Chapter IX: Part 9

Two days after, the governor ordered Master-of-camp Gallinato and Captain Villagra, together with Pablo de Lima, to confer with the captive king concerning what agreement it was advisable to make with him in his Majesty's name for the security and solidity of matters. They were to persuade him that that was the way to attain merit and oblige our king to make better conditions in his favor. The three came, accompanied by other influential persons, among whom were some Augustinian, Dominican, and Jesuit religious, all of whom served in their ministry praiseworthily. The king did not refuse to capitulate. After some discussion as to what form it should take, through the medium of Pablo de Lima, and after conceding to the king some things that he requested from the king, our sovereign, they wrote and signed the following agreements:

The first thing demanded from King Cachil Sultan Zayde, of Ternate, and from the rest imprisoned with his Highness who may have any part in it, is that he is to deliver to his Majesty King Filipo, our sovereign, the forts that he now possesses--namely, those of Xilolo, Sabubu, Gamocanora, Tacome, those of Maquien, those of Sula, and the others. He answers to this that he will deliver to his Majesty the forts above declared, and that he will send the prince his son, and Cachil Amuxa, his cousin, with the person or persons who shall go to take possession of them; and that they shall be delivered up with all the artillery, ammunition, muskets, and arquebuses contained in them.

The second. That he shall make restitution of all the captives that he holds, who may be our subjects, whether Christians or infidels, from the provinces of Pintados and from the other provinces subject to the Spaniards in the Filipinas Islands. He answered that all that are found at present shall be delivered up immediately, and that those who do not appear now shall be delivered up as they shall be found later.

The third. That he shall deliver up the Dutch in his power. He replied that when he left this fort of Ternate, thirteen or fourteen Dutchmen with him took to flight, and he thought that they went to the Dutch vessel, for he has not seen them. However, if they appear, he will deliver them up immediately.

The fourth. He shall deliver up the Spanish renegades who were in this fort of Ternate. He answered that there was only one there, and that he fled like the others the day the fort was taken, and he does not know where he is, but that he shall be sought and delivered up.

The fifth. That he shall also deliver up all the villages in the island of Batochina or El Moro, which were formerly Christian; as well as the islands of Marotay, and Herrao, which were also Christian, with all the artillery and ammunition in them. He answered that he is ready to deliver up everything, as he did with his person.

Don Pedro de Acuna, governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, president of the royal Audiencia resident therein, and general of this Maluco fleet, entrusted these capitulations to General Juan Xuarez Gallinato and captain Christoval de Villagra. They made them in the form above declared, with the help of Pablo de Lima, a Portuguese native of these islands, who was the interpreter of the [Moro] language. The said king affixed his signature, according to his custom. It was done in the fort of Ternate April ten, one thousand six hundred and six. The said general and captain, and the said Pablo de Lima, also signed it.

The king signed it in Persian characters with graceful curves, and the Spaniards simply. This original agreement was brought to Espana with the other authentic documents.

[Possession is formally taken of the newly-subdued and of the reconquered territory in the name of the king of Spain; and after consultation it is determined to take the king of Ternate to Manila, leaving governors appointed to carry on his government. All swear homage to the Spanish monarch, and promise not to admit the Dutch or other foreigners to their clove trade, and not to prevent missionary work. Acuna orders a new fort to be built at Tidore, remits a third part of the tribute to be paid by the Ternatans, and, after strengthening the fort at Terate, leaves Juan de Esquivel there with six hundred men, boats, ammunition, and supplies, to act as governor of all the Moluccas, while he returns to Manila with his prisoners. Trouble begins immediately, and Esquival is kept busy with expeditions to the various islands and forts, while the Dutch again begin their machinations; and sickness fights powerfully against the Spaniards. At Mindanao, a conspiracy to escape is discovered among the prisoners, for Mindanao is friendly to the Ternatans. The narrative continues:]

In all the time that we have described, no news of our victory reached Filipinas. From this silence and suspense they argued in those regions, and especially in Manila, that Don Pedro and his fleet had perished, or that he had succeeded so poorly that general sorrow would be caused. Never was virtue free from envious ones who pursue it, and such were not wanting to Don Pedro in Manila. But although these were well known [_some words misprinted in text_]--so that popular suspicion makes them the authors of the poison from which it was believed that that great knight died, twenty-two days after his arrival--we ahall suppress their names; since it is unworthy of the author, who has to maintain neutrality (and indifference, in fact) to give strength to a rumor which even yet is based only upon a suspicion. All are now dead, and judged before the tribunal where not one thought passes without examination. These men, then, spread the rumor that Don Pedro, having assaulted Ternate, entered it easily; but that his men became so embarrassed in the midst of their great plundering that the barbarians, having reflected, attacked the Spaniards and made them retreat, after killing the majority of them. They said that the general, ashamed of his lack of discipline, did not dare return to Manila. When that report reached the Indians' ears, it did so great harm that they began to rebel, especially in the provinces of Camarines and Pintados. The friars who were already attending to their instruction could do nothing with them, for they asked, since the Malucans were victorious, why they should remain subject to the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros. They said that the latter would, with Ternate's protection, plunder them daily, and worse thenceforward. They did not stop at mere murmurs, for they began to confer concerning them, and to talk of executing their plans. But all vanished before the truth and the news of it, which preceded the arrival of the conquerors.....

[The conquerors are given a triumphant reception, and the captives are cheered with hopes of an early release by a decree from Spain, and lodged comfortably. The king of Ternate has a letter written to the Spanish monarch, in which he entreats his clemency. Argensola ends with the reflection that "the Malucos being, then, reduced, our ministers and preachers went thither, and the voice of the evangelist began to be heard in the remotest confines of the land."]

