great part of this country is taxed differently in different places, and the natives vary in wealth. In some parts they are rich, in others farmers, in others merchants, in others miners; and, again, in others they live by robbery and assault. So the late governor taxed this bay of Manila and its vicinity--being informed of, and having seen with his own eyes, the quality and fertility of the land, and the wealth of its natives--two fanégas each of unwinnowed rice for a year's tribute, and a piece of colored cloth of two varas in length and one in breadth; and, in default of this, three maes of gold--in gold, or in produce, as they prefer. This said tribute is so moderate, that with six silver reals, which an Indian gives to his encomendero each year, he pays his tribute entirely. A maes of gold is commonly worth two reals, and, when gold is worth more, the maes is worth two reals and a half; so, even at that, it is not half the tribute that the Indians pay in Nueva España. The Moros pay this tribute of three maes as being more wealthy people, and because they are excellent farmers and traders. They are so rich that, if they would labor and trade for four days, they would gain enough to work off the tribute for a year. They have various sources of gain and profit; and so they have an abundance of rich jewels and trinkets of gold, which they wear on their persons. There are some chiefs in this island who have on their persons ten or twelve thousand ducats' worth of gold in jewels--to say nothing of the lands, slaves, and mines that they own. There are so many of these chiefs that they are innumerable. Likewise the individual subjects of these chiefs have a great quantity of the said jewels of gold, which they wear on their persons--bracelets, chains, and earrings of solid gold, daggers of gold, and other very rich trinkets. These are generally seen among them, and not only the chiefs and freemen have plenty of these jewels, but even slaves possess and wear golden trinkets upon their persons, openly and freely. To say, then, that the Indians are so wretched that they live on roots during part of the year, and in some places are accustomed to support themselves for a certain part of the year on sweet potatoes, sago bread, and other vegetables they find, is wrong. It is not so in all districts, but only in some of the Pintados [92] islands; nor is this through any lack of prosperity, but because they are vicious, and eat all sorts of food. They are so lazy that they will not go four leagues out of their villages to buy rice, but spend their time in drunkenness, idolatries, and feastings. As they get along also with those eatables until they harvest their rice, they do not miss it; because they are a people who, when any of their relations die, will, as mourning, willingly go without eating rice for four or six months, or even a year. They live on other foods and grains that they possess, and in many parts of the Pintados they live a part of the year on borona, millet, beans, fish, swine, and fowl, and many kinds of wine. Not for that reason do they fail to be rich and have golden jewels, slaves, lands, and gardens. The Pintados are not as rich as the natives of this island of Luzon (who are called Moros), because they are not as capable in labor and agriculture. So they are taxed to a less amount, each Indian being taxed for a fanéga and a half of unwinnowed rice, and a piece of cloth, white or colored, woven from a plant. [93] In other districts they have other tax-rates, each suitable to their prosperity. Up to this time the natives have not been injured, nor are they now injured, by paying the tribute which is imposed upon them, because it is so moderate that they can pay it without any labor. For by breeding four fowls under their houses every year (which can be done without any cost), they can pay their tribute, over and above which they have many advantages and profits. Now more than ever, with the stay of the Spaniards in these regions, they have established and increased their trade, and they continue to increase it every day. The "Opinion" states that the encomenderos can be supported with the one maes that each Indian gives every year. It is very certain that no one can be supported on so small a tribute, because there are many encomenderos who cannot be supported on a tribute of three maes, and they live in great poverty, through having so few Indians. One of these encomenderos has for his share less than three hundred Indians, and many five and six hundred, and as very few have over a thousand, especially are they in need where goods are so dear and gold is valued so slightly. A pair of shoes is worth a half-tael of gold, which would be the tribute of eight Indians. A shirt is worth six pesos, and so on; all other Castilian articles are worth double their price in Nueva España. Then, if the Indians here should pay every year two reals (the equivalent of one maez) as tribute, one could not live here by any means, especially since the natives are so rich, and have so many profits and sources of gain, and are more rich in lands than those of Nueva España. They have a great deal of cloth with which to clothe themselves; many silken fabrics worked with gold, greatly esteemed and of high value; many porcelains and fine earthenware jars; lances, daggers, bells, and vases; and many adornments for their persons, of which they make use. They also have great quantities of provisions, which they gather every year from their irrigated lands; palm wine, and wine of the nipa palm, which they collect ordinarily every day during the whole year and many other wines, made from rice or cane--to say nothing of the great profits they make from wax and gold, which are ordinarily produced in all the islands. There is a great deal of cotton, which they work and spin, and make into fine cloths; these are very valuable to the Indians in their trade. The Chinese bring them many silks, porcelains, and perfumes; with iron and other articles, from which they make great profits. For all this and many other reasons and causes, which are well known everywhere, the said natives can pay the tribute which is imposed upon them, and much more, without any difficulty. If some natives in some of the villages decamp in order to avoid paying the tribute, as is stated in the "Opinion," it is not on account of any lack of means, but because the natives are spirited, and make it a point of honor to pay the tribute only when forced. They like to be compelled to do so. This is not the case with all of them, but only with some who, after debaucheries and guzzling of wine, come to the Spaniards, and say that they have nothing wherewith to pay the tribute. This is not true of whole villages, but of certain individuals, who, as they seldom obey their chiefs, do whatever wine incites them to. All this is no reason to detract from the prosperity and riches of the natives; for if some Indians go without robes and loin-cloths, they must be slaves and laborers--not because they lack cloth, since it costs them so little to make a robe that there is no one who cares to work who has not one; and not only robes, but many other valuables. For all these causes and reasons, then, although the "Opinion" of the father provincial and the other religious has been given with good and holy zeal, it is, nevertheless, exceedingly harmful to the augmentation and settlement of this land, and the perpetuation of the Spanish rule therein. To the natives themselves it is pernicious; because, if they do not pay tribute to the Spaniards, the latter have to take from them their provisions and such things as they possess, in order to support themselves--as was done before the land was divided into repartimientos, and before the natives paid tribute. It is, therefore, most useful and profitable for the natives to pay tribute, by which the said Spaniards can be supported comfortably, and without vexation to them; and if the tribute is too small and the Spaniards can not be supported on it, it will come to the point of taking away their property on the sea, as was done before the land was divided into repartimientos, but does not happen now. On the contrary the natives are all very secure and quiet, and come and go to trade, and are altogether much profited and enriched by the repartimiento.

