Chapter VI: Part 6

I write of the reduction of the Malucas Islands to the obedience of Felipe III, king of Espana, and the reduction of their kings to their former vassalage, which their predecessors rendered, and which was introduced anew by Don Pedro de Acuna, governor of the Filipinas and general of the Spanish fleet. That was a victory worthy the foresight of so pious a monarch, of the care of the dignified ministers of his supreme council, and of the valor of our nation: not so greatly because of the rare fertility of those provinces, as because by it was taken from the northern fleets one great compelling motive for sailing our seas, so that they should not infect the purity of the new faith of the Asiatic Indians, and the inhabitants of our colonies who trade with them, with heresy. The short time in which the undertaking was completed does not detract from its praise; on the contrary, it can, by that very fact, occupy a worthy place among more copious narratives. Well do I see the dangers to which I expose myself, but I am also confident that I shall not find a defense wanting. Illustrious sculptors or painters are wont to esteem highly the heads, arms, and other members, that are copied perfectly from living bodies, in imitation of which they form all the parts, when they wish to make any figure. Those ignorant of art despise that preparation, and only enjoy the statue or picture, which is composed of all its members, and do not examine the imperfections that they may possess. My present relation of the recovery of those kingdoms will be judged by this esteem and by this contempt. For the wise, who know how history is formed, will esteem this part drawn from life. Others who read, as they confess, only to pass the time, will value it but little--preferring some highly fabulous monstrosities, or a prolix book, which, under the name of history, contains a marvelous number of people, and their deaths; and which gives events, not as God disposed them, but as they desire them. Hence it happens that many things worth knowing remain hidden, for, since they are deferred tor general histories, they are contemporaneously written but meagerly, by those concerned in them; and when their manuscripts are wanted, they are not to be found, or else bind the writer to the laws imposed on him by those who wished to leave that memorial through their self-love or any other passion, and he can make no examination of their truth. Consequently to free a success so important as that of Ternate, the capital of all Maluco, from this danger, I was ordered to write it, during the lifetime of those who engaged in it either actively, or through counsel I am so fully informed of what is needful to write this history, that I hope to supply my want of ability by the truth. Of this alone have I deemed it fitting to advise the reader, and not of the advantage that will be derived from a perusal of this relation. For if the reader desire my relation, any advice on my part will be superfluous; and otherwise, even though such advice guide him rightly, it will be impossible to achieve anything thereby.

[The first four books treat somewhat briefly of the legendary history and the European discovery of the the Malucos; their importance in trade, by reason of their spices, and other resources; their inhabitants; the early Portuguese domination and cruelties, and the consequent risings and rebellions of the natives; the civil wars between Ternate and Tidors; and the accession of Felipe II to the Portuguese crown. The following extracts and abstracts are made from various parts of these four books:]