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

_Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_, by Antonio de Morga.--See Bibliographical Data in _Vol_. XV.

_Conqvista de las Islas Malvcas_, by Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola.--This is partly translated in full, partly synopsized, from the original printed work, from the copies owned by Harvard University, and Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago.

APPENDIX: CUSTOMS OF THE PAMPANGAS IN THEIR LAWSUITS

[The following extract forms the second part of a treatise found in the body of _Ordinances enacted by the Audiencia of Manila_, given in _Vols_. X and XI. The first part is entitled "Relation of the customs which the Indians were accustomed to observe in these islands; written by Fray Joan de Placencia, and sent to Doctor Stiago de Vera, former president of the royal Audiencia which resided in these islands." This is signed with Plasencia's name. The second part, headed as below, bears no signature, but is doubtless by Plasencia. From their appearance in the body of the above document, it is probable that the Audiencia considered them in assembly. Both these reports were written by Plasencia at the command of the governor or of the Audiencia, in order that the local Spanish magistrates might be guided by the customs of the natives in deciding matters of law or justice among the Indians. The first part, omitted here, is the same, with a few verbal changes, as the relation published in _Vol_. VII. pp. 173-185; but it is dated, "Narcan, October twenty-four, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine" (but this may have been an error of the clerk of the Audiencia). The second part (_Vol_. VII, pp. 185-196) is not found in the above Audiencia document.]

Instructions regarding the customs which the natives of Pampanga formerly observed in their lawsuits

They never had anyone whom they all generally obeyed, except that only in each barangay they obeyed their chief, whose people are called timaguas. Among the chiefs, lords of barangay, he who was most powerful tyrannized over the others, even though they were brothers, because they were all intent upon their own interests.

2. In what concerns regulation in regard to supplies for the country, they had none, and everyone bought and sold as he could; beyond that each chief who ruled a barangay ordered his people to sow at the proper time, and made them assist him at seed-time and harvest.

3. The timaguas, or common people, came before their chief with their suits, and he settled them in this way. Whatever petition was made before them, the chief summoned the party on whom the demand was made, and asked him if he would come to an agreement with the other and opposite party. If the two parties made such agreement, there was no suit. If they would not agree, he exacted an oath from them that they would submit to his judgment. Then he immediately asked for a _viva voce_ examination of both, because among these people there were no writings any suits. If both parties gave like testimony, with the same number of witnesses, they split the difference of the amount of the suit. If the number of witnesses was not equal on either side, such and such a one was condemned to the whole amount, or released from the claim. If the defeated party would not pay according to the sentence, the other party and the judge proceeded against him with the armed hand, and forced him to comply with it. The witnesses were paid according to their rank, and the judge also. The payment of the judge and witnesses was so excessive, that they shared equally with him who won in the suit. The witnesses of the condemned party were paid nothing; and if anything had been given to them before the decision of the suit, it was taken back from them.

4. _Item_: In regard to any murders that occurred, they ruled in this wise. If one chief killed another chief, the relatives and friends of the murdered man went to war immediately with the murderer and his kindred; and if they killed the murderer, the quarrel and difference between them was ended. If not, they killed as many as possible of his followers. After these parties had grown weary of their strife, and a certain time had elapsed after the murder, the other chiefs of the village or district endeavored to reconcile them. The reconciliation was as follows. The murderer was to give and pay to the relatives of the murdered man seventy or eighty taes of gold; and if he were a prominent chief, one hundred or more. Then they all remained friends, and one half was divided among the children of the murdered man, if he had any, or his parents, brothers, or kindred; and the other half among those chiefs who reconciled them, and the timaguas of the murdered man's barangay, although the chiefs took the greater part. If the children or relatives of the deceased refused to be reconciled, all the chiefs proceeded against them, and assisted the party of the murderer until the said agreement was completed.

5. In case any timagua killed any chief or his child, the relatives of the deceased put the murderer to death, together with his wife and children, if they succeeded in catching him. They seized all his property, which they divided among the children of the murdered man, if he had any, and if not, among his parents, relatives, or brothers; and if he had no kindred, among those who executed the vengeance for the murder, this usually being his successor in the barangay.

6. If the murdered man was a timagua, and the murderer a chief, the latter gave to the children or heirs of the murdered man the sum of ten to twenty taes of gold; but if the murdered man had no heirs, it was divided between the judge passing sentence--who was one of the chiefs, appointed by the others of the village for the purpose--and among the said chiefs, the judge taking one half and the others the other half. Of this they gave no part to the murderer, even though he was a chief.

7. _Item_: If one timagua killed another timagua, and had nothing with which to pay the penalty--ten to twenty taes of gold--all the chiefs of the village killed him for it, if his own chief did not do this, by hanging him to a tree or _arigue_ [_i.e._, prop of a house] or piercing him with many lance-thrusts.

8. If any woman killed any man, or another woman, by poison or steel or any other way, the judgment was in conformity with the one above, with consideration for the said conditions.

9. If a brother killed a brother or an uncle, or a nephew his uncle, he did not die for it; but they took all his property away from him for the heirs of the murdered man, of which they gave no share to the murderer, even though he should be an heir. This was determined by the chief of the barangay to which the murderer and the murdered belonged, if each party were of his barangay. The chiefs of the barangay were judges, and shared with the heirs of the deceased.

10. Concerning the murder of a child by a father, or a father by a child, no precise information could be secured regarding the punishment, because all asserted that they never remembered such a murder to have happened.

