Chapter VIII

[Later, doubts arose as to the exercise of the right and title of patronage which was reserved to the Misericordia in the foregoing agreement; and certain individual members of that association, "moved (as it is inferred) by pious although very indiscreet zeal," stirred up these doubts and made officious inquiries. Although they did no harm, it was thought best to consult the heads of the Jesuit university in regard to the objections thus raised; and their opinion (undated) is given by Maldonado. Those learned professors declared in favor of the hospitalers, saying that any official visitation and inspection of their work could be made only by the archbishop of the islands; the officers of the Misericordia might visit the hospital, but could not, even as its patrons, exercise any legal authority or compulsion over the brethren of St. John, or bring against them any legal claim. The Jesuits refer to such a stipulation in the original document transferring the hospital (chap, vii); they also remind the Misericordia of the wretched condition in which the hospital was when that association gave it up--for this purpose citing the inventory made at that time of the property thus transferred. Some curious particulars are found therein. The old hospital had but one ward, under which was "the old chapel, where the dead were buried." One of the items is, "Twelve head of slaves, most of them more than fifty years old, and some past sixty." Its equipment of bedding, etc., comprises "four old tents of medriñaque; seven mattresses, made of Ilocos blankets, with their outside badly worn; ten pillows, with their covers of medriñaque, old; two tables, with tablecovers, with six napkins, old; twelve sheets of Ilocos weave." Various articles for the use or adornment of the altar in the church are listed, most of them characterized as "old;" while an image of St. Joseph and the Holy Child is "old and battered." There are "nine old cots for beds;" "a large chest, old, without any key;" "an old wooden table, on which the food is distributed;" "two old chairs for seats;" "four large cots, for Spanish women;" "two old books which treat of medicine" (evidently those asked for by the Franciscans in 1619); "one hundred and twelve porcelain vials, empty;" "sixty-one gallipots of Chinese porcelain, empty;" "two stone kitchen mortars, without handles;" and some few other articles suitable for hospital use, that are presumably in good condition. In view of these facts, there is no ground for bringing complaints against the brethren of St. John, especially since they were not obliged by the document of donation to conform to any given standard in their management of the hospital, nor was any provision made therein for summoning them to give account thereof to the ordinary. The labors of conducting the hospital and providing means for its support are quite arduous enough for the order, without imposing upon it the burden of keeping accounts of all the receipts and expenses--a charge which it probably would not have accepted, and which cannot be now imposed upon it. The income of the institution from the property surrendered with it--a legacy from the late Captain Nicolas de Luzurriaga--does not exceed a thousand pesos, which is a very inadequate endowment for meeting all the expenses which must be incurred for the patients sent to the hospital by the Misericordia, even if these number no more than eight; and its scantiness prevents that association from making any just claim to the exercise of authority over the hospital. Indeed, the Jesuits censure the Misericordia for having done so little for the institution since they surrendered it to the brethren of St. John. Further: "Apparently the mistake of the Board [of the Misericordia] consists in their being surprised that the sick are not better treated or regaled in the said hospital, when they see that the Order of St. John of God has an encomienda granted by his Majesty the king (whom may God