_Guido de Lavezaris_. _Juan Maldonado_. _Martin de Goiti_. _Andres Cabchela_. _Luis de la Haya_. _Salvador de Aldave_. _Joan de la Ysla_. _Amador de Arriaran_. The licentiate _Chacon_. _Gabriel de Rribera_.

In my presence,

_Fernando Riquel_

Two Letters from Guido de Lavezaris to Felipe II

Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty:

In the past year of seventy-three, I sent to your Majesty, by two ships despatched to the kingdoms of Nueva España, a written account of what had occurred in these regions until that time. A few days after the departure of these two ships, I despatched another one, which had taken more time in its preparations. The last-named vessel followed a different course from the others, and put into a harbor again, after having sailed all around this island of Luçon, on account of the bad weather with which it met. The ship has been detained until now in order to repair it, and to make all the necessary preparations. We are waiting every day for the arrival of the ships from Nueva España, for it is already time that they should arrive; but, in order that the vendavales may not prevent the navigation of this ship, we shall not detain it here until the others arrive--although it would have been much better for the service of your Majesty to receive an explanation of matters regarding which an answer was expected.

With the service of God and that of your Majesty in mind, as soon as the ships left for Nueva España, I despatched Captain Juan de Salcedo in July, seventy-three, with one hundred and twenty soldiers in vessels like those used by these natives, to win over and conquer Bicor River and the province of Los Camarines, on the east side of this island of Luçon. He brought under the dominion and obedience of your Majesty all that region, with about twenty thousand of its natives, with as little injury as possible. Some villages paid their tribute in gold. They have abundant stores of food, and possess goldmines. The people are the most valiant yet found in these regions; they possess much good armor--as iron corselets, greaves, wristlets, gauntlets, and helmets--and some arquebuses and culverins. They are the best and most skilful artificers in jewels and gold that we have seen in this land. Almost all the people of Los Camarines pursue this handicraft. Close upon the province of Los Camarines and Bicor River are the mines of Paracali. As soon as the ships arrive, I shall try to effect a settlement near those mines with the people that may come, for I consider it a matter of importance for the service of your Majesty; and I shall continue the apportionment of the discovered and peaceful district of that region.