11. In case of the burning of any village or crops, if the incendiary was a chief, he paid for all the damage caused by the fire--which the chiefs of such town and those nearest it determined--according to the amount of the damage, even though they did not leave the chief who set the fire one mais of gold. If the damage did not exceed his property, and he had some property left over, he retained it. If the incendiary were a timagua, he was executed, and his goods were seized to repair the damage. If these did not suffice to pay for it, they sold his wife and children as slaves, to pay for the said damage.

12. Concerning thieves: If the thief were a chief, he returned the plunder, and was fined in proportion to the theft, according to the opinion of one of the chiefs of the village, whom the other chiefs selected as judge for that purpose. They say that they ordinarily appointed the oldest and the most intelligent. The latter could moderate the penalty, which was divided between the judge and the other chiefs, the judge taking one half.

13. If a timagua or slave committed a theft: If the thief were a timagua, they compelled him to return his booty, and fined him according to the regulations of the preceding section. If he had nothing with which to pay, they sold him in another village, in order to pay what he owed, as a penalty for the theft. If the thief were a slave, his master paid for him, or delivered the said slave to the party, and he was soundly lashed. If the owner of the said stolen goods caught the thief in the act of such robbery, he could kill or beat him without any penalty.

14. As for the old men, old women, and witches who committed murders by any of their practices, when it was ascertained that they had killed any person with their witchcraft or tricks, the chief of their barangay, or of the barangay of the murdered man, could kill them with daggers if he pleased; and if these chiefs did not do this, any of the other chiefs could kill the criminals. Their property was seized, and one half was given to the relatives of the murdered man, and the other half to him who executed the sentence upon such sorcerers and witches.

15. Insulting words caused great anger among these natives, and it was considered a very grave offense, especially among the chiefs. They fined the culprits in heavy sums therefor, inflicting this penalty in order not to cause murders, and in the following manner. The insulted person and he who insulted him named a chief, who must be greater than those in the whole province, to hear this suit, who accepted and decided it. If either of the two parties refused to conform to the agreement which the judge prescribed, there was a custom among them that each one lavished expense, on his own account, on feasts and assemblies, and he who spent the greater sum they considered the more powerful and honorable. From these debaucheries and gatherings sometimes resulted wars between them. If either one of the two was the most considerable chief of the province, three or four, chosen by the rest, judged the case. In case the injurious words were said by a timagua to a chief, if the said timagua had nothing wherewith to pay the penalty imposed--which was very excessive--he was made a slave; and if the insulted party were a great chief, the timagua's wife and children were made slaves. If the chief applied insulting words to any timagua, the penalty was very light, and many times nothing.

16. Their marriage custom was to have one wife--from whom they would separate and marry another, on any occasion or change of feeling--and to have three or four other women. They always considered that one the legitimate wife with whom they naturally cohabited. The man always gave the dowry, and this, together with certain gatherings in which they drank, was considered marriage. If the man separated from his wife, he lost the dowry which he had given her. If she separated from the man, she returned double the dowry which she had received, even though she had children. The property acquired during marriage, they always divided equally. They never disinherited the children in life or death, even though they were born of many women, if they had been married to these. The other children, born of other women, whom we call bastards, they called _asiao yndepat_. These did not inherit, but they always gave them something. Even if any one had no legitimate child at his death, the bastard could not inherit at all, but the property went to the nearest relatives of the deceased.

17. They were not accustomed to will more to any child, except in small sums, as three or four taes, or small pieces of land of the like value.

18. When anyone became a widower and no children had been born to the husband and wife, the whole dowry was returned. But if any sons or daughters had been born to them, even though these were dead at the time of bereavement, not more than half the dowry was returned.

19. If any child were living at the time of the death of the father or mother, all the property of the deceased was inherited by the child or children. If they were not old enough to administer it, the parents of the deceased kept and used it, and not the surviving father or mother of the minors. If the minor died afterward, neither the father nor the mother inherited it, but the minor's grandparents, or the nearest relatives of the deceased from whom the minor had inherited the property.

20. Among the slaves, the father and mother shared equally. If both were slaves of one master, the children were so also. If one slave belonged to one master and the other to another, the children were divided in this way. The master of the father took the eldest, the master of the mother, the second; and so on in this order with the rest. If there were an odd one, the two masters of the parents divided him; that is, the slave served both masters equally. If either the father or mother were free, the children were divided in the same way, so that if the father was free, the eldest son or daughter was free. On the contrary, if the father was a slave, the eldest son or daughter was a slave. This arrangement was kept and observed among them, namely, to give an equal share to both the father and mother. If one of them was free or half-free, they gave his part to him and to his children in proportion to the amount which fell to his lot.

21. If any chiefs wrangled over their cultivated lands, they came before the other chiefs of the village; and these tried them, and received testimony orally from both sides, under oath, according to their usage--which was sweating by the crocodile, the sun, the moon, and many other things by which they swore. In conformity with the evidence of each one, the suit between the said chiefs was decided; and if either one of them refused to comply with the sentence, all the chiefs together compelled him to observe it. This order was adhered to in this matter.

22. All the aforesaid information I have endeavored to procure from the oldest inhabitants of this province, and from all the priors of the province. If it be not set forth in a style as good as I ought to use, I beg your Lordship to pardon its defects, for the sake of my good will, etc.

