Chapter VII: Part 7
Finally, all of the slaves demanded by Governor Gomez Perez had to be supplied, but with injuries and acts of oppression; and with the same injuries and oppression they were all put on the galleys. There they remained some time before sailing, and some of them died, because they were unused to that life. All those slaves proved insufficient to man all the galleys, and the flagship was without rowers. On that account, and in order to complete the work, more severe methods were used than at first. The governor ordered that two hundred and fifty Chinese be drafted from those who go to Filipinas to trade, in order to man or equip the flagship. Each of them was to be paid two pesos monthly from the royal treasury. The governor assured them that they would not be chained, but free, and could have their weapons and serve as soldiers, and would only have to row the galley during calms, if any should occur, and in order to double certain headlands. This decision being communicated to the Chinese, they ail refused it as an intolerable burden. But when our governor insisted upon this, in order to carry out his design, the Chinese governor assembled his people in order to discuss the matter, and to plan how they might choose two hundred and fifty from among them all; and he threatened that he would take every tenth man by their houses. That threat disturbed them so much, that the next day, all their windows were closed, and the merchants closed their shops; and the community was deprived of the provisions which were supplied to it by them. Our governor, upon seeing this, saying that they had mutinied, had about fifty of them seized, the first whom he could find, and put them in the galleys at the oar. Thereupon the rest, being cowed, assembled, and made up from among their number all the two hundred and fifty. And inasmuch as no one of them wished to be of that number, they distributed among those who accepted that service twenty thousand pesos, which were given as a present to those Chinese who would go on the galley, each one being given eighty pesos, besides the king's pay. With this good aid, Chinese were not wanting to consent to act as rowers, although the twenty thousand pesos were spent among them--or, more correctly, among the officers. From those two hundred and fifty Chinese, five companies were formed, and five Chinese Christians appointed as captains. They made their musters and reviews, with pikes and catans--which are but slightly different from cutlasses--and appeared to be happy and contented. Amid these occupations Brother Gaspar Gomez came unexpectedly to Manila, loaded with information which he referred to the governor in a number of private conferences. He said that the king of Ternate was not badly prepared, although his forces were somewhat weakened by his not being in very great harmony with the majority of the chiefs of his kingdom. Many were threatening to rebel because of his tyrannies and excessive levies of tribute. Now Javanese, Lascars, and Moros from Meca no longer resorted to Ternate, as they did in the time when Captain Morones went there during the term of Santiago de Vera. Gaspar Gomez gave very detailed information about the two forts of Talangame. He found that the king of Ternate usually had about three thousand soldiers, one thousand of them arquebusiers; while a considerable number came from the other kingdoms of his crown. They fought with missile weapons, campilans, and shields, and other armor of coats-of-mail and helmets, which Portuguese had traded for spice. They had considerable ammunition, all made by themselves from materials taken there by the Javanese as payment for cloves. Their chief place was the city of Ternate, where the king and all his court resided. Consequently it was the best guarded, and from that place the others obtained strength, courage, and all reenforcement. Gaspar Gomez advised that our army attack before dawn, for all assaults made at dawn on that people had always succeeded well. If our fleet could arrive unseen, it would without doubt conquer. But that king had placed spies and sentinels on almost all of his islands, and even in Canela, Sarrangan, and Mindanao. From the fort of Amboyno and from the kings of Syan [_i.e._, Siao] and Tidore, a goodly number of bronze culverins and much other artillery could be brought in their caracoas. The Amboynos would send these at command, and they would be sent from Syan and Tydore as soon as requested; for, besides doing homage to the crown of Espana, those kings are hostile to Ternate. The supplies necessary to finish the war, even in case the king of Tydore should fail them (of whom it might be suspected that he did not wish to see his enemy totally destroyed), were the artillery and craft that were being prepared; and more than one thousand two hundred soldiers, well-armed and equipped with coats-of-mail and helmets, until they should go to the island of Banda in order to garrison that island as it needed. There should be a number of light vessels to catch the enemy when fleeing. Thus would the war be finished entirely and quickly, and without bloodshed. The infidel Ternatans themselves even said and published the same. They confessed that, if a large contingent of soldiers should reach their land, they would universally render homage without fighting. Consequently he inferred that secret Christians were living in the Malucas. The entire conquest of that island of Banda was very useful and advantageous, and of slight risk; and its maintenance was of great importance to the inhabitants of Amboyno, which belongs to us. Gaspar Gomez also affirmed that the Portuguese were facilitating the enterprise considerably, and recounted the interest and profit that would accrue to his Majesty. Father Antonio Marta was also of that opinion, in whom Governor Gomez Perez placed so great faith. Brother Gaspar Gomez to these so full reports and information added such details that he quite set on fire the mind of the governor.