In July of the past year, seventy-three, a ship despatched by the viceroy Don Martin Enriquez arrived at these islands from Nueva España. It brought us news which caused great joy and satisfaction in this camp of your Majesty. We learned that God had granted the Queen, our lady, the delivery of a prince, [94] so much desired by all, and that her Majesty is enjoying the good health so needful. Our Lord was pleased to grant us such a marked favor, and we beseech Him to preserve your Majesty, the Queen our lady, and his Highness many years for us; for only thus shall we not fear any adversity, nor can we desire greater things in this new world.

In order that we might better celebrate this news, we heard at the same time of the victory won by the most serene [95] of Austria over the fleet of the Turk, a victory which has proved as great and signal as we expected from the zeal of his Holiness and from your Majesty; for God having seen that both had taken His honor so at heart, has been pleased to show part of His strength, so that in a single day He has made your Majesty master of the sea. Considering the great Catholic zeal of your Majesty, God will be pleased also to make your Majesty master of the land in which His holy faith is exalted, and afterward He will grant you a share in heaven, as one employed in matters so holy deserves. I pray that God may preserve your Majesty and so great a brother many years for the welfare and prosperity of Christianity.

On account of the necessity of visiting the islands of Cubu, Panae, and others near by, and for the arrangement of matters therein necessary for the service of your Majesty, and the preservation of those natives, I went there in the month of November, of last year, seventy-three, and found that the town of Nombre de Jhesus in the island of Cubu was almost deserted, and that its inhabitants were roaming about in the neighboring islands. I ordered them to assemble and resettle the said town; and since in doing so they would be poor and needy, I gave and distributed among them in the name of your Majesty all that was near at hand. Then I visited all the other towns until I reduced all things to the order and arrangement necessary, and left the natives quiet and reconciled. It took me four months to accomplish this so that I returned to the city of Manila in the month of March of this year.

As I considered the friendship of the king of Borney an important matter for the service of your Majesty, I sent to him a Moro, a native of this island, as messenger, with certificates of security so that his people may freely come to these islands to trade, as they were accustomed to do. For the friendship of this king and the commerce will open us a way for the establishment of a community and the erection of a fort in that island; and if people come [hither from Nueva España] it will be necessary for me to go or to send others to settle that island, for the service of your Majesty requires it.

The lord and chief of Bindanao River [96] has also notified me, through letters, that he wishes to be our friend and your Majesty's vassal. This is also an important matter, for the place is suitably situated for your royal service. That river is the most important one in the island and the latter receives its name from it. If I have the opportunity I shall send men there; and, if convenient, we shall make a settlement there.

In case I have people and ships enough, I intend to send men to discover the islands of Lequios [Liu-Kiu] on this side of Japan. This will be of much importance to the service of your Majesty.

Inasmuch as this island of Lucon is so large, and as, for the preservation of the natives, we need some settlements of Spaniards to protect and defend them, and teach them our holy Catholic faith, it seemed best to send Captain Juan de Salcedo with seventy or eighty soldiers to people the coast of Los Ylocos, on the shores of a river called Bigan. There I ordered him to found the town of Fernandina in memory of the prince, our master [97] (may he live many happy years); and I continued to apportion, in the name of your Majesty, all that had been discovered and won over thereabout, reserving for your Majesty what had been ordered me through your royal decree.

The Chinese, in view of the kind treatment that they have always received and do receive at our hands, continue to increase their commerce each year, and supply us with many articles as sugar, wheat, and barley flour, nuts, raisins, pears, and oranges; silks, choice porcelains and iron; and other small things which we lacked in this land before their arrival. This year they gave me a drawing of the coast of China, made by themselves, which I am sending to your Majesty.