NOTES

[1] Following in a translation of the title-page of the other edition of Morga's work, which shows that a second edition of the _Sucesos_ was published in the same year as was the first. A reduced facsimile of this title-page--from the facsimile reproduction in the Zaragoza edition (Madrid, 1887)--forms the frontispiece to the present volume. It reads thus: "Events in the Philipinas Islands: addressed to Don Christoval Gomez de Sandoval y Rojas, duke de Cea, by Doctor Antonio de Morga, alcalde of criminal causes in the royal Audiencia of Nueva Espana, and consultor for the Holy Office of the Inquisition. At Mexico in the Indias, in the year 1609." In the lower left-hand corner of the engraved title appears the engraver's name: "Samuel Estradanus, of Antwerp, made this."

[2] The month is omitted in the text.--_Stanley_.

[3] Fray Diego Bermeo, a native of Toledo, became a Franciscan friar; and in 1580 went to Mexico, and three years later to the Philippines. After spending many years as a missionary in Luzon and Mindoro, he was elected provincial of his order in the islands (in 1599, and again in 1608). Going to Japan as commissary provincial--in 1603, according to Morga, but 1604 as given by Huerta (_Estado_, p. 446)--he was obliged by severe illness to return to Manila; he died there on December 12, 1609.

[4] Luis Sotelo, belonging to an illustrious family of Sevilla, made his profession as a Franciscan in 1594. Joining the Philippine mission, he reached the islands in 1600; and he spent the next two years in ministering to the Japanese near Manila, and in the study of their language. In 1600 he went to Japan, where he zealously engaged in missionary labors. Ten years later, he was sentenced to death for preaching the Christian religion; but was freed from this danger by Mazamune, king of Boxu, who sent the Franciscan as his ambassador to Rome and Madrid. Returning from this mission, Sotelo arrived in the Philippines in 1618, and four years later resumed his missionary labors in Japan. In 1622 he was again imprisoned for preaching, and was confined at Omura for two years, during which time he wrote several works, in both the Spanish and Japanese languages. Sotelo was finally burned at the stake in Omura, August 25, 1624. See Huerta's _Estado_, pp. 392-394.

[5] The present towns of San Nicolas, San Fernando, etc., lying between Binondo and the sea.--_Rizal_.

[6] This remark of Morga can be applied to many other insurrections that occurred later--not only of Chinese, but also of natives--and probably even to many others which, in the course of time, will be contrived.--_Rizal_.

[7] These devices, of which certain persons always avail themselves to cause a country to rebel, are the most efficacious to bring such movements to a head. "If thou wishest thy neighbor's dog to become mad, publish that it is mad," says an old refrain.--_Rizal_.

[8] This is the famous Eng-Kang of the histories of Filipinas.--_Rizal_.

[9] The Rizal edition of Morga omits the last part of this sentence, the original of which is _"entre vnos esteros y cienagas, lugar escondido."_

[10] "The Chinese killed father Fray Bernardo de Santo Catalina, agent of the holy office, of the order of St. Dominic ... They attacked Quiapo, and after killing about twenty people, set fire to it. Among these they burned alive a woman of rank, and a boy."--_Rizal_. This citation is made from Leonardo de Argensola's _Conquistas de las Molucas_ (Madrid, 1609), a synopsis of which will follow Morga's work.

[11] We are unaware of the exact location of this settlement of Laguio. It is probably the present village of Kiapo, which agrees with the text and is mentioned by Argensola. Nevertheless, from the description of this settlement given by Morga (_post_, chapter viii) and Chirino, it can be inferred that Laguio was located on the present site of the suburb of La Concepcion. In fact, there is even a street called Laguio between Malate and La Ermita.--_Rizal_.

[12] "Fine helmets were found broken in with clubs... About thirty also escaped (among whom was Father Farfan), who were enabled to do so because of being in the rear, and lightly armed" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

[13] Argensola says that the Chinese killed many peaceful merchants in the parian, while others hanged themselves of their own accord. Among these Argensola mentions General Hontay and the rich Chican--according to the relation of Fray Juan Pobre, because the latter had refused to place the famous Eng-Kang at the head of the movement.--_Rizal_.

[14] "And they tried to persuade the natives to unite with them; but the latter refused, and on the contrary killed as many of the Sangleys as they caught" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

[15] Argensola says that "four thousand Pampangos, armed in the custom of their country, with bows and arrows, half-pikes, shields, and long broad daggers," were sent by the alcalde of Pampanga to the relief of Manila, which now needed soldiers.--_Rizal_.

[16] In this struggle many cruelties were committed and many quiet and friendly Chinese killed. Don Pedro de Acuna, who could not prevent or stifle this terrible insurrection in its beginnings, also contributed to the horrible butcheries that ensued. "Accordingly many Spaniards and natives went to hunt the disbanded Sangleys, at Don Pedro's order." Hernando de Avalos, alcalde of La Pampanga, seized more than 400 pacific Sangleys, "and leading them to an estuary, manacled two and two, delivered them to certain Japanese, who killed them. Father Fray Diego de Guevara of the order of St. Augustine, prior of Manila, who made this relation, preached to the Sangleys first, but only five abandoned their idolatry." ... Would he not have done better to preach to Alcalde Avalos, and to remind him that he was a man? The Spanish historians say that the Japanese and Filipinos showed themselves cruel in the killing of the Chinese. It is quite probable, considering the rancor and hate with which they were regarded. But their commanders contributed to it also by their example. It is said that more than 23,000 Chinese were killed. "Some assert that the number of Sangleys killed was greater, but in order that the illegality committed in allowing so many to enter the country contrary to the royal prohibitions might not be known, the officials covered up or diminished the number of those who perished" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

[17] The coming of the Spaniards to the Filipinas, and their government, together with the immigration of the Chinese, killed the industry and agriculture of the country. The terrible competition of the Chinese with any individual of another race is well known, for which reason the United States and Australia refuse to admit them. The indolence, then, of the inhabitants of the Filipinas, is derived from the lack of foresight of the government. Argensola says the same thing, and could not have copied Morga, since their works were published in the same year, in countries very distant from one another, and the two contain wide differences.--_Rizal_.