At this time the king of Camboxa, named Landara, sent the governor an embassy through two Spanish captains, accompanied by many Cambodians, with the requisite authority for prosecuting his cause. That barbarous king took care that his ambassadors should not be natives of his kingdoms, because of the lack of confidence with which his vassals inspired him as to their faithfulness. He chose the ambassadors from different classes, so that a good result might come from the difference of their characters and dispositions. One was a Portuguese, Diego Veloso by name, and the other a Castilian, Blas Ruyz de Fernan Goncalez. [284] They presented Gomez Perez with a fine gift, consisting of a considerable quantity of ivory, benzoin, chinaware, pieces of silks and cottons, and an elephant of a noble disposition, as was learned later by experience. They proposed their embassy, which was, in short, to beg help against the king of Syan [_i.e._, Siam], who was about to attack the Cambodian king with a vast army. The latter in recognition of that aid offered to become a vassal of the king of Espana, and a Christian. That king was certain that so valorous and courageous a knight as Gomez Perez would, under no circumstance, refuse a deed in which God would receive so obvious a service, and that would be so advantageous to the crown of Espana. The governor accepted the present, and responded to it by another of certain European products, and thanked the king for his confidence in applying to him. However, it was impossible for him to set about that help just then, or divert any portion of those forces that were prepared to punish the king of Ternate and recover that kingdom and the rest of Maluco, which had rebelled with so great an insult and outrage to the Spanish nation. His Highness should trust in God our Lord, and persevere in his attempt to serve him in the holy and true religion. When the Ternate enterprise was over, he would take his force to the relief of Camboxa. With these hopes, which were fulfilled by Don Luys de las Marinas, his son, those ambassadors left. In order to give them truthful satisfaction and a just cause for the delay, it was necessary to publish the true purpose of that fleet, which until then had been kept secret.
Then the governor determined upon his departure, and tried to take with him as many men as possible. They were enlisted, willingly or by force--those who were requested and those who were compelled, alike. The encomenderos and soldiers caused a prodigal expense in ships, supplies and parades--which, because of the great opportunity furnished for all that in Filipinas, exceeded the governor's power and wishes. The governor sent Don Luys, his son, with all the regulars to the island of Cebu, where all the fleet was to be assembled. There he remained six months, awaiting new orders. Gomez Perez was detained in Manila, planning matters of importance. Two days before leaving, while a guest and dining at the house of Pedro de Roxas, his assistant, where he was wont to amuse himself in heavy gaming and merriment, he became so gay--beyond his custom, and contrary to the harshness of his character--that many interpreted it as his last farewell, and an omen of what happened. He recounted in conversation, amid much laughter, that father Fray Vicente, of the Franciscan order, had told him that that enterprise could not succeed; for the army was composed of conscripted men, and especially because the married men were going. The governor left Manila October seventeen, with six royal galleys, one galleon, one fusta, one fragatin, and a number of fragatas, caracoas, and vireys--different varieties of craft of the natives of the country. All the vessels, those belonging to his Majesty and those of his vassals who offered their persons for his service, totaled one hundred. There were one thousand well-armed Spaniards and more than four hundred arquebusiers from the vicinity of Manila; and another thousand of those called Visaias, people who use lances, shields, and bows and arrows. Besides these, there were more than four hundred others, Chinese, of those living throughout that island; and of those who come to trade, another goodly number, with pay--the great majority of whom were conscripts rather than volunteers. There was in the galleys a quantity of food for the fleet. The governor appointed his son, Don Luys Perez, as lieutenant of the fleet, and ordered him, as above stated, to assemble it at the island of Cebu. He himself embarked in the flagship, a vessel of twenty-eight benches, manned by two hundred and fifty Chinese; and eighty Spaniards also embarked in it. They reached Cabite, whence they sailed on the nineteenth, together with several vessels carrying private persons, who followed the governor at their own expense. They coasted the island of Manila, until they reached Balajan; then they separated, for the vessels did not lose sight of shore, while the governor sailed in the open sea. On the twenty-fifth, he came alone to pass the night at the promontory of Azufre [285] ["Sulphur Point"] on the island of Manila, opposite that of Caca, where the current runs strong and the sea is choppy. As it was during the blowing of the brisa, the galley could not advance. It anchored under shelter of the point, but, through the strength of the current, dragged slightly. In order to return to its shelter, the Chinese were kept incessantly at the oar. In fact, they rowed with little energy--either because they were men new to that labor, and forced to the oar by violence; or because they were fatigued, and harassed by those who commanded them. Other contrary winds assailed them, which further impeded the voyage. In order to double certain promontories of the land, it was necessary to ply the oars, and to urge on the rowers with the severity and punishment generally used in galleys. They thought that harsh, and contrary to the governor's assurance, when he promised them that they would be treated with affection. But neither the whip nor threats, nor overcoming the currents by dint of the sweat of their limbs, seemed to them so intolerable and injurious as to hear from the governor's mouth harsh and severe words, ordering them to row manfully; for did they not, he would put them in chains, and cut off their hair. Such an insult among the Chinese is worthy of death, for they place all their honor in their hair. They keep it carefully tended and gaily decked, and esteem it as highly as ladies in Europa; and, in dressing it, display their taste and their social standing. They determined to mutiny, in order not to suffer such an insult and disgrace. Having appointed for that purpose the following night (namely, the twenty-fifth of October), when the Spaniards had lain down tired out upon the benches, and in other places in the hull, the Chinese did the same. However, they so cunningly divided themselves that each Chinese lay down beside a Spaniard, and pretended to sleep. Just before the hour of dawn, which they considered the most suitable time and the