There is great need in these regions of Franciscan, Dominican, and Theatin religious, and of some ecclesiastics, for the conversion of the natives. The Theatins are much and especially needed; for, as an eyewitness, I know the great results that they have obtained in Yndia. With the coming of more people, it will be necessary to found a few Spanish settlements in this island of Lucon, which is large, and in other islands; for already these natives are being baptized daily, and are embracing our holy faith and religion. They are very quiet and reconciled, and will be more so when many religious of the said orders have arrived; for at present we have only ten Augustinian religious here, and they are not sufficient for the great labor demanded of them. I repeat that the service of your Majesty requires the presence here of Franciscan religious and of some Theatins.

This year we have brought from the island of Bindanao three hundred quintals of cinnamon for your Majesty. This ship, being small, will carry no more than eighty quintals, so that we have here three hundred and fifty quintals more to send in the ships which may come later.

I am also sending to Nueva España cinnamon plants, and pepper plants of the round and large variety; also roots taken from Chinese stock, so that they may be raise here for your Majesty.

I am sending a bundle of cinnamon branches with leaves, and three flasks of cinnamon water, for her Majesty the Queen, our lady.

Last year I sent to your Majesty in this ship a cup and fourteen earrings of gold. Now I do the same, and add four daggers of the kind used by these natives.

For his Highness the prince our master, I am sending a crown, two gold chains, and two daggers. Not considering the objects themselves, or the person who sends them, may your Majesty accept them as articles sent from regions so far away, with the desire of serving your Majesty.

For the good management of your royal exchequer, we need two men to fill the offices of treasurer and of factor. These offices are vacant at present; for while the governor Miguel Lopez lived I served as treasurer, but at his death I succeeded him in his charge, and sent the factor under arrest to Nueva España for certain charges made against him. Your Majesty will also see that we are supplied with an attorney-general, for we are in much need of one.

Juan de Ledesma and Valmaseda, your Majesty's secretaries, sent to this your camp three of your royal decrees, in which we are ordered not to fill again the office of purveyor-general or any other office in these islands; and that from the gold, silver, and jewels discovered, the royal fifths shall be taken. [98] This will be heeded and carried out according to the orders of your Majesty. I am also ordered to send a report concerning the slaves of these islands, how and for what reasons they are enslaved; and also concerning the Augustinian religious who are here. In fulfilment of the latter command, I say that at present there are only ten religious of the said order in these islands. As to the slaves, I am sending to the members of your Royal Council of the Indies the report which your Majesty orders me to make, and in which I explain the conditions and causes of their slavery. [99]

We do not notify your Majesty of the many details which arise here, because we have reported, and do report all to your viceroy of Nueva España, who attends to your royal service in all that we need here with much diligence and promptness, so that nothing has been overlooked.

Since we came to this settlement of the city of Manila, the religious who reside in these islands have shown so much scruple in regard to collecting tribute from reconciled and apportioned communities that some of them have several times affirmed in the pulpit that one could not conscientiously levy tribute, and have made other assertions at which all have been grieved. Since this idea is being stirred up now more than ever, I asked the provincial of the order to give me his opinion concerning the matter in writing. He did so, and gave me an opinion which, although prompted by holy zeal and commendable in certain respects, is nevertheless severe; and, if it should be heeded, this land could not be maintained. To anticipate the religious who might notify your Majesty, or send copy of the said "Opinion," and to keep your Majesty informed of the truth, a reply to the "Opinion" was drawn with the consent of the master-of-camp, captains, and other prominent persons. The contents of the reply will be verified and proved by many Spanish and native witnesses; accordingly, may your Majesty, together with the members of your royal Council, be pleased to provide what is most necessary for the service of your Majesty.

While this ship was on the point of departure, one of two ships which your viceroy Don Martin Enrriquez despatched from Nueva España arrived here, on the fifth of the present month. Through these ships he sends one hundred and fifty soldiers, some married men, and three Augustinian religious. The other ship has not yet arrived. This camp of your Majesty was much pleased at the news of the birth of the new infante. May he rejoice your Majesty for many years.