The Chinese question has always been of great importance in the Philippines. The dislike of the Filipino for the Chinese seemed instinctive and was deep-rooted. The subject of the Chinese immigration to the islands has served for special legislation on many occasions in Spain, but they have nevertheless persisted in their trading and occupations therein. See Stanley's edition of Morga, appendix II, pp. 363-368; and _Los Chinos en Filipinos_ (Manila, 1886).

[18] This should be six hundred and four.--_Rizal_.

[19] Nueva Espana.--_Rizal_.

[20] This archbishop seems to have been a principal cause of the disturbance and massacre of the Chinese, by taking a leading part in exciting suspicion against them.--_Stanley_.

[21] The Arab travelers of the ninth century mention that eunuchs were employed in China, especially for the collection of the revenue, and that they were called _thoucam_.--_Stanley_.

[22] "In earlier times a barrier, which ran from Osaka to the border of Yamato and Omi, separated the thirty-three western from the thirty-three eastern provinces. The former were collectively entitled Kuwansei (pronounce Kanse), _i.e._, westward of the Gate; the latter Kuwanto (pronounce Kanto), _i.e._, eastward of the Gate. Later, however, when under the Tokugawa regime the passes leading to the plain in which Yedo, the new capital of Shogune, grew up were carefully guarded; by the Gate (Kuwan) was understood the great guard on the Hakone Pass, and Kuwanto or Kuwanto-Hashiu, the eight provinces east of it: Sagami, Musashi, Kotsuke, Shimotsuke, Hitachi, Shimosa, Katsusa, and Awa." Thus defined by Rein, in his _Japan_, p. II, Cf. Griffis, _Mikado's Empire_, p. 68, note.

[23] A flat-bottomed boat, capable of carrying heavy loads.

[24] Pedro Alvares de Abreu.--_Rizal_.

[25] According to Argensola, who gives a succinct relation of this expedition, the number engaged in it were as follows: Spaniards and their officers, 1,423; Pampangos and Tagals (without their chiefs), 344; _idem_, for maritime and military service, 620; rowers, 649; Indian chiefs, 5; total 3,041. But he adds that all those of the fleet, exclusive of the general's household and followers, numbered 3,095. Probably the 54 lacking in the above number were the Portuguese under command of Abreu and Camelo, although Argensola does not mention Portuguese soldiers.... The names of the Indian chiefs attending the expedition at their own cost were: Don Guillermo (Palaot), master-of-camp; and Captains Don Francisco Palaot, Don Juan Lit, Don Luis Lont, and Don Agustin Lont. These must have behaved exceedingly well, for after the assault on Ternate, Argensola says: "Not a person of consideration among the Spaniards or the Indians remained unwounded."--_Rizal_.

[26] Said Dini Baraka ja.--_Rizal_.

[27] Combes (_Mindanao_, Retana's ed., cols. 73, 74) describes the bagacay as a small, slender reed, hardened in fire and sharp-pointed; it is hurled by a Moro at an enemy with unerring skill, and sometimes five are discharged in one volley. He narrates surprising instances of the efficacy of this weapon, and says that "there is none more cruel, at close range."

[28] Stanley translates this "flat-boats." Retana and Pastells (Combes's _Mindanao_, col. 787) derive this word from Chinese _chun_, "a boat," and regard the _joanga_ (_juanga_) as a small junk.

[29] "The soldiers, having entered the city, gave themselves universally to violence and pillage. Don Pedro had issued a proclamation conceding that all of the enemy captured within those four days, should be slaves" (Argensola). During the sack, which Don Pedro was unable to restrain, neither children nor young girls were spared. One girl was killed because two soldiers disputed for her.--_Rizal_.

[30] "The prince's name was Sulamp Gariolano. This step was contrary to the advice of Queen Celicaya" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

[31] Sangajy, a Malay title (Marsden).--_Stanley_.

[32] The Jesuit Father Luis Fernandez, Gallinato, and Esquivel made negotiations with the king for this exile, and Father Colin attributes its good outcome to the cleverness of the former. What was then believed to be prudent resulted afterward as an impolitic measure, and bore very fatal consequences; for it aroused the hostility of all the Molucas, even that of their allies, and made the Spanish name as odious as was the Portuguese. The priest Hernando de los Rios, Bokemeyer, and other historians, moreover, accuse Don Pedro de Acuna of bad faith in this; but, strictly judged, we believe that they do so without foundation. Don Pedro in his passport assured the lives of the king and prince, but not their liberty. Doubtless a trifle more generosity would have made the conqueror greater, and the odium of the Spanish name less, while it would have assured Spanish domination of that archipelago. The unfortunate king never returned to his own country. Hernando de los Rios says that during Don Pedro de Acuna's life he was well treated, but that during the administration of Don Juan de Silva "I have seen him in a poor lodging where all the rain fell on him, and they were starving him to death." He is described by Argensola as of "robust proportions, and his limbs are well formed. His neck and much of his breast are bare. His flesh is of a cloudy color, rather black than gray. The features of his face are like those of an European. His eyes are large and full, and he seems to dart sparks from them. His large eyelashes, his thick bristling beard, and his mustaches add to his fierceness. He always wears his campilan, dagger, and kris, both with hilts in the form of gilded serpents' heads." This description was taken from a picture sent to Spain.--_Rizal_.