safest of all, upon seeing the Spaniards in their soundest slumber, the Chinese, at the sound of a shrill whistle (which was the signal agreed upon among them), all arose at the same moment; and each one with the greatest haste put on a white tunic or shirt, so that, in the midst of the uproar and the darkness, they might recognize one another, and distinguish those to be killed. However, for the greater security of the deed, they also lit a considerable number of wax tapers, which they had concealed in the folds of the white tunics. Then they seized their catans, which are sharper and more curved than our cutlasses, and each Chinese commenced, without disturbing the silence, to strike his neighboring Spaniard; and then, with the increase of their fury, to behead all those who were sleeping. More than sixty had embarked on the flagship, among them the servants of the governor, and others, old soldiers, who in order to oblige and accommodate him were enduring discomfort. They had been gambling all the night; and being tired, and because of the excessive heat, were sleeping naked, some in the midship gangway, others on the benches, while the more favored ones, to whom were given better quarters, slept aft. The governor went into his cabin to sleep. The Chinese proceeded to slaughter those who, suspecting nothing, were sleeping; it was done so quickly that when some of those asleep in the stern awakened, the other Spaniards were already dead. The guard did not perceive it, and such carelessness could admit of no excuse, for they had been sufficiently warned, and examples had preceded. Some waked, but finding themselves wounded and confused, jumped overboard, where most of them were drowned. Some--a very few--jumped overboard before being wounded, but they were also drowned, although they were near shore, for they could not reach land because of the strength of the current. Twelve escaped, and many dead bodies were found on the beach. The Chinese, now grown bolder, seized the pikes that they had hidden under the benches, and with outcries completed their treachery. The governor, who was sleeping below the hatchway, with a lantern or candle, awaked. In order to awaken him, the Chinese themselves began purposely to make a greater noise; while they cried out to him and begged him to come out and settle a quarrel among the "Castillas," as they call the Spaniards. He, either for that reason, or thinking that the galley was dragging as on other occasions, arose in his shirt, opened the hatchway, looked out, and pushed his body half way through it. At that same time, the Chinese fell upon him with their cutlasses, and fatally wounded him. They cleft his head, transfixed him with their pikes, and ran him through with more than barbaric ferocity. Perceiving that his death was near at hand, he retired, and took the prayer-book of his order, which he always kept with him, and an image of our Lady. Between those two refuges, which were later found bathed in his blood, he yielded up his life. However he did not die immediately, for they found him later in his bed, tightly holding the image, where he bled to death. About him were the bodies of Daniel Gomez de Leon, his valet, Pantaleon de Brito, Suero Diaz, Juan de Chaves, Pedro Maseda, Juan de San Juan, Carrion Ponce, and Francisco Castillo--all servants of his--besides the bodies of four very valiant slaves, who merited the same end. The outcome was not learned until dawn, for not one of the Chinese dared enter the governor's room that night, fearing lest a portion of the eighty Spaniards of the galley had taken refuge there, so cowardly did their guilt make them. The only survivors in the galley were Fray Francisco Montilla, a discalced religious of St. Francis, and Juan de Cuellar, the governor's secretary, who were sleeping below decks--where the Chinese, since they are so cowardly, did not dare descend for three days, until after the fury of the first attack had ceased. Then they put them ashore on the Ylocos coast, on the same island of Luzon, so that the natives would let them take water, and because the friar and the secretary had made a certain compact with them, to surrender, if no harm was done them. The Chinese, assured that no other longtime Christians were alive, commenced to cry out and rejoice loudly at having committed that deed, saying now they had no one to fear.
The Spaniards, who were in other boats, near the land, although they saw the lights, and indistinctly heard the noise from the flagship, supposed that it was some unexpected work connected with the galley, or something of that sort. When they learned what was happening, after a long interval, from those who escaped by swimming, they could not remedy it and consequently remained quiet. They were but few, and of inadequate force, and their enterprise was ruined. They waited until the morning, and when it dawned they saw that the galley had already set its bastard, [286] and was sailing toward China with the wind astern, and they could not follow it. It made its voyage, as the wind served it, along all the coast of the island, until they cleared Luzon, the Sangleys continuing to celebrate their victory. [287]....
[The secretary and friar, after suffering great tortures of mind from the Chinese, who threatened often to kill them, are saved at last, through the superstition of the Chinese, and left ashore on the Ilocos coast. The Chinese show their cowardice in a conflict with the natives on that coast, whither they return later "to sacrifice to the demon" one of their Christian Filipino prisoners. Being unable to reach China, they land at Cochinchina, "where the king of Tunquin seizes their cargo, and two large pieces of artillery embarked for the expedition to Maluco, the royal standard, and all the jewels, ornaments, and money. He let the galley drift ashore." The news causes great lamentation in Manila. "Some of those who hated the governor rejoiced, but their wrath immediately vanished and they wept generally." Subsequent events follow:]
... The news having been learned in Manila, and no papers of the governor being found, appointing his successor (although it was known that he had a royal decree for this), and believing it had been lost in the galley along with much of his own property, and that of the king and private persons: the city appointed Licentiate Rojas as governor, and he filled the post for forty days. But the secretary, Juan de Cuellar, together with Fray Francisco de Montilla, returning in a wretched plight to Manila, reported that Gomez Perez, before leaving, had left the appointment drawn in favor of his son, Don Luis; and that they would find it in a box in the convent of St. Augustine with other papers, in care of Fray Diego Munoz. Rojas had already sent an order to Cebu for all the men of the expedition to return, which was obeyed. Thereupon Don Luis, having come, by virtue of the authority delegated by his father, although with certain protests, succeeded to that government, until the arrival of Don Francisco Tello.