The eastern archipelago ... embraces so many islands, that even yet we do not know their exact number. Modern writers make five divisions of this archipelago, which are themselves a like number of archipelagos--namely, Maluco, Moro, Papuas, Celebes, and Amboyno. The name of the first in that language is Moloc, and means the same as "capital," for it is the capital of all the adjacent parts; and, according to others, Maluco, which signifies in Arabic, as par excellence, "the kingdom." It is reduced to five chief islands, all under one meridian, all in sight of one another, and lying within a distance of twenty-five leguas. They lie across the equator, their most northern latitude being one-half degree, and their most southern one degree. They are bounded on the west by the island of Xilolo, called Batochina de Moro by the Portuguese, and Alemaera by the Malucos. Of the many islands round about, which are also called Malucas, ... the following are remarkable for the abundance of their spice, namely--beginning at the north-Ternate, Tydore, Motiel, Maquien, and Bacham. In the time of their former pagans they were called Cape, Duco, Moutil, Mara, and Seque ... The inhabitants differ from one another, as it were, by the miraculous kindness of nature. The women are light-complexioned and beautiful, while the men have a complexion somewhat darker than a quince. The hair is smooth, and many anoint it with fragrant oils. They have large eyes and long eyelashes, which, with their eyebrows, they wear blackened. Their bodies are robust, and they are much given to war, but to all other employment they are slothful. They live long, grow gray early, and are always active, on sea no less than on land. Hospitable and kind to guests, they are importunate and insistent in their demands when they become familiar. They are full of self-interest in their dealings, and make use of tricks, frauds, and lies. They are poor, and consequently proud; and, to name many vices in one, they are ungrateful. The Chinese occupied all these islands when they subjugated all that orient, then the Javanese and Malays, and lastly the Persians and Arabs. These last, by means of commerce, introduced the superstitions of Mahomet among the worship of their gods (of whom some families boasted as ancestors). Their laws are barbarous. They set no limit to their marriages. The chief wife of the king, called _putriz_ in their language, determines nobility and the right to the succession--to which her children are preferred, even when they are younger than the children of other mothers. Not even the slightest theft is pardoned, but adultery is easily excused. At daybreak, those appointed for this duty sound (by law) large timbrels in the streets of the settlements, in order to awaken married people, whom, on account of human propagation, they judge worthy of political care. The majority of crimes are punished by death. In other things they obey the tyranny or will of the conqueror. The headdress of the men consists of colored Turkish turbans, with many feathers in them. That of the king, which corresponds to a crown, has the form of a miter in its peak. The remainder of the clothing universally consists of jackets which they call _cheninas_, and trousers of blue, crimson, green, or violet damask. Of the same material are their cloaks, which are short and military, and fastened diagonally or knotted on the shoulder, after the fashion of the ancient Roman garments, as known to us by the writings, statues, and other traces of those times. The women show off their hair, now letting it hang, and again knotting it upon the head, and placing various kinds of flowers in the bands that hold it; so that, in the adjustment of their headdress, they are not embarrassed by veils, plumage, or feathers. All that variety, even without art, adorns them. They wear bracelets, earrings, and necklaces of diamonds and rubies, and long strings of pearls--ornaments that are not prohibited to the common people; as neither are silks, which are especially worn by the women after the fashion of Persians and Turks. These are all the wealth of the seas and surrounding lands. Men and women betoken in their dress the natural haughtiness of their disposition. The variety of their languages is not little. It may happen that one village cannot understand the language of the next. Malay, being most easy to pronounce, is most common. From the variety of languages it is inferred that these islands have been populated by different nations. Antiquity, and the art of navigating in those districts, is ascribed to the Chinese. Others affirm that the Malucos are descended from the Javanese, who, attracted by the sweetness of the odors wafted by the spices, stopped at Maluco. They took a cargo of cloves, which until then were unknown, and, continuing to trade in these, carried them in their vessels to the Persian and Arabian straits. They went throughout those provinces, carrying also ilks, and chinaware--products of the resources and skill of the Chinese. The cloves, by means of the Persians and Arabs, came to the Greeks and Romans. Several Roman emperors tried to conquer the east, in order to find the spice regions, so much did they desire the spice. Believing that they all came from China, they gave them Chinese names. The Spaniards formerly brought the spices with other merchandise from the Bermejo [_i.e._, Red] or Erithrean Sea. The kings of Egypt once gained possession of the spices, and they reached Europe by way of the Asiatics. When the Romans made Egypt one of their provinces, they continued the trade. The Genoese, much later, transferring the commerce to Theodosia (now Cafa) distributed the spices, and there Venecia and other trading nations established their agents and factories. They sailed later by way of the Caspian Sea and Trapisonda; but the trade fell with the empire, and the Turks carried this merchandise in caravans of camels and dromedaries to Barcito, Lepo, and Damasco, and to various Mediterranean ports. [270] The sultans of Cayro restored this trade to the Bermejo Sea, and to Alexandria by the Nilo [_i.e._, Nile] River. The Portuguese deprived the sultans of it, after their conquest of the Eastern Indias, and now they bring the spices by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza in their fleets; while with those that sail along the coasts of Arabia and Persia, and to the cape of Guardafun, they prohibit drugs being taken to Cayro, sinking or capturing the vessel that tries to do so. The sultan's trade was suppressed by this fear and the security that was introduced, and all the spices come on the account of the royal crown to India, with innumerable delays, until they reach Lisboa. He who is master of the navigation will be master of this pleasing wealth.

[Mindanao--which, as appears from an allusion by Argensola, was not always considered a portion of the Philippines proper--is visited by one of the early Portuguese conquerors, Captain Pinto, being sent there by Tristan de Atayde "and to the neighboring islands, to provide themselves with the necessities of life." There "he visited the king, by whom he was courteously received; and after his credentials were examined, and consultation over his requests was held with the Sangages [271] of the king's council, peace and friendship were made. Pinto sold his merchandise at whatever price he wished, and traded for and bought a cargo of provisions at will." (Book ii, pp. 49-50.) The desire for cloves [272] on the part of the Portuguese is so strong in the Malucos that the natives determine to burn their trees, although "the clove harvest forms the wealth of the Maluco kings," in order to cause them to leave. Although the threat is not carried out, wars prevail constantly between natives and conquerors. The contests become so vindictive and troublesome that they lead to arguments for abandoning the Philippines after Felipe II's accession to the throne. The passages relating to this are as follows:]

The apprehensions of this danger had made the ministers of all those provinces anxious, for their fears were being confirmed by proofs of manifest rebellion. In Goa, Diego Lopez de Mezquita was already a prisoner in the fortress of Benastirim, and under a strong guard, and the viceroy was awaiting the decision from Espana to dispose of him and of the soldiers; for they feared lest the Ternatans would make use of the great help that could be sent them by the Chinese; which could be sent much more easily if the matters then being discussed in Castilla were made certain. It was reported that the Council of State--having noted that the Filipinas not only did not augment the royal incomes, but were even lessening them, and were the occasion for fruitless expense; and that they were so numerous and so difficult of conservation--had proposed to King Filipo, our sovereign, to abandon them, and withdraw the Audiencia and presidios that sustained them. They added to this argument the example of the Chinese kings and nations, who also had abandoned those islands--although they are so near and can aid them so easily, that the islands may be reckoned as a part of their mainland. They said that as Espana was governing them, signal detriment was being received, and there were no hopes that any betterment would be obtained in future; for the amount of silver passing thither from Nueva Espana, both for regular expenses and for merchandise, was immense. For the same reason, and by the same road, that treasure was being sent by the hands of the Chinese to the center of those kingdoms, which, intractable by the severity of their laws, are debarred by those laws, as by arms and fortifications, from all trade with foreigners. They asserted that the monarchy, scattered and divided by so many seas, and climes, could scarcely be reduced to one whole; and that human foresight could not bind, by means of ability, provinces separated by nature with so distant boundaries. These arguments, they said, were born not of the mind, but of experience, a truth manifest to the senses. All other arguments that could be adduced against this reasoning they declared to be honorable and full of generous sound, but difficult of execution. It would be more advisable to increase the power of the king in Europe, where the forces could attend to emergencies without the casualties that militate against them in outside seas and dominions. Each one of these arguments was enforced so minutely by the ministers of the treasury that this proposition merited consideration and examination. Had God permitted the king to exclude the Filipinas from his monarchy, and leave them exposed to the power of whomsoever should seize them first, the Malucans would have so strengthened the condition of their affairs that it would have been impregnable.