preserve), a ranch of cattle and cultivated lands, some lots occupied by shops in the Parian outside the walls of Manila, and other considerable revenues--which, as evidently appears, are all considered as possessions of the said hospital of the Misericordia, of which they are patrons--[a mistake which arises] from seeing that all these are possessed by the religious of St. John of God, but not making a distinction in regard to what belongs to that order as an order, for the support of its brethren. Such is the ranch; when, in the year 49, Captain Don Pedro Gomez Cañete lay sick in the hospital for convalescents at Bagumbaya, without the walls of this city, he made a donation, by a clause of his last will and testament, of the said farms to the said religious order. Suit having been brought by Captain Geronimo Fuentes for a sum of money which the said Captain Don Pedro Gomez Cañete owed, the aforesaid properties were placed at public auction, and the said religious order secured in the said auction, for a bid of 12,100 pesos, the said ranch and some shops in the Parian--nineteen of them upper, and twenty lower; and eight other shops for the peddlers, with their lodging-rooms above. The said order also obtained at public auction eight residence lots in the locality of La Hermita and Santiago de Bagumbaya (which were the ones where they started their work), and some others which they bought. The site and locality where the church and convent of the said order are at present built were the houses which belonged to Captain Don Alonso Parrilla; these also were secured at auction, for the price of 3,000 pesos, by paying in cash (as it did) 2,650 pesos, and the remainder of the 3,000 was left in a mortgage that could be paid up, the said order paying the amount due every year to this same Board of the holy Misericordia. Another [resource is] a chaplaincy of masses to the Holy Ghost and the Conception, which was founded by Doña Hypolita de Zarate y Osseguerra. These incomes have nothing to do with the hospital as a hospital; and therefore, in accordance with this, the members of the Board cannot require that these revenues be subjected to official investigation, any more than in the case of other contributions and incomes which other benefactors had left to the said hospital, even though the proceeds of these are handled, and surrendered to the said religious, by this same Misericordia as administrators for the said benefactors; for the members of the Board have no rights as patrons over any of these, as is clearly stated in the agreement made in the conditions of donation." "From all this, the fathers rector and masters of this university of the Society of Jesus conclude that only with the gravest scruples of conscience, and at the risk of defaming the said religious order by accusations of omission or negligence in fulfilling their obligation to render assistance to the said sick persons, can the members of the Board on this pretext demand before the illustrious archbishop that the said religious be visited, and account be demanded from them of the expenses and receipts, and of other matters pertaining to the said assistance--not only in regard to all the incomes which the hospital order, as such, possesses, noting down the contributions from all the benefactors of it; but as little even the proceeds which by the said donation the religious received from this same brotherhood of the holy Misericordia--since that is expressly contrary to the agreement made with the said religious order in the instrument of donation, and would be a very heavy and onerous new burden upon it, if imposed now, after sixty years, on a donation which was originally free, complete, and irrevocable." This opinion is signed by Joseph Hernandéz, Antonio Arias, Pablo Clain, Nicolas de Zarate, and Joseph de Bobadilla. [26] It brought about a cessation of the controversy, and afterward, the hospital and its labors grew in public esteem and many favors were bestowed on it.]