Such was the end of that cavalier, whose achievements, judged by themselves, have worth, and receive worth also by his zeal in performing them. He did not lack political and military virtues, or prudence in both. But he shut his eyes to examples, and, contrary to their teaching, dared promise himself results, so that he became rash and even confident. But Christian charity excuses all this.
Don Luis, his kindred, and friends, wished to continue the expedition to Maluco, and Father Antonio Fernandez came for that purpose from Tydore; but it was not carried out. The fleet was broken up, which was a signal providence for the Filipinas Islands. For at the beginning of the following year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, a considerable number of Chinese vessels, laden with men and arms, but no merchandise as was their wont, came to the islands. The vessels brought seven mandarins, some of the greatest viceroys or governors of their provinces. It was rumored and was proved that when they learned that, as Gomez Perez had undertaken that expedition (on which he had been accompanied by all the Spaniards), they would find the country unarmed, they were of a mind to conquer it or sack it--which would have been very easy for them, had they found it as they expected. The mandarins left their ships twice to visit Don Luis, attended by a great pomp and retinue. He received them kindly, and gave each mandarin a gold necklace. They told him that they had come by order of their king to get the Chinese who were wandering unsettled among those islands without his leave. But this was considered a pretext for the truth, for so many mandarins were unnecessary for it, or so many armed ships and supplies. Those Chinese were the same as those who killed Gomez Perez, men from Chincheo. Accordingly Don Luis, as against a known offender, sent his own cousin, Don Fernando de Castro, in a vessel to recount their treachery to the Chinese king; but the voyage turned out badly, and this effort wholly failed.
At this time Langara, king of Camboxa, requested help earnestly, and asked Don Luis to keep the promise that his father had made him some time before. Consequently, in fulfilment of it, and so that those forces, or some portion of them, should continue in the service of the Church, for which they were prepared as a benefit for Ternate, he determined to aid that king with them.
[A description of Camboxa follows, with observations on its religion, wealth, products, industries, and fauna. The account of the first expedition to that country is as follows:]
Don Luis, with zeal to reduce those nations to the bosom of the Church, and their wealth and kings to the vassalage of the Spanish crown, equipped three vessels. In them he sent Captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato--a native of Tenerife, one of the Canarias Islands--with one hundred and twenty Spaniards, besides some Filipinos. They left Cebu, but a terrible storm immediately overtook them, and separated the boats. Gallinato, borne by the fury of the winds, put in at Malaca, and the other two vessels at Camboxa. They ascended the river, where they learned that the king of Sian had routed him of Camboxa, his neighbor. The latter, with the wretched remnants of his army, fled to the kingdom of the Laos, also a neighboring people, but inhuman. While he was begging charity from those most hard-hearted people, the king of Sian had introduced as king of Camboxa one Prauncar, nicknamed "Boca tuerta el Traydor" [_i.e._, "Wry-mouth, the Traitor"], brother of the conquered king. This event did not hinder the aid that the Spaniards were bringing, under the name of an embassy. They reached the city of Chordumulo, eighty leguas' distance from the bar. Leaving forty Spaniards in the ships, forty others went to visit the place where the king was residing. They immediately made efforts to visit him, but he refused to be seen that day. However, he ordered a good lodging to be given them and had them told that he would grant them audience in three days. But Diego Veloso and Blas Ruyz--either by their former knowledge of the country, or actuated by later craftiness, proceeding from their interpretation of that suspicious delay--visiting a beautiful Indian woman of the king's house, were secretly told by her that, since she was admitted to and even desired in the affairs of that usurper, she knew that he was intending to have them all killed. In the three days that he had assigned them, as a rest from their journey, he was preparing men, and the manner of executing his purpose. The Spaniards thanked her for the warning, not without promises of reward. They were not dismayed at the news of their peril. On the contrary, thanking the Indian woman anew for it, they took an heroic although rash decision. They agreed to invest the king's palace that night, and if necessary, to resist a whole army. They set about the accomplishment of that enterprise, disproportionate to human strength. They set fire to the powder magazine. The townspeople ran up to its aid, or to see the damage. Amid the confusion, the Spaniards entered the palace, and since they knew the royal apartments, they penetrated them, until they encountered the king in person. Having cut to pieces the soldiers of his guard, they killed him also with their daggers. He defended himself and cried out, but when his men arrived with help they found that he had bled to death. The rumor of this deed aroused the guard, and then the city, which has more than thirty thousand inhabitants. These seizing their arms, more than fifteen thousand men pursued the Spaniards with the arms that fury placed in their hands, and with many armed elephants, which were not unskilled in warfare. Our two captains formed their squadron, and continued to retire in excellent order, always fighting, and killing not a few enemies. The battle lasted all night, and until the second