This same resolution has been communicated on other occasions, and in the reign of King Filipo Third, now reigning. He, conforming to his father's reply, has ever refused to accept counsel so injurious. Consequently, that most prudent monarch answered that the Filipinas would be conserved in their present condition, and that the Audiencia would be granted sufficient authority so that justice could be more thoroughly administered; for in the completeness and rigor of justice the king based the duration and energy of the state. For the same reason, the military force there would be strengthened, and the royal incomes of Nueva Espana, or those of any other of his kingdoms, would be expended for that purpose, for all the treasures, and those still to be discovered in the bosom of the mines, must be applied to the propagation of the gospel. For what, he asked, would the enemies of the gospel say, if they should see that the Filipinas were deprived of the light, and of the ministers who preach it, because they did not produce metals and wealth as did other rich islands in Assia and America? He said that the entire power of the sovereigns must minister to this superior end, as sons of the Church and assistants of the apostolic voice, which is being continued in the successes of the first preaching. If he had refused to yield one jot in his severity to his northern vassals, [273] or to grant them liberty for their consciences, why should he relent toward the pagans and Mahometans, who are the harvest that God has assigned him, in order to enrich the Church with those so remote children? By this wise he enjoined silence on the discussion, and with this glorious aim the decision has ever been made when zeal or human convenience has discussed the abandonment of those states.... This religious motive influenced Felipo; but, besides it, those who had experience of those Asiatic sources of wealth urged others. The most abundant wealth consists of diamonds, rubies, large and seed pearls, amber, musk, civet, and camphor, from Borneo and China; vermilion, coral, quicksilver, copper, and white cloth, from Cambaya and Mengala; rugs, carpets, fine counterpanes, camlets, from Persia; brocades, ivory, rhubarb, cardamoms, cassia, [274] incense, benzoin, wax, china, lac for medicine and dyes, cloves, and mace, from Banda; with gold, silver, and pearls, medicinal woods, aroes, eagle-wood, calambuco, [275] ebony, and innumerable other rare plants, drugs, spices, and ornaments. They say that Venecia lost all this when the commerce passed to Portugal [276] (Book ii, pp. 84-86)....

[While the war between the Portuguese and the natives is at its height, a galleon passes which is later found to have been neither Spanish nor Portuguese, as the natives fear, "but a ship of Venetians, private persons, on its way from Manila to China, with various bartered merchandise of those states and of the east" (Book ii, p. 89).

A native envoy visits Felipe II in Lisbon, but fails to accomplish much. The later wars between Portuguese and Spaniards and natives are characterized by assistance for the latter from English and Dutch sources. King Felipe "especially to recover Temate," turns "his eyes to the convenience afforded by all the Filipinas, to a greater extent than India." Later he orders by "his royal decree" that "all the governors of the Filipinas should be instructed to aid the Malucas, and all the Indian states of the Portuguese crown; for this may be done more conveniently from those islands than from India itself" (Book iv, p. 140). Argensola recurring again to the proposition of abandoning the Philippines and other islands, says:]

The reader should also consider, that although avarice is sometimes mixed up in the ministry of the preaching of the gospel, and lawless acts are committed by our captains and soldiers, yet such excesses do not make the cause less just. He should consider also that, supposing that his Majesty should choose, for excellent state reasons (as we said were proposed), to abandon those districts of Asia, as the Chinese did, and to narrow the bounds of his monarchy, the cause of the faith would not permit it. Our kings are ministers of the faith, and sons of the Catholic church, and any war waged for the introduction of the gospel is most important, and of the greatest profit, even though it be to acquire or to gain desert provinces. Besides the Filipinas have shown how docile are their natives, and how thoroughly they benefit by the example and company of the Spaniards--the tokens of the affection with which they have received the faith and aid the religious who are extending the faith and carrying it to China, Japon, Camboxa, Mindanao, the Malucas, and the other places where endures idolatry or friendship with the demons (which the former owners of the country left to them when they excluded those places from their dominion), or the fictions of Mahomet, which those places afterward admitted. This is the chief reason for conserving those provinces. (Book iv, pp. 161, 162.)