CHAPTERS IX-XII

[These chapters are devoted to a history and description of the church and convent erected in 1727, an account of the solemn functions annually celebrated therein, instances of miraculous intervention by the Virgin, etc. The church was dedicated on May 10, 1732, with festivities and solemn ceremonies which lasted during eight days. On the last day an oration was delivered by the Dominican Fray Juan de Arrechedera, who is styled by our writer "the Tullius of Manila." The church measured one hundred and fifty feet in length, and forty-two in breadth; Maldonado describes it, both within and without, with much detail, and presents a large illustration of the exterior of the edifice, which is herewith reproduced on a smaller scale. Among the notable donors to the adornment and furnishing are Don Buenaventura Morales, a physician in Manila; Don Juan Monroy, court secretary of the Audiencia; General Antonio Gonzalez Quijano; Don Joseph Antonio Nuño de Villavicencio, a regidor of Manila; General Miguel de Allanegui, secretary of the government; Doctor Joseph Correa Villareal, an advocate of the Audiencia; and General Joseph de Morales.]

[In chapter xi occurs a curious digression in the midst of the descriptions of the solemn functions solemnized in the hospital church; enumeration of the instances of miraculous aid afforded by the Virgin to her devotees gives occasion for an account of the system of weights used by the Chinese traders in the islands, and the change made from these to the Castilian system. General Joseph Antonio Nuño de Villavicencio "also relates that commission had been given to him to abolish the use of a certain make of steelyards [pesadores] customary with the Chinese and other foreigners, with which commerce had been carried on in this city from the earliest times; and to establish [a system of] weights and measures modeled on the Castilian, according to the provisions of the laws of both kingdoms. He recognized that the serious nature of this charge demanded the most extraordinary exertions, or else that the hindrances should be removed which had hindered it from being effective on occasions when, at various times, the [same] attempt had been made. But, being also stimulated by his own reputation, in order not to be conquered by the difficulty without a previous investigation, and being incited to close application by his interest in a transaction as much to the service of his Majesty as to the general welfare of the commonwealth, he proceeded to the consideration of the importance of this business (the serious inconveniences of which might defeat his efforts), and of the risk incurred for his reputation if, after he had accepted the commission, he could not fulfil it; and the more he thought about it, the less did he unravel the tangle. At last, in his anxiety he found no recourse more certain of success than to offer himself to the divine favor [as expressed] in that sovereign object, the holy image [of the Virgin]; and in this confidence he carried on the enterprise, heedless of any risk, and succeeded in his object, to the satisfaction of the many who before were disparaging it as chimerical, or who regarded it as impracticable. He gained the approbation of the royal Audiencia so thoroughly that it conferred upon him new powers for [introducing] the same arrangement in all the provinces of its jurisdiction in these islands, where the same injurious effect was experienced; and he executed this commission with exactness, sending [to all places] carefully regulated models and instructions for making it effective." Maldonado then goes on to describe the mode of weight formerly in vogue among the Chinese traders, as well as the Castilian system, thus:]

Form of the Chinese balances

Let me be the first to explain the construction of the Chinese balances which were in use; they were called da-Chens. In shape it resembled a steelyard [romana]; the yard or beam was made of a kind of wood which they call palma brava, [27] and in its form was like a mace for playing truck [trucos]--except the butt, which at the extremity was thicker. It had a sort of frame of copper, octagonal in shape, with its movable pointer in the middle [con su espiga en medio de movimiento], and some pendent hooks. For indicating the weights, there were certain points marked by nails, set at proportionate distances, but without any numbers or any other characters to show the weight definitely. For counterweight there was a piece of metal or of stone hanging by a cord, but without any sign or mark by which the dachen or balance could make known what was entrusted to it. [28] To this badly-constructed instrument the handling of all kinds of merchandise had been reduced, and the trade was carried on [by it] among Spaniards, Chinese, Indians, and Morenos; and through necessity they--even the superiors and prelates--employed this balance on all occasions that arose, from the earliest times of the conquest until the year 1727, when the measure that is here discussed was carried into effect. This was not because the project had not been brought forward repeatedly, and at various times, but because the difficulties which hindered it could not be obviated. But, to continue the subject, so well known was the uncertainty of those dachens that even the very Chinese, although it originated in their own country, stipulated beforehand for every transaction the balance by which [the goods] must be received or delivered; for each one of them regarded the balance which he himself used as the better reckoner. There were small ones, for weighing gold and silver; and others that were larger, for bulky goods. The weights by the smaller ones were computed in taels, each one corresponding to twenty adarmes of our Castilian weight. From the tael there was a diminution down to granos, of which six were worth one adarme; but these names were never common in our language. [29] The chief weight consisted of cates, each about twenty-two onzas; the chinanta, which was equivalent to about ten cates, and in our Castilian weight to thirteen libras and twelve onzas; the quintal, which was worth about eight chinantas, or eighty cates, and corresponded to about one hundred and ten libras of our weight; and the largest was called pico, which was reckoned at ten chinantas, or one hundred cates, and in our weight five and a half arrobas. But as this correspondence of weight to weight was prevented as people understood more thoroughly the lack of accuracy in the said balances, and the [cause for] suspicion of the way in which they were managed by the Chinese--a people of such cunning that in their own land fraud is a science, in which degrees are given--the Spaniards found themselves compelled to depend on computing the equivalent [in Castilian weight], according to the greater or less skill of each person [in reckoning]; but the ignorance of the Indians and the common people, exposed [as they were] to the insatiable greed, lack of piety, and unscrupulousness of the said Sangleys, who gained great profits from this practice, aided the subtlety of the latter.