day, when they reached the ships with incredible effort. They embarked and left that kingdom full of new dissensions. The second day after, Gallinato arrived in his ship. He landed, upon hearing of the event, as he thought that he would not be fulfilling his duty if, when he heard the drums and bells, and saw the streets and port, before filled with traders, but now with squadrons, he did not take help to the Spaniards. He gave express orders to his followers to act with all decorum, so that they might relieve the anxiety of the Cambodians and reassure them, both by their bearing and in the calmness of their arguments. The chief men of Camboxa visited them peacefully, and Gallinato treated them very courteously. He might have performed some great exploit, but seeing that he had so few troops for the undertaking, and that affairs had now taken another form and different condition, he determined to withdraw. He opposed the majority of those influential men, who promised him the crown of the kingdom, since they were well inclined to the Spaniards and to foreign domination. From this came that flippant report that Gallinato was king of Camboxa, which was believed by many in Espana; and it was represented in the theaters of that country with acclaim and applause. Some men well versed in affairs of those provinces were of opinion that if Gallinato had embraced the opportunity, he might have seized Camboxa and added it to the Spanish crown. I have seen letters from Velloso and Blas Ruiz to the Audiencia of Manila after the event, in which they say the same, and complain of Gallinato for reprimanding what they did. But Gallinato--whose prudence and valor, which had been proved on the most perilous occasions in that Eastern land, and many years before in the wars of Flandes, would not allow him to be easily affected by popular applause--showing an honorable aversion to this temptation, sailed away, to return to Manila. He took in provisions at Cauchinchina. Blas Ruyz and Diego Veloso had also landed there before, and went alone overland to the kingdom of the Laos, which lies west of Cauchinchina, to find the deposed king Langara, to restore him to his throne. They found that he was already dead, but that his son was living. Upon them telling him that they had killed the usurper, his uncle and enemy, he went immediately to his kingdom with Veloso and Ruyz, accompanied by ten thousand men, whom the king of the Laos gave him, contrary to all expectations. He attacked Camboxa, where Ruyz and Veloso always faithfully accompanied him, both during the war, and afterward in the government. After that the king sent another embassy to Filipinas, asking for men to quiet the rebellions in the kingdom; and he and his vassals promised to receive the faith of Jesus Christ. He also promised a great portion of Camboxa to the Spaniards, so that they might live off its tributes. This embassy reached Manila, just when Don Luis had left the government and handed it over to Don Francisco Tello, which gave occasion to Ternate to establish its tyrannies more firmly.
[A short account of Pedro de Acuna's fortification of Cartagena, in the West Indies, is given, and the consequent withdrawal, without attack, of the Hawkins and Drake fleet despatched in 1595 by Queen Elizabeth. Acuna shows in every way the ability of a good commander.]
But let us return to Assia. The Cambodians still hoped to receive aid from the Filipinas by their usual promise of conversion and vassalage. Don Luis de las Marinas accepted the expedition, to make it in person and at his own cost. He left Manila with Don Diego Jordan (an Italian), Don Pedro de Figueroa, Pedro Villeatil, and Hernando de los Rios Coronel, Spanish captains--the last named at present a priest, and who had also been in the first war of Camboxa. A furious tempest struck them in the open sea, which lasted three days, with the usual horrors. The shipwreck was pitiful. Two vessels were knocked to pieces, and the sea swallowed up all the men, provisions, and war materials. Of all the soldiers and sailors who shipped aboard the almiranta, only five escaped, by swimming to the Chinese shore. Some soldiers also escaped from the flagship, which was broken by the waves, among whom was Captain Hernando de los Rios. The other vessel reached Camboxa almost destroyed, after heavy storms. It found in the Camboxa River eight Malay junks. The Spaniards, seeing that the junks were carrying certain slaves stolen from the king of Camboxa, whom they were coming to help, inconsiderately grappled with the Malays. The latter, who were carrying many and unusual fire devices, having recourse to these rather than to force and arms, burnt our ship, and then in the fire and smoke killed the majority of the Spaniards. Blas Ruiz and Diego Veloso were not there at that time; but soon afterward they were besieged in their quarters by the popular fury, and barbarously murdered in the country where they were negotiating with the king. Those few Spaniards who could escape went to the kingdom of Sian, and thence to Manila. Heaven permitted that this should be the end of all that preparation made to recover Ternate and the other Malucas. The tyrant there exulted over the news, and attributed the events to his good fortune, interpreting them as an approbation of his cause. Then he confederated anew with our enemies.
Don Francisco Tello, an Andalusian knight, succeeded Gomez Perez in the government of Filipinas. He reached Manila in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six. He immediately set himself to learn the condition in which his predecessors had left matters, and to provide aid for the garrisons. For, since the emperor of Japon had caused those glorious martyrdoms among the religious of the Order of St. Francis, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, of which news had so lately been received, it was feared that he was going to menace Filipinas.