Conquest of the Malucas Islands Book Fifth

After the Luzones or Manilas Islands--both these being ancient names--had been discovered by Magallanes, Sebastian Cano returned to Espana, after the former's death and the successive deaths of his companions, in that venerable ship which--as if significant of its voyage, which contains more of truth than of probability--they called "Vitoria." Sebastian Cano was a mountaineer, from the hamlet of Guetaria in the Pyrenees Mountains, according to Mapheo, [277] in his Latin history. In his history he devotes much space to the great courage of Cano, and his skill in the arts of navigation. He recounts the universal respect and admiration bestowed upon Cano, since he was the first in the age of mortals to circumnavigate this globe. And in truth, what estimation can remain to the fabulous Argonauts, Tiphys and Jason, and the other navigators whom the elegance or the daring of Grecia extols, when compared to our Cano? He was the first witness of the commerce of the seas, and nature opened to his eyes what had been reserved until then for them; and he was allowed to explore it all, and to furnish a beginning in so arduous endeavors for the law that saves and renders eternal. After the death of Magallanes, the Lusones Islands--which ought to have inherited his name, as being his sepulcher, as the strait did because of his passage through it--changed that name for that of Filipinas, [278] in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-five; although those islands of that eastern archipeago are also called by that name. Adelantado Miguel de Legaspe, who was sent from Nueva Espana by Viceroy Don Luys de Velasco with a Spanish fleet, made port in those islands. He conquered first the island of Zebu and those in its vicinity, where he remained six years. That region is called by another name, Pintados, still preserved by different portions of that coast, because the Indians at that time went about naked, and with their bodies adorned and painted [_i.e._, tattooed] in various colors. Legaspe left a guard there and went to occupy Luzon, one hundred and fifty leguas from Zebu. He fought the barbarians, whom, after the surprise of our ships, weapons, and faces had worn off, the same novelty encouraged. Legaspe anchored in a bay four leguas wide, which shows an island midway in its entrance, now called Marivelez. The bay has a circuit of thirty leguas to the city of Manila, and is eight leguas wide from north to east. The inhabitants of that city resisted him with greater courage than the Pintados, for they had artillery and a fort. But after the Spaniards had taken that, the defenders of it surrendered. This was done quickly, and allowed no time for the inhabitants to unite. Thus did Legaspe enter Manila, a place fortified by nature. At one point of it (which is surrounded by the water of the bay) is a river of considerable volume, whose source is the great Lake of Vay [Bay], five leguas distant. This point, narrow and slender at first, becomes wider immediately, for the seashore turns toward the southwest, and the bank of the river toward the east, so that a very considerable space is left for the city. The city is entirely surrounded with water, except that part between the west and south. Legaspe founded the city then with wooden buildings, for wood is produced abundantly in those regions. The roofs of the houses were covered with nipa leaves, which resemble our mace-reed, [279] and which form a sufficient defense against the rains. It is, however, an inflammable material, and is the occasion of the great fires that have happened there so often. Luzon is more densely populated than any of the many islands--which are called Filipinas in honor of King Filipo II, and which, as is affirmed, number eleven thousand. Luzon has a circumference of three hundred and fifty leguas. Beyond the bay it runs one hundred leguas to the north, as far as Nueva Segovia; from the beginning of that province (namely, Cape Bojador), it runs for thirty leguas east to the promontory of El Engano. Thence the coast runs south for eighty leguas, and then with another changed direction for forty leguas to what they call Embocadero ["the channel"], that is, the strait opposite the island Tandaya, which is distant eighty more leguas from the bay. Consequently the island has the shape of a square; it has many harbors, but few capacious ports. Manila is in slightly more than fourteen degrees of northern latitude, and in longitude (reckoning from the Canarias) one hundred and sixty. The most northern part of Luzon lies in nineteen degrees [of latitude]. With the sea between them, the great kingdom of China lies on that side of it, seventy leguas away; while the islands of Japon lie to the northeast, at a distance of two hundred and fifty leguas. On the east is the open ocean, and on the south the greatest of the archipelagos of the ocean, which is divided into live archipelagos. These are broken up into so many islands, kingdoms, and provinces, that one would believe that nature did not desire men to ascertain their number. Both Javas, our Malucas, Borneo, and Nueva Guinea are known; on the west, and at a distance of three hundred leguas, Malaca, Sian, Patan, Camboxa, Cochinchina, and other different provinces on the mainland of Asia. The Chinese abandoned living in our Filipinas, but not its trade; nor did the cultivation or the fertility of the islands for that Reason cease. Wheat and other necessary grains are produced there in abundance: deer, Cattle, buffaloes, goats, and wild boars; and fruits and spices. If there be anything lacking, the Chinese from Chincheo bring it, such as chinaware and silks. The wine always used and drunk there is made from palms, by cutting off the clusters of fruit that they produce, when green--that fruit is called cocos--from which, after cutting the leaf stalks, they gather the liquor that flows forth, and boil it in jars, until it becomes so strong that it causes intoxication and has the same effects as the strongest Spanish wine. Of native fruits, there are oranges, lemons, and very sweet citrons; while they have fig and pear-trees introduced from Espana. They rear sparrow-hawks, herons [_martinetes_], and royal eagles in great abundance. They have a great many different kinds of parrots, and other birds, large and small. In the rivers and lakes are many horrible caymans or crocodiles; these kill the Indians very easily--and especially the children, who go carelessly to their haunts--as well as the cattle when they go to drink. Not a few times has it happened that they have seized the cattle by the muzzles and pulled them beneath the water, and drowned them without power to resist, however large the animal may be. Then the carcass is dragged ashore and devoured ... Indians are found so courageous that, notwithstanding the fierceness of those animals, they kill them with their hands. They cover the left hand and arm with a glove made from buffalo hide, and hold therein a stake or peg, somewhat longer than a tercia, [280] and about as thick as the wrist, and sharpened at both ends. Then they enter the river until the water reaches the waist. The crocodile rushes upon the Indian with open mouth to devour him. The latter presents to it his protected arm and the hand with the stake, so that the beast may seize it, and runs it into the animal's mouth in such a position that it cannot shut its mouth or make use of its strong teeth to attack its slayer. Feeling the pain of the sharp stake the crocodile becomes so docile that it neither resists nor attacks, nor dares move, for the slightest movement causes it pain. Thereupon the barbarian, pulling strongly on the stake, wounds the beast repeatedly with a dagger (carried in the right hand) in the throat, until it bleeds to death. Then it is drawn ashore with lines and ropes, with the aid of other Indians who unite to drag it in; and many are needed, because of the huge bodies of those crocodiles. They resemble lizards, but are furnished with scales so strong that scarce can an arquebus-shot dent them. The only vulnerable spots are the throat and under parts of the legs [_i.e._, where they join the body], where nature has given them a certain sweet odor, which the Indians use. Besides cattle, all the animals of Africa and more are found in those islands--tigers, lions, bears, foxes, monkeys, apes, squirrels--and in some of them are many civet-cats. These last are wont to be hunted extensively, in order to take them to different nations with the other merchandise of China--linens, silks, earthenware, iron, copper, steel, quicksilver, and innumerable other things, which are transported annually from those provinces. Religion and government are the same as those of Espana; but in those islands that are still unsubdued, foolish idolatry prevails. They attribute immortality to their souls, but they believe that souls wander from one body to another, according to that ridiculous [doctrine of] transmigration invented or declared by Pythagoras. Trading is much in vogue, and is advanced by the Chinese commerce. The Filipinos are more courageous than their other neighbors. The Spaniards and creoles do not belie their high origin.