The officials of your royal exchequer who reside in Mexico write that they are not empowered by your Majesty to provide this camp with some very necessary supplies which were asked from them for this land. May your Majesty be pleased to exercise your accustomed magnanimity, and order them to provide us with what is necessary for your Majesty's service, and for the maintenance of this camp and commonwealth, according to the memorials which the royal officials of these islands shall send to them.

This last ship brought a decree from your Majesty issued at San Lorenço el Real on June fourth, seventy-two. The decree orders me and the officials of your Majesty to send, by the first ships which shall leave this place, a report of your royal exchequer from the time this land was discovered and settled until the day when the report is sent, and to do so at the beginning of every year to come. This order will be heeded and carried out according to the wishes of your Majesty--although, these ships having already departed, we shall not be able to do so until the departure of the others a year from now.

Last year, I wrote to your Majesty that the Indians who were deserting the encomiendas were again being allotted to the Spaniards who serve your Majesty in this camp. The same is being done now, since it is necessary for the service of your Majesty, and the preservation of this land. I beseech your Majesty to favor this measure and to confirm what has been already done, and whatever allotment should be made hereafter; for the soldiers have suffered much, and no day passes away without the death of some one. Unless the land were thus allotted, it would lack means of sustenance.

The office of treasurer, which I filled when Governor Miguel Lopez was alive, is now vacant; and since I sent the factor under arrest to Nueva España, thus leaving here only the accountant, I appointed as treasurer for the proper management of your royal exchequer, Salvador de Aldave, until your Majesty be pleased to provide otherwise. He has served almost a year in the said capacity, with all diligence and care, and he possesses all the qualifications required for such an office. From the time he came here, over seven years ago, he has served your Majesty loyally in the discovery, conquest, and pacification of these islands for more than seven years, namely, from the time of his arrival. He fills the office well, and is worthy of whatever favor your Majesty may be pleased to grant him. May our Lord preserve the sacred Catholic royal person of your Majesty, and add greater realms and seigniories, as we your Majesty's faithful subjects desire. Manila, July 17, 1574. Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty, your loyal subject kisses the royal feet and hands of your Majesty.

_Guido de Lavezaris_

[_Addressed:_ "To the Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty, the King Don Philipe, our sovereign."]

[_Endorsed:_ " Philipinas, 1574. To His Majesty. From Guido de Labezaris, July 17, 1574." "Let it be made into a relation." "Received, March 7, 1575."]

[_Remarks by the council, appended to this letter:_ Answer that I receive it with gratitude, and that the governor appointed by his Majesty will take account of it, and will reward him according to his services.

Let a decree be sent to the viceroy and officials of Nueva España so that with the money received from here they might supply these islands with the articles which may be requested as necessary for war and other emergencies, according to the memorial which the governor and officials may send. Another decree should be sent also to the governor of these islands charging him to strive most diligently to facilitate commerce, and take care that the moneys belonging to your Majesty be sent to the officials of Nueva España, in order that they may provide the islands with the supplies that will be needed, and which will be requested from here. For the fulfilment of this, orders should be sent to the viceroy and officials.]

[The following letter, dated July 30, of this same year, is identical with the foregoing in almost every word, as far as the twenty-sixth section. The new matter in the second letter is herewith presented.]

26. Up to this point, this letter is a copy of the letter which I wrote to your Majesty by the ship "San Juan." What afterward occurred is, that the said ship left this port on the nineteenth of the present month. May God grant the propitious voyage for which we hope.

27. One of the two ships despatched from Nueva España has not yet arrived, nor do we know anything about it. I have sent men to look for it in two different directions, with the oared boats of these natives. It is thought that the vessel is detained on account of stormy weather, and that with the help of God it will soon be here.