The inhabitants of the islands [_sic_] of Mindanao hate our nation as deeply as do the Ternatans, and take arms against us in each and every disturbance, as they did in that last one of Ternate. Consequently Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa made certain agreements with Don Francisco Tello, by virtue of which he made war on the Mindanaos and Ternatans at his own expense. [288] Estevan Rodriguez was so rich that he could undertake that exploit with safety. He lived in Arevalo, a town of the island of Panaz [_sic_], one of the Filipinas. He set out with some galleys, fragatas, and champans, and one ship, with Spanish soldiers; and more than one thousand five hundred natives from Pintados, as pioneers. He reached the river of Mindanao April twenty, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six, whereupon the natives of the place (who are especially called Mindanaos) on seeing so brave a people, fled along up the river, and abandoned their settlement to the fury of war. The majority of them arrived at the town Buyahen, where Raxamura, king of the Mindanaos, was then living. The latter, because of his youthful age, did not have the government in charge, and everything depended on Silonga, an esteemed soldier and captain. Our men, proceeding up the river, reached Tampacan, five leguas from the above village. Prince Dinguilibot, uncle of Monao, its legitimate lord (also a youth), was governing it. These rulers were, of their own accord, friends to the Spaniards and consequently, on seeing their arms, went out peacefully to meet them, and offered them their help. They told the Spaniards that the enemy--and they were also hostile to the men of Buyahen--had taken refuge in their fort at that place. Estevan Rodriguez, having heard the news and having complimented those princes, ordered the fleet to weigh anchor and to continue the pursuit for four leguas, always up stream, to Buyahen. Having arrived, he landed his men on St. Mark's day. Master-of-camp Juan de la Xara led the men, although they landed with but little order, for they had not fought with the Mindanaos, and thought that it would be easy to rout them--as if for that reason, or for any other consideration, one should permit a lack of military discipline. Estevan Rodriguez tried to correct the confusion by his presence, by landing in person. He went clad in armor so strong, that a charge from an esmeril [289] would not pass through it. Only his head was unarmed, but covered with a cap and plumes, while a negro carried his helmet. He was accompanied by five well-armed soldiers. He had not taken more than fifty steps, when an Indian named Ubal suddenly ran out of some dense tufted thickets, and, attacking him with his campilan, cleft open his head. Ubal was the brother of Silonga, and owner of the only cow in all that country. He killed it three days previous to this misfortune, and, inviting his friends to the feast, promised to kill the most distinguished person of the Spaniards in that war. He fulfilled his word, for Estevan Rodriguez fell, from his wound, and died three days afterward, without having answered a single word to the questions asked him, although he declared his answers by signs. The five Spaniards, on seeing their captain wounded--so suddenly that the murderer appeared and the blow was heard at the same moment--fell upon Ubal and cut him to pieces. They informed Master-of-camp Xara of the general's death, who, stifling his resentment, withdrew his men, and built a fort in the most suitable place, near the river. He founded there his colony, with suitable arrangements, so that our people could settle it. He appointed regidors and ministers of justice, and called it Nueva Murcia in honor of the Murcia of Espana, his native region. Then he left affairs incomplete, intending to marry the widow of Estevan Rodriguez, Dona Ana de Oseguera; and reached Filipinas in the first part of June. Governor Don Francisco Tello, hearing of the event at El Embocadero, [290] one hundred leguas from Manila, and having been warned of Xara's design in coming, arrested him at his arrival, and sent Captain Toribio de Miranda to take charge of the war in Mindanao. The latter found the troops withdrawn to the port of La Caldera, which is on the same island, but distant thirty-six leguas from the mouth of the river. There they remained until August, when Don Francisco Tello appointed Don Juan Ronquillo in Manila as captain; he was also captain of the galleys. He also appointed as captains, to accompany him, Pedro Arceo, Covarrubias and others; as master-of-camp, Diego Chaves Canizares; as sargento-mayor, Garcia Guerrero; and as captains of infantry, Christoval Villagra and Cervan Gutierrez. Don Juan arrived with this reenforcement to attack the enemy, and fell upon them so suddenly that, seeing themselves exhausted, they begged help from the king of Ternate--whom the Mindanaos recognize by certain payments which are the same, or almost the same, as tributes. Buizan, a brother of Silonga, went on that embassy to Ternate, and negotiated so efficaciously that the Ternate king sent seven caracoas with him, six pieces of artillery, two medium-sized pieces, and some falcons, together with six hundred men. These, sailing to the river of Mindanao, tried to ascend as far as Buyahen by it. But they found at its mouths great obstructions to pass, because in one branch the largest Spanish fort threatened them, and the galleys and other boats; and in the other was a narrow pass, which ran to a point, on which was built a rampart guarded by forty men. From that place to the other side of the river, our men had themselves built a very strong wooden bridge, close to which a galliot plied. The Ternatans, seeing so strong a defense on both sides, resolved to fortify themselves on the chief mouth of the river. They built a small fort, and, together with an equal number of Mindanao soldiers, shut themselves up in it. This news aroused General Ronquillo to dislodge them. He went down to accomplish it with the galleys and other vessels, and one hundred and forty well-armed men. He landed with one hundred and sixteen men, together with Captains Ruy Gomez Arellano, Garcia Guerrero, Christoval Villagra, and Alonso de Palma. He met the enemy at a distance of eighty paces on the bank of the river. The Ternatans and Mindanaos had carefully cleared the front of their fort, but had designedly left a thicket at one side of it, where three hundred Ternatans were ambushed, while the rest were inside the fortress. As both parties saw how few of our men were attacking them, they grew ashamed of their fortress and ambush. Threatening our men insolently, they showed themselves and advanced upon the Spaniards. They found so great opposition from our men that without using any stratagem, or for no other reason beyond natural strength, at the first shock of battle nearly all the Ternatans were killed, and the rest fled. Our men pursued them until they killed them all. The men of Tampaca, who had been neutral until then, in consideration of the dealings of Fortune, and seeing that she had declared in our favor, took up arms for us. Only seventy-seven Ternatans, badly wounded, escaped; and fifty of these were drowned in the river, into which they had thrown themselves in desperation. Only three of the twenty-seven survived, and they informed their king of it. The Spaniards seized the boats, artillery and spoils of she conquered, and became encouraged to continue the war against infidels.