By order of King Filipo an army was formed from all this people, in order to attempt to take the forts of Maluco. Don Goncalo Ronquillo de Penalosa was governor. Although he had received beforehand certain information by way of trade and the spies that had gone there, he was not satisfied with them, and sent another soldier to Maluco. The latter changed his clothes, and then with that and his aspect, which was not unlike that of the natives, and their language, which he spoke fluently, went to Tydore. He found our men very desirous of the enterprise, and the king of that island ready to push it with his forces. He went to Ternate with the merchants, and saw the fortresses and the reefs about the ports; and sounded their friendship with the English. He found that the latter landed and traded securely--or rather, as if by right. Nor was the multitude of secret Christians unknown to him, who would take up arms in due season; nor any of the other things, that, as an experienced spy, it was necessary for him to report. Thereupon Ronquillo prepared about three hundred Spaniards and more than one thousand five hundred Filipinos, with ammunition, food, and sailors. With three large vessels and a considerable number of smaller ones, he set sail toward Maluco at the proper season. Pedro Sarmiento was general, an energetic and experienced man, who still lives in Manila. He set out courageously and energetically, in order to destroy any of the enemies then sailing those seas. Several days previous his Majesty had appointed Pablo de Lima to the charge of Ternate, if it were gained; and had allowed his brother, Francisco de Lima, the concession of two voyages to Maluco, in consideration of their services and those of Henrique, their father. Pablo had married a Christian woman, and a devout one, although she was a relative of the king of Tydore, who is not a Christian. For this reason, and because he possessed in Ternate the ancient inheritance to the towns of Guita, Mofaquia, Mofaguita, Pauate, Pelueri, Sansuma, Tahane, Mayloa, and Soma; and in the island of Maquien, Sabele, Talapao, Talatoa, Mofabouaua, Tabalola, Tagono, Bobaba, and Molapa--of the majority of which the Ternatan king had dispossessed him, as well as Bitua and other towns in Tydore, on the pretext of his having abandoned them--he went to Manila, where he discussed with the governor the method of facilitating the conquest, on the very eve of its execution. His counsel was favored, and he gave it as it was his own cause. For, in addition to the inheritance that the king of Ternate had usurped from him, he expected to get the island of Moutil, which had belonged to his ancestors. The expedition was also authorized by the presence of Don Juan Ronquillo, the governor's nephew, who held equal authority by land and sea with Sarmiento. If there were anything wanting, it was thought that it would be supplied easily by the valor of the soldiers, together with the shortness of the voyage and the carelessness of the enemy. But the divided command proved an obstacle to that hope. Their voyage was not stormy, but neither was it so favorable that they were enabled to anchor exactly at Ternate, as was necessary in order to deprive the enemy from using their own vigilance. They went to Moutil to anchor, and within sight of the inhabitants of the land, fought with some hostile _janquas_. [281] These were captured, and the Christians found within them were set at liberty. As Pablo de Lima knew the harbors, and as the people of the island did not possess the forces necessary to defend themselves against a fleet, and as it was easily attacked on the sides, it surrendered. The natives came with branches of palms, citron-trees, and gariofylos [_i.e., caryophyllus_], or clove-trees, as tokens of peace, and to beg pardon. They obtained both, and for master, Pablo de Lima. However the vesting him with that domain proved cf little utility; for a few days after, all the people slipped away, either considering themselves more secure in Ternate, or to meet the enemy--who must necessarily carry the war to that island, as happened. Sarmiento repaired his vessels on that island [_i.e._, Moutil], and without the loss of a single soldier, and flushed by his first victory, went to Talangame, passing through the hostile caracoas, which had been fitted up hastily and without order. The fort and the king, in possession of our artillery--especially the rampart, which was enlarged and afterward called Cachil Tulo, after the king's uncle, who built it--were in readiness long before, and were threatening some great disaster. Our men landed on that side, but their landing was opposed by the Ternatans. However night put an end to battle, and each side retiring to safety, our men finished landing and mounting their artillery, in the position and manner counseled by Pablo de Lima, who ever since then has been general of artillery in the fort of Tydore. The king of that island wished to join our troops, as was shown by certain actions, and by his promises to Alferez Duenas; but he doubted the fortune of the Castilians, as if he had not had many experiences of it. Now the occasion persuaded him and fidelity bound him, but he still hesitated. The doubt of that king is believed to have hurt the outcome of the affair. Sarmiento, after having mounted the artillery and securely fortified himself, and after having taken some captives (from whom he learned the food supply and arms of the besieged), commenced to hem in the enemy, and to bombard them furiously. However he did not scare them, for they answered boldly. It became necessary to seize the high places, from which, as from commanding eminences--which were leveled later--our men harassed the enemy. Had they persevered in this, it would have sufficed to end the war. But to such an extent did sickness reign in our camp, that no better medicine was found than that of absence, and deferring this undertaking to another time. The assistance from Tydore was of no consequence. They proved lukewarm friends, and all the rest was spiritless. Heaven knows the other reasons. There must have been some stronger ones; for, in reality, the camp was raised, and after embarking returned to Manila, without having had any greater effect than to increase the confidence of the enemy.