28. On the twenty-fourth of this month, there arrived at this city Captain Pedro de Chaves, who, when Captain Juan de Salcedo returned from the province of Los Camarines, had remained there with men to continue the exploration and pacification still remaining to be carried on. When Captain Juan de Salcedo returned from that province the whole land was quiet and tranquil, and its natives, as well as those of the province of Albay, were reduced to the service of your Majesty. He had also won over the island of Catanduanes five leagues from that coast The natives of that island were famous sea-pirates, who did much injury wherever they went. The people of that region are well disposed, and possess gold, mines, and plenty of provisions. Now, with God's help, the whole land will be apportioned and distributed among the conquerors of these islands, according to your Majesty's orders. The mines of Paracali, which are a day's journey from Bicor River, will be settled, for they are in a suitable place; and when they are given to the Spaniards and worked by them, the land will increase in population and its commerce will prosper. I have faith in God that from this small beginning He will enlarge and increase the kingdoms and seigniories of your Majesty, and we shall be able to carry the true knowledge of the holy Catholic faith to so many barbarous and blinded men who are found in these regions, including the vast kingdom of China and many others. Heaven has this good fortune in store for your Majesty, so that it may be fulfilled during these propitious times of your Majesty.

29. Accompanying this letter, I send a map of the island of Luçon and of the coast of the mainland of China, from which it appears that, from the coast and great river of Cagayan at the northern extremity of this island to the nearest point of China, it is but a short distance by sea, a matter of forty leagues or thereabout. By next year when we shall have seen and explored more of this land, I shall send your Majesty a fuller description of it than now.

30. I am also sending your Majesty another paper which I received from the Chinese, upon which is printed a map of the whole land of China, with an explanation which I had some Chinese interpreters make, through the aid of an Augustinian religious who is acquainted with the elements of the Chinese language. They have promised me to bring next year other maps drawn in more detail and with more precision; and, God willing, I shall send them to your Majesty.

31. By the ship "Spiritu Santo," now about to sail, I am sending to your Majesty's officials in Mexico eighty quintals of cinnamon and forty-six quintals of wax. For lack of room we have a quantity of cinnamon left over. May our Lord preserve the sacred Catholic royal person of your Majesty with an increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, according to the desire of your Majesty's faithful subjects. Manila, July 30, 1574.

Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty. His loyal subject and faithful servant kisses the royal feet and hands of Your Majesty.

_Guido de Lavezaris_

[_Addressed:_ "To his Majesty--from the Islands of Luçon."]

[_Endorsed:_ "Guido de Lavezaris. July 30, 1574. Received August 15, 1575. D."]

Slavery Among the Natives

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

By one of your royal decrees, dated Madrid, May 18, 1572, your Majesty commands me to send you an account of the slaves that exist in these parts; and how, and with what justification, they are slaves. What has been ascertained about them, to the present time, in this island is as follows:

Some are slaves from their birth. Their origin is not known, because their fathers, grandfathers, and ancestors were also slaves. But although the reason for their slavery is not known, we may believe that it was for some one of the causes here named. Some are captives in wars that different villages wage against each other, for certain injuries and acts of injustice, committed either recently or in ancient times.

Some are made captives in wars waged by villages that have neither treaty or commerce with them, but go only to rob, without any cause. This is because a chief of any village, when he dies, imposes upon it a sort of mourning or grief; all his near relatives promise to eat no bread (which is rice), millet, or borona, and to wear no gold or any holiday dress, until they take some booty, or kill or capture men. They would go to do this, wherever they could, and where there were no friends or powerful towns who could easily avenge themselves. Some, especially those who pride themselves on valor, have a custom, after gathering their harvests, of going to rob, without any cause, towns with which they have no commerce or relationship; or whomsoever they meet on the sea, where--a thing that causes wonder--they exempt not even their relatives, if the latter are less powerful than they. Some are enslaved by those who rob them for a very small matter--as, for instance, a knife, a few sugar-canes, or a little rice. Some are slaves because they bore testimony, or made statements about some one, which they could not prove. Some are thus punished for committing some crime; or transgressing rules regarding some of their rites or ceremonies, or things forbidden among them, [100] or not coming quickly enough at the summons of some chief, or any other like thing; and if they do not have the wherewithal to pay, they are made slaves for it.

If any one is guilty of a grave crime--that is, has committed murder or adultery, or given poison, or any other like serious matter--although there may be no proof of it beyond the suspicion of the principal person against whom the hurt was done, they take for their slaves, or kill, not only the culprit but his sons, brothers, parents, relatives, and slaves.