[33] Other disturbances occurred also, because of Don Pedro's enemies having spread the news that the expedition had been destroyed, and most of those making it killed. "This report, having come to the ears of the Indians, was so harmful that they began to mutiny, especially in the provinces of Camarines and Pintados. The friars who instructed them could already do, nothing with them, for they asked why, since the inhabitants of the Malucos were victorious, should they be subject to the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros. They said that the Moros would plunder them daily with the help of Ternate, and that it would be worse henceforth" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

La Concepcion states (_Hist. de Philipinas_, iv, p. 103) that these Japanese were settled in Dilao; and that the immediate cause of their mutiny was the killing of a Japanese by a Spaniard, in a quarrel.

[34] The authors of this poisoning were then known in Manila, and according to Argensola were those envious of the governor. "But although they were known as such, so that the suspicion of the crowd makes them the authors of the poisoning we shall repress their names ... for all are now dead" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

Cf. La Concepcion (_Hist. de Philipinas_, iv, pp. 105, 106); he ascribes the report of Acuna's poisoning to the physicians, who sought thus to shield their own ignorance of his disease.

[35] These were the results of having taken the king and his chiefs, who had entrusted themselves to Don Pedro de Acuna, prisoners to Manila, the king of Tidore, the ally of Espana, had already found means to break the alliance. The governors appointed by the captive king refused to have anything to do with the Spaniards. Fear was rampant in all parts, and the spirit of vengeance was aroused. "When his vassals saw the ill-treatment that the Spaniards inflicted on their king, they hated us so much that they acquired an equal liking for our enemies. (Her. de los Rios)." Don Pedro lacked the chief characteristic of Legazpi.--_Rizal_.

[36] This relation forms an appendix to Theodore de Bry's _Ninth part of America_ (Frankfort, 1601), and was printed by Matthew Becker (Frankfort, 1602). The copper plates are different from those of the Dutch edition of the relation.--_Stanley_.

The plates representing Oliver van Noordt's fleet, presented in the preceding volume, are taken from tome xvi of Theodore de Bry's _Peregrinationes_ (first ed.), by courtesy of the Boston Public Library. The title-page of the relation reads in part: "Description dv penible voyage faict entovr de l'univers ou globe terrestre, par Sr. Olivier dv Nort d'Avtrecht, ... Le tout translate du Flamand en Franchois, ... Imprime a Amsterdame. Ches Cornille Claessz fur l'Eau au Livre a Escrire, l'An 1602." This relation was reprinted in 1610, and numerous editions have appeared since.

[37] One of the Canary Islands.

[38] This anchor was given him by a Japanese captain, in Manila Bay, on December 3, 1600.--_Stanley_.

[39] What we now call Java used to be called Java major, and the island of Bali was Java minor.--_Stanley_.

[Note: Inasmuch as Morga enters somewhat largely into the ancient customs of the Tagals and other Filipino peoples in the present chapter, and as some of Rizal's notes indicative of the ancient culture of those peoples are incorporated in notes that follow, we deem it advisable to invite attention to Lord Stanley's remarks in the preface to his translation of Morga (p. vii), and Pardo de Tavera's comment in his _Biblioteca Filipina_ (Washington, 1903), p. 276. Stanley says: "The inhabitants of the Philippines previous to the Spanish settlement were not like the inhabitants of the great Indian Peninsula, people with a civilization as that of their conquerors. Excepting that they possessed the art of writing, and an alphabet of their own, they do not appear to have differed in any way from the Dayaks of Borneo as described by Mr. Boyle in his recent book of adventures amongst that people. Indeed there is almost a coincidence of verbal expressions in the descriptions he and De Morga give of the social customs, habits, and superstitions of the two peoples they are describing; though many of these coincidences are such as are incidental to life in similar circumstances, there are enough to lead one to suppose a community of origin of the inhabitants of Borneo and Luzon." Pardo de Tavera says after quoting the first part of the above: "Lord Stanley's opinion is dispassionate and not at all at variance with historical truth." The same author says also that Blumentritt's prologue and Rizal's notes in the latter's edition of Morga have so aroused the indignation of the Spaniards that several have even attacked Morga.]

[40] More exactly from 25 deg. 40' north latitude to 12 deg. south latitude, if we are to include Formosa in the group, which is inhabited likewise by the same race.--_Rizal_.

[41] We confess our ignorance with respect to the origin of this belief of Morga, which, as one can observe, was not his belief in the beginning of the first chapter. Already from the time of Diodorus Siculus (first century B. C.), Europe received information of these islands by one Iamboule, a Greek, who went to them (to Sumatra at least), and who wrote afterward the relation of his voyage. He gave therein detailed information of the number of the islands, of their inhabitants, of their writing, navigation, etc. Ptolemy mentions three islands in his geography, which are called Sindae in the Latin text. They are inhabited by the aginnatai. Mercator interprets those islands as Celebes, Gilolo, and Amboina. Ptolemy also mentions the island agajou daimonoc (Borneo), five baroussai (Mindanao, Leite, Sebu, etc.), three sabade'ibai (the Java group--iabadiou) and ten masniolai where a large loadstone was found. Colin surmises that these are the Manilas.--_Rizal_.

Colin (_Labor Evangelica_, Madrid, 1663) discusses the discovery and naming of the Philippines. He quotes Ptolemy's passage that speaks of islands called the Maniolas, whence many suppose came the name Manilas, sometimes given to the islands. But as pointed out in a letter dated March 14, 1904, by James A. LeRoy, Spanish writers have wasted more time on the question than it merits. Mr. LeRoy probably conjectures rightly that many old Chinese and Japanese documents will be found to contain matter relating to the Philippines prior to the Spanish conquest.