Difficulties which arose in regard to the introduction of new weights

This fact being established, from it follows the reason of the difficulty, which is the subject (and to this end the considerations) on which argument arises. In order to suppress the use of the said dachens, it was necessary to have in reserve other weighing instruments, with which the commerce, both wholesale and retail, could be regulated. In order to establish the Castilian weights, there must be specimens of the original standards which had to be followed, according to the royal decrees, to which weights must be conformed; and a factory must be established for the number of instruments which the new order of things would require. There was an absolute lack of everything; and therefore it was necessary either to permit the use of the dachens, or to make a general prohibition of commerce in the commodities for which the said balances served. To adopt any expedient less onerous was not allowed in the commission; that the former [i.e., the use of the Chinese weights] should be continued was the very thing which he [i.e., General Villavicencio] was ordered to prevent; to deny trade to the people would be ridiculous and ineffectual. The custom was as old as the Spanish occupancy of the country; the serious danger of disturbances, [if he undertook] to regulate steelyards by guess, without observing the exactness [required by] the laws, was a new difficulty; delay [would be ir]remediable, and the general injury irreparable! Let the most discreet person, then, infer from these circumstances whether the undertaking was an arduous one, whether the least [in]advertence would be conspicuous, and [what were] the risks to his reputation for good judgment; and whether recourse to sovereign aid would be urgent for his success....

Castilian weight

The reckoning of our Castilian marco in accordance with the laws which prescribe its form originates with grains of wheat. The weight of thirty-six grains is computed as an adarme; sixteen of these make one onza, and sixteen onzas one libra; twenty-five libras make one arroba, and four arrobas the greatest weight, which is a quintal. Laying aside the declarations that wheat may not be used to supplement the established weights of metal (a custom of various ports and provinces), it appears that, with only this information, a corresponding standard could not be made in Manila, since it was deficient in that species of wheat to which the laws refer, and although there is likewise a harvest of these grains in Philipinas, and quantities of wheat are also brought hither from China--some [having grains] of larger size and less weight, and others that are small and compact--the variety in them arouses great uncertainty, for a matter so delicate. Certain it is that, whatever might be taken for the origin [of this computation], it must produce a system corresponding [to the Castilian]; and, by being made general for both buying and selling goods, it would furnish due fulfilment to the form prescribed in the respective laws. But, as that system would always be deemed more conformable to the intention of the laws the more [nearly] its ratios were identical [with those of Castilla], and when the variety of weights and measures (which, considering the laborious nature of mercantile operations and the interests at stake in them, is at times a very onerous burden) in the provinces with which trade is carried on should be reduced to a common basis: as these islands possess the trade with Nueva España, the importance which any unforeseen disagreement might indicate could not be overlooked. This consideration led to the most careful investigation of the basis to which the matter could be reduced; and, in order to find the system equivalent [to that of Castilla], various standards were adjusted to one another, from which a safe conclusion might be drawn. Accordingly, grains of lentils (which give name to the marco [30] of Aragon) were taken, and search was made for grains of wheat whose weight would correspond, with the difference of one-eighth. The same was done with grains of alberjones [31] (from which sort originated the marco of Venecia), and it was found that the weight of each one agreed with that of four grains of separated wheat. The same was done with chick-peas [garvanzos] (from which the marco of Flandes took its origin), and it was found that one of these weighed the same as thirty-six grains of wheat. As a result, through the weight of the aforesaid legumes, in the respective ratios of the marcos of Aragon, Venecia, and Flandez, and the corresponding weight of the grains of wheat, to which reference is made by our Castilian marco, sufficient basis was formed on which to make the standards [of weight]. In fact, they were made by this rule, weights of metal being made which should correspond to one, two, and three grains of wheat, and which together should weigh as much as the weight which is called a grano of silver; another of one, two, and three granos of this sort, the aggregate of which should be equivalent to the weight of one adarme; and by this [were established] the rest of the weights corresponding [to those of Castilla], as far as that one which would contain one onza, from which resulted the greater weights of libras and arrobas. Metal weights were also made equivalent to half a grain of wheat, and to one-fourth, one-eighth, one-sixteenth, and one-thirty-second of a grain, which last is the same as the eleven hundred and fifty-second part of the adarme; or, if this latter weight were divided into so many and small parts, each one of them would alike agree with the weight made for the thirty-second part of the grain of wheat.