If any one who is left an orphan come to the house of another, even of a kinsman (unless it be his uncle, paternal or maternal), for food only, its inmates enslave him. Likewise in time of famine and distress, during which they may have given relatives food only a few times, they have sold the latter for their slaves.

Many also become slaves on account of loans, because these loans continue to increase steadily every three or four months; and so, however little may be the sum loaned them, at the end of little more or less than two years they become slaves. And now, sacred Majesty, if it be forbidden, in those places where the Spanish live, to acquire slaves in any shape or manner--those who were made slaves and were slaves before we came here and are slaves now, and whom the natives buy and sell among each other, as merchandise or other profitable wares that they possess--without them this land cannot be preserved. This, your Majesty, is all known here of the slaves that I have been able to find out, having diligently sought and made the acquaintance of persons who know their language and customs.

_Guido de Lavezaris_

Documents of 1575-76

Part of a letter to the viceroy. Guido de Lavezaris; [1575?] Letter to Felipe II. Juan Pacheco Maldonado; [1575?] Encomiendas forbidden to royal officials. Francisco de Sande, and others; May 26, 1576 Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; June 2, 1576

_Sources_: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla.

_Translations_: The first document is translated by Alfonso de Salvio; the second and third, by Arthur B. Myrick; the fourth, by José M. Asensio.

Part of a Letter to the Viceroy by Guido de Lavecaris

I am very glad that your Excellency adjusted matters by ordering the return of the negroes and Indians who had been carried from this land; for all of us were very anxious as to the number that we were to send hereafter in the ships which should leave these regions. May our Lord prosper your Excellency's life so that it may be of service to our Lord and to his Majesty, as it has been thus far.

In this voyage our men seized two Chinese junks laden with merchandise, plundered all the goods, and brought here one of the laden junks and four Chinese. Afterward these Chinese, together with the others, who had remained in those islands where they had been seized, were sent back, so that they might return to their own country. I was exceedingly sorry that such an injury should be inflicted upon men who had neither offended us nor given us occasion to justify this action; and what grieves me most in this affair is the news which the Chinese will carry to their own country about us, and about the good deeds which were done to them, and which they saw done to others, for our credit in China.

As a result, most excellent Sir, the commerce between us and these Moros of Lucon has come to a standstill, on account of the ill-treatment that they have received at our hands. They carried back to their land all that they could, and in so doing they caused us no little injury; for we had a share in the commerce maintained with them, since the Moros brought and sold to us provisions. This suited us well, for already there was no other place where we could settle in this neighborhood except Lucon; but now I do not know what plan and arrangement can be made. May our Lord adjust matters as it pleases Him best, for certainly there is need of it.

A few days ago I went to the island of Cubu to set free some friendly Indians whom some soldiers had seized in a village which had paid tribute, and which held a deed of security. It was very difficult to get them back, for they had been sold and were already among the Indians. This cost me no little labor; but our Lord, who helps good intentions, favored me, and all the Indians were returned to their village at my expense. This success caused much joy and satisfaction among the Indians of the neighborhood.

Your Excellency should also try to send all the married men who can possibly come. For with the existence of settled communities the natives of this land will feel more secure, and the married Spaniards will devote themselves to sowing and raising the products of the land; but, if married men do not come, order and harmony will be lacking, as they have been hitherto.

The recent arrival of married men caused great joy among all the natives of these islands, for they do not feel safe with us--saying that we do not intend to remain in the land, since we do not bring our wives with us. Up to this time they have mistrusted us much; but, on seeing the arrival of women, they have become somewhat reassured. If your Excellency orders many to come, and if a community of married people is established, the natives will become totally reconciled and will serve us better.

Between this island of Panae and that of Cubu we have found a pearl-fishery, from which the natives are accustomed to obtain their pearls. This year the governor [101] sent there a Spaniard to fish for the pearls, in company with the Indians of an island called Bantayan, which lies near the fishery. Some of the pearls he brought were as large as hazel-nuts, or a little smaller, and others were much smaller. It is said that, on account of bad weather, he was not able to fish there more than two hours, and consequently he did not gather very many pearls. Many fisheries of a similar kind are to be found in these islands.