Don Francisco Tello was not neglectful of other similar occurrences. He learned by his spies, and rumor had it, that the emperor of Japon was collecting a large army and preparing many boats for it, and large supplies of arms and food. It was also learned that he was securing himself, by treaty, from the Chinese, of whom the Japanese, because of their natural enmity, live in fear. Hence they inferred that he was equipping himself to make war outside his kingdoms. He had negotiated and concluded alliances with the king of Ternate, and with other neighbors who were hostile to the Spanish crown. From all of those actions there resulted eager conjectures that all that tempest was threatening the Filipinas, and particularly their capital, Manila. The governor prepared his forces, and under pretext of saluting that barbaric emperor with a present, sent Captain Alderete to find out the truth. The ambassador left for Japon in July. At the same time, Don Francisco sent the galleon "San Felipe" to Nueva Espana with advice of those rumors. Those two vessels, that of Alderete and the "San Felipe," met in Japon, and the natives did not conceive well-disposed intents concerning them. Alderete learned thoroughly the forces and designs of the Japanese, and his efforts were of use in clearing up the apprehensions prevalent in Manila, and preventing unreasonable fears. He brought another splendid present to the governor, and both sides made provision for any possible outcome.
The Audiencia was again established in Manila in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, for King Filipo was prudently conferring authority on that province. The auditors--Licentiates Zambrano, Mezcoa, [291] and Tellez de Almacan--and Fiscal Geronymo Salazar y Salcedo, formed it.
[The same year when the Audiencia was reestablished, Felipe II dies at the Escorial (September 13, 1598) and is succeeded by his son Felipe III. Neglect falls upon Molucca affairs:]
... Now at this time Heaven was hastening the reduction of the Malucas, and the punishment of the persecution of the faithful, although the tyrants acted more insolently. But since the enterprise had to be prepared and executed in the Filipinas Islands, and determined and encouraged in the supreme Council of the Indias, it was advisable for the president and counselors to display some warmth in the cause--which by unhappy circumstances, as one despaired of, no one enlivened; and the papers of discussion and notices belonging to it were forgotten and heaped together....
[Meanwhile the alliance of Ternate with the English continues. Book vi ends with a tale of occurrences in the household of the king of Ternate.]
[The greater part of the seventh book is taken up with the translation or condensation from the Dutch relation of the first voyage of van Nek to the East Indies. A critical resume of Erasmus's description of Holland and its people is given, which allows Argensola, as a churchman and good Catholic, to inveigh against the heresies and many religions of the Dutch. As a consequence of the Dutch expedition, the Ternatans gain new life in their opposition to the Portuguese and Spaniards. Frequent embassies are sent to Manila from the Portuguese and natives at Tidore, requesting aid for the Moluccas--which Francisco Tello was neglecting, as other matters appeared more important. One embassy, in charge of the brother of the king of Tidore, is followed by another in charge of a Portuguese, Marcos Diaz de Febra, who presents a letter from the Tidore ruler to Dr. Morga. The embassy is successful, and in 1602 Diaz returns to Tidore with reenforcements and a promise of an expedition from Manila. In the Philippines themselves, the Chinese are continually congregating in greater numbers, and are rapidly becoming a menace, although the governor is blind to that fact, and claims that they are necessary to the well-being of the community.]
Conquest of the Malucas Islands Book Eighth
[Molucca affairs are given considerable attention in the administration of Governor Pedro de Acuna. The petitions for aid, sent to the Philippines from those islands, continue. Tello is removed from the governorship, and Acuna sent to take his place. The latter is received in Manila (May, 1602) with great rejoicing, as his merits and reputation are well known. Tello's death occurs in Manila while waiting to give his residencia. Acuna enters into affairs with great energy. The narrative continues (p. 270):]
... The new governor was pained at beholding the poverty of the royal chest and treasury, and himself under the obligation of preserving the king's and his own credit. The Malucas formed part of this consideration, for their reduction was a considerable part of his duty. But he reassured himself, believing that he might supply the lack of money by energy. He attended to matters personally, as was his custom, both those in Manila and those in its vicinity. He built galleys and other boats, which were greatly needed for the defense of the sea, which was then infested by pirates and near-by enemies, especially the Mindanaos. He visited then the provinces of Pintados, and attended to the needs of those regions. In one of these visits, besides the storms suffered by his little vessel (which carried only three soldiers), another signal danger overtook him. Twenty-two English vessels, enriched with the booty that they had seized from the islands of that government, tried to attack and capture him. But for lack of a tide they remained stranded, and could not row. Don Pedro saw that they threw overboard more than two thousand of their many Spanish and islander captives in order to lighten themselves. They also threw overboard a beautiful Spanish girl seventeen years old. Later, the Manila fleet went in pursuit of them, and it was able to capture some of the pirates, and they were punished. But that punishment was much less than their cruelty. [292] Don Pedro tried to remove the hindrances to the enterprise that he was meditating; but had to delay for some months what he most wished to hasten, in order to despatch Joloan and Japanese matters.