Then only the English nation disturbed Spanish dominion in that orient. Consequently King Filipo desired not only to forbid it with arms near at hand, but also to furnish an example, by their punishment, to all the northern nations, so that they should not undertake the invasions that we see. A beginning was made in this work in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, as is related in the following discourse.

[The beheading of Mary Stuart, the English confederation with Holland, and the building, disaster, and defeat of the "invincible armada" follow. The narrative continues:]

The Hollanders or Zealanders, confederated with Queen Isabel [_i.e._, Elizabeth of England], being witnesses of that event [_i.e._, the defeat of the armada], were encouraged to aspire to greater efforts, in disobedience to their religion and to their sovereign, to usurp the eastern riches--mines, spices, drugs, and silks--as is seen by their reckless voyages, in which they have been emulous of the recent examples set by the English, and by the more ancient ones left us by Colon, Alburquerque, Magallanes, Gama, and Cortes, as we shall see later....

After Santiago de Vera became governor of the Filipinas, he was especially ordered to equip a fleet to attack Ternate, where the English, from that time forward, were trading with all security. All nations had established factories there, except the Javanese and the Lascars. More than two thousand five hundred Moros from Meca were preaching their abominable doctrine. They did not fear Portugal; all their fear was caused by the Castilians, whom but lately they found pledged to vengeance. The king of Ternate knew that Sarmiento and Ronquillo would have taken it, had not disease prevented them. When the new preparation was learned in Tydore, the rumor was taken to Ternate by spies. That king immediately summoned his vassals, especially the islanders of Maquien and Homero, who, inasmuch as those islands are so densely populated, responded with forty caracoas. The number would have been greater, but the king would not permit that more should be equipped than he requested, as he could not conceal his dread lest they rebel, as the lands were full of Christians, and the tributes that he had imposed on them were so excessive. Santiago de Vera made Captain Juan Morones general, who was not lacking in prudence, just as valor was not lacking to the soldiers, or ammunition and artillery to the fleet. Pablo de Lima assisted in both forces. But whether caused by natural ambition, or want of harmony in some other way, they were so disunited that one would have prophesied jealousies before they left Manila. They set sail in good weather, and escaped the greatest hardships of the sea. But when they considered themselves safe, all the elements were loosed upon the fleet. Light and reckoning failed them. The boats were shattered and the most important one sunk, with the loss of all its crew. That was the galleon called "Santa Helena," which was carrying the pieces to bombard the fortress, and considerable of the other ammunition and apparatus. However they persisted, and the king of Bacham assisted them with the men that he had raised under the pretext of sweeping the sea of certain enemies; and, as a baptized Christian, he bewailed the apostasy that he had made, because of persecution, from the glorious confession of our faith, and promised the restitution of his soul.

