Chapter XXXVIII: Appendix: Relation of the Zambals (3)

[40] That is, the founder of the order, St. John of God.

[41] Montero y Vidal says (Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 463, note) of the obras pias: "In 1880 they possessed a capital of 2 1/2 millions of pesos, belonging to the following religious bodies: Discalced Augustinians, 127,938 pesos fuertes; idem at Cavite, 33,117; Order of St. Francis, 500,840; Order of St. Dominic, 205,092; the [archiepiscopal] see, 88,155; House of Misericordia, 811,154; the city, 37,272; the privileged confraternities, 97,617." See our VOL. XXVIII, p. 298, note 138.

[42] An interesting account of this legacy is given by Uriarte in his history of the Misericordia (q.v., ante). Lobo, a native of Viana, in Portugal, died on September 8, 1709, at Agaña in the Marianas Islands, "having executed a power of attorney for disposing of his estate, in which he left the board of the holy Misericordia as his executor, declaring his mother, Isabel Gonzales Lobo--a widow, and a resident in the said town [i.e., Viana]--the heiress of his property, in case she had survived him. If not, he named his soul as his heir, with the declaration that although he had in the said town married Victoria de Silva he had no children by her, nor had she brought him a dowry at the time and when they contracted matrimony." The Misericordia made inquiries in Spain to ascertain whether the mother were still alive, and the wife brought in a claim for part of Lobo's property; it also appeared that the deceased had left a sealed will with his uncle, Francisco Martinez Casados, in Viana. Not until 1723 did the papers arrive from Spain to settle the difficulties attending this will; it seems to have been decided earlier that Victoria de Silva was entitled to one-half of the property gained by Lobo during the period of their marriage [bienes gananciales], but the Misericordia refused to pay out any money until the said documents should arrive from Spain; also that board administered a large sum of money belonging to Lobo, which was lent to General Miguel Martinez at interest, and could not be repaid for several years, especially as his estate was long in probate and greatly decreased in value. "Accordingly, even if the conveyance of the share belonging to the said Victoria de Silva could have been made, there was no opportunity for it." Nothing further is said about Victoria, but the inference is that she had by 1723 died, or dropped out of sight, or was unable to push her claims further. At all events, the Misericordia, according to Uriarte, sold the property and distributed the proceeds according to the terms of Lobo's will--having first consulted the learned doctors of the Manila universities as to their justification in doing so, who fully sustained the board's course; it followed, then, that their procedure was lawful and Christian, and that they were not to blame for the delays which occasioned the final disposition of the estate of Lobo. The opinion of the Jesuit university is reproduced in full; it is dated November 2, 1727, and signed by the licentiate Don Francisco Fernandez Thoribio (apparently an auditor who held the chair of civil law in the university) and Father Pedro Murillo Velarde, and is fortified by numerous citations from canons. They decide that, Lobo in his last will "having left his soul as the heir of his property, that means only the direction that all of it may and should be spent in suffrages, alms, pious foundations, and other ways which can result for the relief and welfare of his soul; and in saying that he 'gives to the honorable steward and deputies of the Board all his own faculty, amply and sufficiently,' he means that he leaves to the judgment of the said Board the disposal of his goods, in such manner as shall, according to the circumstances, appear most to the pleasure of God, and the welfare and relief of his soul. Accordingly, in virtue of the said power and faculty the said honorable steward and deputies have authority to proceed to the execution of the will, in the manner which we propose." They approve of the bequests made by Lobo for three chaplaincies; for the aid of the seminary of Santa Isabel and the support of orphan girls; and for masses for the souls in purgatory. They recommend that the girls of Santa Isabel set aside the masses and prayers of a certain day for the repose of Lobo's soul, for which shall also be said a thousand masses; and that an offering be yearly made from this estate for the aid of the home for wayward girls, in which a day shall also be observed with prayers for Lobo's soul. No mention of Victoria de Silva is made in this opinion.

[43] Alguazil: one of the many words of law and administration derived by the Spaniards from the Arabs. The word was originally, according to Dozy, al-vacil, which was from al-wazir, "vizier." Under the Arabs it was used to denote an officer of high rank, equivalent to dux. The governors of provinces under the Ommiade Khalifs sometimes received the title by way of extra dignity. The Christians used the word down to the fourteenth century as an equivalent to judge of first instance. Descending lower, in time it came to designate an officer of the court, the bailiff--in which sense only alguacil is now used. (H. E. Watts, in note to his edition of Don Quixote [London, 1895], iv, p. 14.)

[44] Gozos: "verses in praise of the Virgin or of the saints, in which certain words are repeated at the end of every couplet" (Velázquez).

[45] In 1686 the Dominicans in Filipinas were strictly forbidden to drink chocolate. This ordinance was observed for several years, until chocolate became so cheap and so generally used (even by the poorest Indians and negroes) that it came to be regarded as a necessity rather than a delicacy, and the prohibition was removed from the friars. (Salazar, Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 379.)