Chiquiro, the Japanese ambassador, had recently arrived in Manila, bearing a present of the products and industries of those kingdoms, and letters; he also had orders to negotiate for friendship with the governor, and commerce between the Japanese emperor (by name Daifusama) and the Filipinas and Nueva Espana. The proximity of those provinces, the power of the Japanese kings, their natural dispositions, and other circumstances which experience showed to be worthy of serious consideration, demanded that that commerce be not refused--although, for the same reasons, the opinion was expressed that it was not advisable. But since that barbarian had once espoused that desire, it was not easy to find a means to settle the matter without causing jealousy or anger. Dayfusama requested then that the Spaniards trade in Quanto, a port of one of his own provinces; that they establish friendship, so that the Japanese could go to Nueva Espana; that the governor send him masters and workmen to build ships for him in Japon, in order to continue that navigation. Dayfusama insisted upon this, having been persuaded by one of our religious of the Order of St. Francis, one Fray Geronymo de Jesus, whom the Japanese king esteemed greatly. This was a serious matter, and in many ways most damaging to the Filipinas. In those islands, the greatest security against those provinces has consisted for many years in the lack of ships and pilots among the Japanese, together with their ignorance of the art of navigation. It has been observed by experts that, whenever that insolent barbarian has shown any intention to arm against Manila, he has been prevented by this obstacle. Consequently to send him workmen and masters to build Spanish vessels for him, would be equivalent to providing him weapons against the Spaniards themselves; and the navigation of the Japanese would be the prelude to the destruction of Filipinas and Nueva Espana, while long voyages by the Japanese were inadvisable, and moreover contrary to safety. Considering all these reasons, Governor Don Pedro de Acuna ordered the ambassador Chiquiro to be entertained splendidly. He gave him some presents for his king and for himself, and despatched a vessel with another present--a moderate one, so that it might not argue fear, as it would if he took too much. It sailed together with the ship of Dayfusama and his ambassador, both being filled with articles of barter. The letters of Don Pedro contained long compliments at his pleasure in procuring the establishment of greater friendship. But he said that, although he had received full power from King Filipe for things pertaining to the government of Filipinas, that part of the king's embassy touching his request for sailors and the building of Spanish ships he was unable to decide, until he should inform the viceroy of Nueva Espana; nor could the viceroy decide it without special orders from his Majesty. He promised the Japanese king to write about it for him, and to aid the accomplishment of so just a desire. But he warned him that it would be necessary to wait more than three years for the furtherance and resolution of the matter, because of the distance and accidents of so long voyages. It was ordered that the same Fray Geronymo himself should deliver all this message to Dayfusama. Geronymo de Jesus was written to in secret, instructing and reproving him. He was ordered to tell the Japanese monarch that the governor esteemed his good will exhibited toward the commerce and friendship of the Spaniards, and his own great desire for them. He was to encourage him to keep the peace, which the governor himself would keep without any infringement. But he was ordered subtly to divert the king's mind from similar desires and propositions, and not to facilitate any of them; for although perhaps there were no hidden deceit in the then reigning monarch, or any interest greater than that of friendship, it might cause great harm in times of a less well-intentioned successor, who might abuse the navigation, and turn it against those who taught it to them. The governor promised to send another ship soon to trade. Fray Geronymo was to give the king hopes that some Spanish masters of Spanish boats would sail in it. Dayfusama was to be patient, and should consider how offended he would be, if his servants were to open up any new commerce without consulting him, or without his order.
With this despatch Chiquiro returned to Japon in his ship....
[A storm however overtakes him near Formosa, and his ship is wrecked and he and his men drowned, the event being learned only long after. "Daifusama, being persuaded by Fray Geronymo, had granted leave for our religion to be preached in his kingdoms, to build our churches, and for all who wished to profess our religion with public authority." Accordingly the orders send various missionaries to different districts of Japan. "Many persuaded Don Pedro not to send away these religious, but, although those persuasions were well founded, and obstacles put in the way of their departure, it was determined to allow them to go.... These religious did not find in the provinces proof of the desires that had been told them. Very few Japanese were converted, and fewer were disposed toward it, for the king and tonos [chiefs] ... did not love our religion." Don Pedro sends the promised ship to Japan laden with "dye-wood, deerskins, raw silk, and various other articles." Thus Japanese demands are met, and the emperor is satisfied with the diplomatic answer returned to him. Meanwhile "Don Pedro's thought bore on the recovery of the Malucas." Letters pass between him and the Portuguese commander Andrea Furtado de Mendoza in regard to the expedition, and aid from the Philippines, and the hostilities of the Dutch. (The Jesuit brother Gaspar Gomez had been sent by Acuna from Mexico to Spain, to show the necessity and advantages of the expedition; after various delays it was set on foot, and Furtado obtained many successes in Amboina, where he had some encounters with the Dutch. The king of Ternate asked help from Java and Mindanao.)]
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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 16 of 55Chapter VII: Part 7
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