[The futile operations of the Spaniards at Ternate follow. Refusing advice, the commander tries to take the main fort instead of attacking in different places with small detachments. Finally the siege is raised, when the enemy is almost starved out. Communication with traders from Europe is again free to Ternate, "especially with their new friends, the English." But internal disputes and ambitions in Ternate lead to the following letter to Santiago de Vera from Cachil Tulo, uncle of the illegitimate king of Ternate:]

My brother, Cachil Babu, former king of Ternate, wrote to Portugal to the king, requesting justice on a man who killed his father and mine, in return for which he promised to deliver to his Majesty the fort of Ternate, of which he had been dispossessed. And as his Majesty succeeded to the kingdoms of Portugal, he answered my brother's letter by Cachil Naique, his ambassador. But when it arrived, my brother was already dead, for which reason we did not then deliver the fortress, as a bastard son had succeeded him, whom the Ternatans, with the help of the king of Tydore, elevated as king, although he had no right to the throne. He refused to fulfil his father's promise and pledge. Neither would he take my counsel or that of my brother, Cachil Mandraxa, rightful heir of the kingdom, namely, that he deliver the fortress, as his father had promised the Portuguese--not because he could not defend himself from them or from his Majesty, but expressly because he had been thus ordered by his father and my brother. It must not be understood that it was taken from us by force of arms, but that we of ourselves had this will to deliver the fortress to serve his Majesty. Upon seeing us with this intention he determined to kill my brother, his uncle, the rightful heir of the kingdom, by having him stabbed by the hand of a slave, under his word and security and mine. Therefore, considering such action of my nephew senseless, and that he refuses to fulfil what his father and I and my brothers promised to his Majesty, I have determined, now and henceforth, to become the true vassal and servant of his Majesty. By this present I bind myself, and I swear by my religion, as I did so swear, and I shall not annul my pledge, through the father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra, to give all my help and aid for the taking of the fort, with all my kindred and friends, until his Majesty's captain takes possession of it or he who shall hereafter come with the Portuguese and Castilians, who shall be in his company. [This I shall do] provided that the captain or captains in his Majesty's name shall fulfil toward me the signed promise of Duarte Pereyra, the chief captain, inasmuch as I gave him another such message. That is to proclaim me king of Ternate, as soon as he shall take possession of the fort for his Majesty; for it belongs to me both through my father, and by the service that I am rendering, and that I hope to render later, to his Majesty. Therefore, I beseech your Lordship for favor, and request you in his Majesty's name to aid me by sending the greatest possible number of soldiers; and that quickly, so that this my intention and will to serve his Majesty in this may be achieved, and, as I hope, without loss of life--although, as your Lordship will have learned, this fortress is well garrisoned. The order and arrangement that these soldiers would better observe will be written to your Lordship by the chief captain. Given in Tydore, where I have come for this purpose, as the father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra and the auditor Antonio de Matos will testify, whom, as such persons, I begged to sign for me. May 23.

[The letter of the Portuguese commander verifies the above letter, and asks for four hundred Spanish soldiers, under pretext of sending them "to drive the Javanese from those seas, whose friendship the Ternatans value more than ours." They at least will keep the English from Ternatan ports. Fifteen fragatas and one galleon will be enough, and they are to be accompanied by Filipino pioneers. He tries to persuade the governor to undertake the expedition. Vera is anxious to do so, but is unable to attempt it at once. Meanwhile Cachil Tulo dies, and the vigilance required in watching the Chinese and Japanese in the Philippines renders it impossible to send the expedition to Ternate. "Each one of these expeditions made inroads on the treasury and forces of the province, to so great an extent that it was necessary to allow a breathing-space to each of them." It is thought that a joint expedition from Malaca and Manila will accomplish more, and this is made some years later, under Andres Furtado de Mendoza, of whose character and some of whose deeds there follows an account. The island of Ceylon, its products and fauna are partially described, and some of its connection with the Portugese. Returning to Philippine matters, the narrative continues:]

At this time Santiago de Vera was already dismissed from his governorship of the Filipinas. After he had communicated with Andres Furtado, and received an answer from him, in which the latter coincided with his desire, fortune disturbed these beginnings, and Furtado became embroiled with those who did not love him, and Santiago de Vera was withdrawn from his office. Gomez Perez de las Marinas, knight of the habit of Santiago, succeeded him. He was a man of great reputation, a native of Betancos in the kingdom of Galicia. He reached Filipinas in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety. He brought his son Don Luis with him, a knight of the habit of Alcantara. The new governor found Manila open to attack, without the form of a city, and without any money with which to improve it. More than two hundred thousand pesos were needed for it. However, by his plans and schemes, he completed the work without public or private loss. He established a monopoly of playing cards, imposed fines for excessive play, punished illicit combinations and frauds among the provision-dealers and the shops of that class: from all of which resulted the walls of Manila, which measured twelve thousand eight hundred and forty-nine geometric feet [_i.e._, Spanish feet], each foot being one tercia. To this he added his own careful oversight, and the assistance of the inhabitants, who aided willingly because of the request and example of their chief. The city had but one fort, and that badly constructed. He built another at the entrance to the river, to which he gave the name of Santiago, and enclosed the old one. He finished the cathedral, and, from the foundation, the church of Santa Potenciana, patroness of the island, as a shelter for women. Then he started the casting of cannon, and brought good artisans, who furnished the city with large and small artillery. He built galleys for the trade and commerce or merchandise--the subsistence of those lands. And in fulfilment of his promises in Espana, he cast his eyes on Ternate and all of Maluco, on the late disgrace and the unfortunate results of his predecessors who had attempted the conquest of that choice kingdom, and the punishments of its tyrants. He communicated these thoughts orally and by letters with zealous persons, more particularly with Marta, [282] a priest of the Society of Jesus, a serious and energetic man, whose experience and instruction had been of great use in those regions. This man gave him information, counsels, and helpers for the preparation and for the work. One of the latter was Brother Gaspar Gomez, a Spaniard, a lay religious of the same society. Among the many conferences that were held upon this matter, I find an exhortation from Father Antonio Marta, in a letter written from Tydore. As it is the original, and good for the better understanding, I will place it here, translated from the Portuguese....