One of the things, most excellent Sir, which has caused and still causes us much injury, as it concerns both the souls and the peace of mind of these wretched natives, is our incurable greed, which is so deeply rooted in our hearts. The eyes of the understanding are so closed in that respect that only God could uproot it from our hearts. May our Lord remedy it according to His knowledge of what is necessary for His service.

I beseech your Excellency kindly to send me a cipher system, so that I may give notice of what we need for the service of God and of his Majesty. I beseech your Excellency to forgive my boldness, for certainly my desire and intention is to be fully successful in the service of his Majesty and of your Excellency.

Letter from Juan Pacheco Maldonado to Felipe II

Catholic Royal Majesty:

In the year of seventy, your Majesty's camp being in the island of Panae, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, your governor, was informed that the island of Luzon was very fertile and well populated, and afforded a good opportunity for trade. Since the island of Panae was poor, and the men there were in great extremity, he sent the master-of-camp, Martin de Goiti, with a sufficient force to examine the island of Luzon, and offer peace and friendship to its natives. The said master-of-camp, having arrived at the said island of Luzon, at the port and city of Manila, found that the natives had built a fort and mounted six pieces of heavy artillery and a number of chambered guns, and had collected a large force to defend the entrance. The said master-of-camp, seeing that the people of the said town of Manila had taken up arms, required them many times, by means of an interpreter whom he brought, to receive them in peace; because the governor sent them to win their friendship, and to see if there was any place where they might come to settle, and not to do them any harm. The natives of Manila would not admit these reasons, on the contrary they began to discharge their artillery, trying to sink the vessels that the said master-of-camp brought. The latter, seeing that they made war on him, disembarked his men, took the fort without assault and its artillery. The men fled inland, forsaking the town and fort, where the said master-of-camp awaited them four days, to see if they would make peace, to which effect he questioned them many times. When he saw that they would not accept his terms, he took their artillery and ammunition and returned with these to the island of Panae, where was the aforesaid governor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. When the latter heard the true report and relation that was brought from that land, he left, in the year following (of seventy-five) [102] the island of Panae, where he had settled, for that of Luzon, because the latter is well populated and has a considerable trade with the neighboring islands and the mainland of China. He entered the harbor with his fleet and by means of the interpreter whom he carried with him, using on many different occasions, the necessary means, he urged and notified the natives to receive him in peace, as vassals of your Majesty. He told them that by your Majesty's order the Spaniards had come to that land to protect the natives from their enemies, to instruct them in civilization, and to preach to them the gospel and the way of salvation--for such is the attitude that your Majesty is pleased should be taken toward them--but the said natives would not consider it. They put the governor off with long delays for four days, during which the latter permitted nothing to be landed from the fleet. Thus he made the natives certain of his intention. At the end of the four days, the chiefs of the said town and vicinity came to seek peace for themselves and their villages. The said governor, in your Majesty's name, received the acknowledgment and vassalage which they owed your Majesty. Peace and friendship being thus effected, the governor disembarked with all his men, and in your Majesty's royal name took possession of the whole island of Luzon. He founded and settled the city of Manila, and called the said island _El nuevo reino de Castilla_ ["the new kingdom of Castilla"]. Having done this, he tried in every way to bring the most of the natives to actual acknowledgment. Many did not do so, nor have they been willing to; on the contrary, they induced others not to submit, saying that the Castilians, as they call the Spaniards, could not remain in that land, since they were so few; and that the people, by making war on them, could make an end of them. So it was necessary to subdue those rebels. This made trouble, because in the end they will be subjected by the said governor and the troops whom he has brought with him. The governor was diligent in reconnoitering the said island, which he found to be very rich in many gold mines, which the natives improve and work, especially in the province called Ylucos. The latter is very fertile, abounding in provisions: rice, fowls, swine, goats, buffaloes, deer, and many kinds of lake-birds, all in great abundance. In this island there are many provinces, and in each one of them there are different tongues and customs. The greater number of the people are Mahometan Moros and Indians; besides other Indians who tattoo themselves in the fashion of their ancestors, and invoke the demon. They have no native king. Certain of the richest individual chiefs rule the country. They wage war with one another, take prisoners in their wars, enslave them, and sell them from province to province.