The standard of weight kept in the repository

This careful attention to details is better set forth by a statement of the skill and delicacy [displayed] in the construction of the weighing instrument which serves as standard in this capital, and is kept in the archives in the building of the municipal cabildo; it is a work which for its elegance might be valued in any one of the principal cities of España and of the Indias. It is a small one, such as is required by the weights which it carries; it is made in the form of a cross, of rich tombac [32] and the finest gold. In the semicircle which indicates the play of the index needle, a pendent pearl serves as ornament. The scales are of the same metal, gold and tombac, and the silken threads which sustain them of silk dyed red. The whole instrument works with so rigid exactness that when the smallest weight--a thirty-second of a grain of wheat, or the eleven hundred and fifty-second part of an adarme--which is an almost imperceptible amount, is placed in either of the said scales the index of this steelyard shows the difference.

Remarkable agreement of weights

[That which had been] the physical probability of conformity of this construction [with the standard of Castilla] was rendered certain with remarkable exactness. Commission was given by the cabildo of this city that twenty-five steelyards should be sent from the kingdom of Nueva España; and, these having been brought hither at the time when the aforesaid steelyards and the weights, both large and small, were already made, [the cabildo] proceeded to make the comparison [between these and those] with judicial solemnity and the assistance of experts. This transaction having been completed with the exactness which its importance rendered urgent, the two sets of steelyards were found to agree so closely that it appeared that in those sent from Nueva España the scales were balanced by the weights made in Manila, or that these were the regular weights for the said steelyards!... This measure, be it worthy of record, began with the benefit to the common people of these islands in the suppression [33] of the da-chens, or Chinese steelyards; for the easy and continual fraud therein was computed by an official as being, in the limits of Manila alone, more than thirty thousand pesos a year--an evil so deeply rooted that few persons supposed that it could be remedied. So far did this go that the Marquès de Torre-Campo, then governor of these islands (whose prudent moderation was always honored), at the time when permission was asked from him for the publication of the proclamation by which the new usage was established and the old one prohibited, made very sententious remarks expressing his opinion that the said effort would be useless on account of the difficulties which, he inferred, would obstruct its effectiveness. But experience proved that he was mistaken; for in twenty-four hours [from that time] it would have been difficult to find any Chinese steelyard, if search had been made. It appears from the original acts--and these have been furnished to us for this relation, which in everything punctually follows and refers to them--that before reaching this last step, the publication of the prohibition of Chinese weights, the authorities caused to be made as large a number of properly regulated steelyards as the shops and guilds which use them might reasonably be expected to need. Then the Chinese were notified that the da-chens which they used should be brought forward; these were retained [by the authorities], and Castilian steelyards were given [in place of them], with printed instructions for observance by those who used them; and steelyards for the use of the public were set in various places, with trustworthy persons [in charge], who could instruct persons of little understanding. And it is generally known that, although this was a matter of so serious tendency, and included every class of persons, not the slightest disturbance arose; for all knew its importance, and in order to enjoy the convenience [of the new weights] submitted to learn the first rudiments of knowledge [about them]; and perplexity [on this point] lasted but a short time, or was not evident at all, for in matters which concern one's interests close application makes progress, even in the dullest persons.

[In chapter xii are enumerated the distinguished persons who have been buried in the new hospital church since its erection. Among these were five infant children (1728-36) of Villavicencio, the regidor who had so liberally aided the institution; at two of these funerals disputes arose over the rights of certain officials to precedence as pallbearers. Another benefactor, General Allanegui, was buried in the church (April, 1736); and three years later General Don Gregório Padilla y Escalante, who lived in the village of Binondo. A sad tragedy is hinted at in the record, although it is mentioned chiefly in connection with ecclesiastical quarrels over parish dues and the disputed right of interring the poor corpse. On January 26, 1736, a Spanish girl of about fifteen years was brought to the hospital; she had been found stretched on the ground near the door of the seminary church of Santa Isabel, bruised and senseless, and died in about an hour, without recovering consciousness. No one knew who she was; but her body was placed near the door of the hospital church, to see if any person would recognize it. Several identified it as that of Doña Josepha de Leon, a pupil in the said seminary, who in a temporary insanity had flung herself from the roof of that building to the street below.]