[The letter above mentioned holds out to Dasmarinas the three inducements of service to the king, service to God, and personal ambition, in the proposed Molucca expedition. The war will be an arduous one, for "it will be fought not with the Ternatans alone, but with all the Moros of this archipelago," and the natives are brave and determined. "The people of Tydore already say that they do not want Spaniards in these regions," and Gomez Perez will find it prudent to dissemble with them, "so that they will not join the Ternatans." Father Marta sends a map of the archipelago, promises immense booty, and assures the governor of the prayers of the religious. This letter, and conferences with one Geronymo de Azevedo and Brother Gaspar Gomez, decided the governor to undertake the expedition. He sent Gaspar Gomez with instructions to visit and inspect various parts of the archipelago; and the latter visited Ternate, Tydore, Mindanao, both Javas, and other regions as far as Malaca. The rest of book five is taken up with a relation of Pedro de Acuna's services and his appointment to Cartagena in Nueva Espana.]

Conquest of the Malucas Islands Book Sixth

Meanwhile Gomez Perez, attentive to his preparation, concealed his purpose, while not sparing the expenses pertaining to ships, food, and men. Among other supplies, he built four fine galleys. To man them--as is there reported--he employed a means that was considered severe. He ordered that the number of Indians sufficient to equip the galleys [283] be purchased from those who were the slaves of other Indian chiefs, and that the Spanish encomenderos should pay for these men from their own money. The price assigned for each Indian was two taes of gold--each tae being slightly more than one onza--the value formerly general among them for slaves. He promised that the sum spent by the encomenderos for that purpose would be repaid afterward from the royal exchequer. However, this did not seem any lessening of the severity, for he improperly called those Indians slaves; but [among themselves] their masters treat them and love them as children, feed them at their tables, and marry them to their daughters. Besides, slaves were then valued higher. To the anger of those who were about to be sold, was joined that of the encomenderos, who were obliged to contribute from their property for expenses--which, in their opinion, were not very necessary--and to offend their tributaries by forcibly seizing them; while they themselves would never collect the price they were paying in advance, which was [to them] the most certain thing. The governor gave out that those galleys were to assure the country and defend it from the danger that threatened; for he knew absolutely that the emperor of Japon was going to attack it with a huge war-fleet. Without galleys it could not be defended, and consequently he was forced to man them with those slaves, since other rowers were lacking. These slaves were not to be chained in the galley, or treated as convicts; but would receive so great kindness that they themselves would prefer that treatment to that of their owners, whom they already had as fathers and fathers-in-law. These arguments, and the pressing need for defense, silenced all objections. But they did not silence report, for already it was known that he had come from Espana, pledged to the king, his ministers, relatives, and backers, to the Ternate undertaking; and, although he concealed it, unknown authors divulged it. Yet some tried to persuade him not to entrust the defense of Filipinas to the Chinese or Sangleys, for no bond, natural or civil, had ever bound or attracted them to any love for the islands. They bade him remember the recent example of what those people did on an occasion on which they were employed by his predecessor, and to be on his guard against them. He [_i.e._, Vera], sending a reenforcement of men, ammunition, and food to the fort and settlement of Cagayan--which is on the shore of that island of Luzon, eighty leguas from the city of Manila--inasmuch as he then had no ship in which to send them, and being constrained by his present necessity, thought that he could supply the deficiency by using for that purpose a ship of the Chinese, then anchored at that port and about to return to China. He ordered the reenforcement to be embarked on that boat and the Chinese to convey it; and to leave it, on passing, at its destination, since that was directly on their way. He promised the Chinese to recompense and reward them for that service. They offered to do it with great display of willingness, howbeit that their cunning was seen in the sequel, and what opportunity teaches to him that awaits it. The Chinese set sail, and on the second day, while our Spaniards were asleep, and quite sure of being among friends and faithful ones, the Chinese attacked them in the night, so suddenly that they could not defend themselves. They were all beheaded and thrown into the sea. The Chinese pillaged all their cargo, and after dividing the booty, sailed for their own country. They only kept with them one wretched Spanish woman who accompanied our men. They left her alive, but after having insulted and maltreated her, left her on the first Chinese shore that they reached. She went then to the magistrates there, and informed them of the treachery committed by those people, and of the violence that they had inflicted on her. But although the judges were courteous to her, no satisfaction was given her for her injuries, and she was unable to obtain justice. On the contrary they ordered her to be taken into the interior by certain agents, and delivered to other supreme judges. On that journey, which was very long and many leguas, she endured greater hardships--until some governors, taking compassion on her and her tears, took her to the city of Macao, where the Portuguese reside, and they set her at liberty. Through that means, the whole deed was learned, and was in the mouth of all in Manila; and upon the occasion of this expedition, they exaggerated it still more.