[42] It is very difficult now to determine exactly which is this island of Tendaya, called Isla Filipina for some years. According to Father Urdaneta's relations, this island was far to the east of the group, past the meridian of Maluco. Mercator locates it in Panay, and Colin in Leyte, between Abuyog and Cabalian--contrary to the opinion of others, who locate it in Ibabao, or south of Samar. But according to other documents of that period, there is no island by that name, but a chief called Tendaya, lord of a village situated in that district; and, as the Spaniards did not understand the Indians well at that time, many contradictions thus arose in the relations of that period. We see that, in Legazpi's expedition, while the Spaniards talked of islands, the Indians talked of a man, etc. After looking for Tandaya for ten days they had to continue without finding it "and we passed on without seeing Tandaya or Abuyo." It appears, nevertheless, that the Spaniards continued to give this name to the southwestern part of Samar, calling the southeastern part Ibabao or Zibabao and the northern part of the same island Samar.--_Rizal_.

[43] Sugbu, in the dialect of the country.--_Rizal_.

[44] Morga considers the rainy season as winter, and the rest of the year as summer. However this is not very exact, for at Manila, in December, January, and February, the thermometer is lower than in the months of August and September. Consequently, in its seasons it is like those of Espana and those of all the rest of the northern hemisphere.--_Rizal_.

[45] The ancient traditions made Sumatra the original home of the Filipino Indians. These traditions, as well as the mythology and genealogies mentioned by the ancient historians, were entirely lost, thanks to the zeal of the religious in rooting out every national pagan or idolatrous record. With respect to the ethnology of the Filipinas, see Professor Blumentritt's very interesting work, _Versuch einer Etnographie der Philippinen_ (Gotha, Justus Perthes, 1882).--_Rizal_.

[46] This passage contradicts the opinion referred to in Boyle's _Adventures among the Dyaks of Borneo_, respecting the ignorance of the Dyaks in the use of the bow, which seems to imply that other South Sea islanders are supposed to share this ignorance. These aboriginal savages of Manila resemble the Pakatans of Borneo in their mode of life.--_Stanley_.

[47] We do not know the origin of this word, which does not seem to be derived from _China_. If we may make a conjecture, we will say that perhaps a poor phonetic transcription has made _chinina_ from the word _tinina_ (from _tina_) which in Tagal signifies _tenido_ ["dyed stuff"], the name of this article of clothing, generally of but one color throughout. The chiefs wore these garments of a red color, which made, according to Colin, "of fine gauze from India."--_Rizal_.

[48] Bahag "a richly dyed cloth, generally edged with gold" among the chiefs.--_Rizal_.

[49] "They wrapped it in different ways, now in the Moro style, like a turban without the top part, now twisted and turned in the manner of the crown of a hat. Those who esteemed themselves valiant let the ends of the cloth, elaborately embroidered, fall down the back to the buttocks. In the color of the cloth, they showed their chieftaincy, and the device of their undertakings and prowess. No one was allowed to use the red potong until he had killed at least one man. And in order to wear them edged with certain edgings, which were regarded as a crown, they must have killed seven men" (Colin). Even now any Indian is seen to wear the _balindang_ in the manner of the _putong_. _Putong_ signifies in Tagal, "to crown" or "to wrap anything around the head."--_Rizal_.

[50] This is the reading of the original (_cera hilada_). It seems more probable that this should read "spun silk," and that Morga's amanuensis misunderstood _seda_ ("silk") as _cera_ ("wax"), or else it is a misprint.

[51] "They also have strings of bits of ivory" (Colin).--_Rizal_.

[52] "The last complement of the gala dress was, in the manner of our sashes, a richly dyed shawl crossed at the shoulder and fastened under the arm" (even today the men wear the _lambong_ or mourning garment in this manner) "which was very usual with them. The Bisayans, in place of this, wore robes or loose garments, well made and collarless, reaching to the instep, and embroidered in colors. All their costume, in fact, was in the Moorish manner, and was truly elegant and rich; and even today they consider it so" (Colin).--_Rizal_.

[53] This manner of headdress, and the long robe of the Visayans, have an analogy with the Japanese coiffure and kimono.--_Rizal_.

[54] Baro.--_Rizal_.

[55] A tree (_Entada purseta_) which grows in most of the provinces of the Philippines. It contains a sort of filament, from which is extracted a soapy foam, which is much used for washing clothes. This foam is also used to precipitate the gold in the sand of rivers. Rizal says the most common use is that described above.

[56] This custon still exists.--_Rizal_.

[57] This custom exists also among the married women of Japan, as a sign of their chastity. It is now falling into disuse.--_Rizal_.

[58] The Filipinos were careful not to bathe at the hour of the siesta, after eating, during the first two days of a cold, when they have the herpes, and some women during the period of menstruation.--_Rizal_.

[59] This work, although not laborious, is generally performed now by the men, while the women do only the actual cleaning of the rice.--_Rizal_.

[60] This custom is still to be seen in some parts.--_Rizal_.

[61] A name given it by the Spaniards. Its Tagal name is _kanin_.--_Rizal_.

[62] The fish mentioned by Morga is not tainted, but is the _bagoong_.--_Rizal_.

[63] A term applied to certain plants (_Atmaranthus_, _Celosia_, etc.) of which the leaves are boiled and eaten.

[64] From the Tagal _tuba_, meaning sap or juice.--_Rizal_.

[65] The Filipinos have reformed in this respect, due perhaps to the wine-monopoly. Colin says that those intoxicated by this wine were seldom disagreeable or dangerous, but rather more witty and sprightly; nor did they show any ill effects from drinking it.--_Rizal_.

[66] This weapon has been lost, and even its name is gone. A proof of the decline into which the present Filipinos have fallen is the comparison of the weapons that they manufacture now, with those described to us by the historians. The hilts of the _talibones_ now are not of gold or ivory, nor are their scabbards of horn, nor are they admirably wrought.--_Rizal_.

_Balarao_, dagger, is a Vissayan word.--_Stanley_.

[67] The only other people who now practice head-hunting are the Mentenegrins.--_Stanley_.

[68] A Tagal word meaning oar.--_Stanley_.

[69] A common device among barbarous or semi-civilized peoples, and even among boatmen in general. These songs often contain many interesting and important bits of history, as well as of legendary lore.

[70] _Karang_, signifying awnings.--_Rizal_ and _Stanley_.

[71] The Filipinos, like the inhabitants of the Marianas--who are no less skilful and dexterous in navigation--far from progressing, have retrograded; since, although boats are now built in the islands, we might assert that they are all after European models. The boats that held one hundred rowers to a side and thirty soldiers have disappeared. The country that once, with primitive methods, built ships of about 2,000 toneladas, today [1890] has to go to foreign ports, as Hong-Kong, to give the gold wrenched from the poor, in exchange for unserviceable cruisers. The rivers are blocked up, and navigation in the interior of the islands is perishing, thanks to the obstacles created by a timid and mistrusting system of government; and there scarcely remains in the memory anything but the name of all that naval architecture. It has vanished, without modern improvements having come to replace it in such proportion as, during the past centuries, has occurred in adjacent countries....--_Rizal_.

[72] It seems that some species of trees disappeared or became very scarce because of the excessive ship-building that took place later. One of them is the _betis_.--_Rizal_.

Blanco states (_Flora_, ed. 1845, p. 281) that the betis (_Azaola betis_) was common in Pampanga and other regions.

Delgado describes the various species of trees in the Philippines in the first six treatises of the first part of the fourth book of _Historia general de Filipinas_ (Manila, 1892). He mentions by name more than seventy trees grown on the level plains and near the shores; more than forty fruit-trees; more than twenty-five species grown in the mountains; sixteen that actually grow in the water; and many kinds of palms. See also _Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands_ (Washington, 1902), pp. 85-95, and Buzeta and Bravo's _Diccionario_ (Madrid, 1850), i, pp. 29-36.

[73] _Sanctor_ is called _santol_ (_Sandoricum indicum_--Cavanilles), in Delgado (_ut supra_, note 71). The tree resembles a walnut-tree. Its leaves are rounded and as large as the palm of the hand, and are dark green in color. Excellent preserves are made from the fruit, which was also eaten raw by the Indians. The leaves of the tree have medicinal properties and were used as poultices. _Mabolo_ (_Diospyros discolor_--Willd.) signifies in Tagal a thing or fruit enclosed in a soft covering. The tree is not very high. The leaves are large, and incline to a red color when old. The fruit is red and as large as a medium-sized quince, and has several large stones. The inside of the fruit is white, and is sweet and firm, and fragrant, but not very digestible. The wood resembles ebony, is very lustrous, and is esteemed for its solidity and hardness. The _nanca_ [_nangka_, _nangca_; translated by Stanley, jack-fruit] (_Artocarpus integrifolia_--Willd.), was taken to the Philippines from India, where it was called _yaca_. The tree is large and wide-spreading, and has long narrow leaves. It bears fruit not only on the branches, but on the trunk and roots. The fruit is gathered when ripe, at which time it exhales an aromatic odor. On opening it a yellowish or whitish meat is found, which is not edible. But in this are found certain yellow stones, with a little kernel inside resembling a large bean; this is sweet, like the date, but has a much stronger odor. It is indigestible, and when eaten should be well masticated. The shells are used in cooking and resemble chestnuts. The wood is yellow, solid, and especially useful in making certain musical instruments. Buzeta and Bravo (_Diccionario_, i, p. 35) say that there are more than fifty-seven species of bananas in the Philippines.

[74] Pile (_Canarium commune_--Linn.). Delgado (_ut supra_) says that this was one of the most notable and useful fruits of the islands. It was generally confined to mountainous regions and grew wild. The natives used the fruit and extracted a white pitch from the tree. The fruit has a strong, hard shell. The fruit itself resembles an almond, both in shape and taste, although it is larger. The tree is very high, straight, and wide-spreading. Its leaves are larger than those of the almond-tree.

[75] Delgado (_ut supra_) describes the tree (_Cedrela toona_--Roxb.) called _calanta_ in Tagal, and _lanipga_ in Visayan. The tree is fragrant and has wood of a reddish color. It was used for making the hulls of vessels, because of its strength and lightness. The same author describes also the _asana_ (_Pterocarpus indicus_--Willd.) or as it is called in the Visayas, _naga_ or _narra_--as an aromatic tree, of which there are two varieties, male and female. The wood of the male tree is pinkish, while that of the female tree is inclined to white. They both grow to a great size and are used for work requiring large timber. The wood has good durable qualities and is very impervious to water, for which reason it was largely used as supports for the houses. Water in which pieces of the wood were placed, or the water that stood in vessels made of this wood, had a medicinal value in dropsy and other diseases. In the provinces of Albay and Camarines the natives made curiously-shaped drinking vessels from this wood.