The culture of the cacao (Theobroma cacao), from the seeds of which chocolate is prepared, was introduced from Nueva España into the Philippines under the rule of Governor Diego de Salcedo. Murillo Velarde accredits this to the Jesuit Juan Davila (Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 395 v.): "He cared for both the temporal and spiritual good of the Indians, endeavoring that they should possess some means of gain which would cause them to remain permanently in the villages, in order to remove the difficulties which ensued from their wandering hither and yon--for, going about in this manner, they were not instructed in the Christian doctrine or in Christian morals--besides other damages which they cause. For this purpose he interceded with the governor, Don Diego de Salcedo, to cause to be brought from Nueva España some shoots of cacao, in order to plant them in Bisayas. The governor accordingly obtained them, while the father was at Carigara, where a plantation was begun with good results; and from that place it has spread to other villages and islands of Pintados--with great benefit to those Indians, and to the general advantage of all the islands; for this beverage is more necessary here than in other regions. It is especially so for the ministers [of religion], who go about in continual voyages and navigations, very often without having the comfort of having any other provision or nourishment." Father Davila was born in Sevilla in 1615, entered the Jesuit order at the age of fifteen; and was ordained in 1639. For a time he was minister in the college for Irishmen in Sevilla. He came to the islands in 1643, and labored in the Bisayan missions for many years; he died in Ylog, Negros, June 20, 1706. For seven years before his death he suffered from a malignant cancer in the face. Concepción says (Hist. de Philipinas, ix, p. 150): "Chocolate is a great aid to feeble stomachs; and cacao is now produced in such abundance that it serves as the common beverage of every class of people, although it is true that some islands produce it of better quality and richness than do others."

The introduction of the cacao which was made in 1670 (see VOL. XX, p. 198) is reconciled with that by Davila thus, by Blanco (Flora, ed. 1845, p. 420): "It is very probable that with the remittance of cacao plants which came from America at his order, some others were brought over by private persons; and thus, at the same time when the cacao was spreading through Carigara (where Father Davila was laboring) and through other regions, it would also be cultivated by Tagals. In the year 1674, when Father Ignacio de Mercado was parish priest of Lipa, he says that he distributed seeds of this tree to many persons." The allusion here to Tagals refers to San Agustin's statement that the plant of cacao brought over by Pedro Brabo in 1670 was stolen from him by an Indian of Lipa, named Juan del Aguila, who hid and cultivated it; and thence it spread throughout the islands.

[46] There is some uncertainty in the Spanish text, which reads, Cirujano dozientos; y quarenta el Sacristan Mayor. Apparently there is some typographical error in the punctuation; but there is no means of verifying the fact involved.

[47] The money in the communal fund of the Chinese in the Parián was called Lapuat, and in 1718 amounted to more than 20,000 pesos (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, ix, p. 234).

[48] War had been declared by England against Spain in October, 1739, in consequence of injuries inflicted on British commerce in the West Indies; but letters of marque and reprisal had been issued by the English government in July preceding, under which Captain Edward Vernon captured the city of Portobello (November 22, 1739), and the castle at Cartagena. Captain George Anson also was placed in command of a large fleet, to harass the Spaniards along the coast of Peru, then to proceed northward, attack Panama, and capture the Spanish treasure-fleet, in which proceedings Vernon was to coöperate with him. Anson's fleet was broken up by storms and sickness, and the two commanders failed to make connections; so Anson, after various depredations on the western coast of South America, sailed to China, where he repaired his ship. Then he set out to meet the Spanish galleon from Acapulco, the "Covadonga;" and on June 30, 1743, Anson captured this vessel after a hot fight, with over 1,500,000 pesos of silver, mostly in coin. To avenge this loss, a squadron of four ships (the one here mentioned in our text) was despatched by the Manila government in pursuit of Anson; they went to China, but could not find the Englishman, who had sailed for his own country.

[49] Pardao (or pardo): a coin used in Portuguese India, worth 3 tostoons 3 vintens (Michaelis). This is equivalent to 360 reis, or to very nearly 35 cents in United States money.

[50] After Governor Torre's death (September 21, 1745), the government of the islands ad interim was assumed by Fray Juan de Arrechedera, bishop-elect of Nueva Segovia. His first care was to inspect the defenses and supplies of Manila, in view of the dangers which menaced the colony from the English; and he sent to Batavia for cannon, guns and ammunition, his envoy being a Frenchman who was well accredited in the foreign factories, named Antonio Piñon, who is probably the man mentioned by Calderon. Piñon returned to Manila with those supplies, to the value of 38,995 pesos. (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 305, 306.)

[51] It is clear that the name China (which the French and Italians pronounce Cina) is not the original name of that kingdom, but is one imposed upon it by the foreigners who went thither to trade and barter; it was adopted by the Portuguese, and afterward by our people of the Philippines. Father Julio Aleni, a Jesuit, in a book written in the Chinese language says, in discussing this point: "China, according to foreigners, signifies 'the country or kingdom of silk;' and, since there is so great abundance of that commodity therein, those who sailed thither to buy it would say, 'Let us go to the country of silk,' or 'to China,' which means the same. The like statement was made to me by Don Fray Gregorio Lopez, bishop of Basilea, in whose charge is now the church of China, a religious of ours, and a native of that empire. To this opinion also incline Trigautius and Kircher." The most common and ordinary name which those people give to their empire, not only in books but in conversation, is Chung Kue, that is, "the kingdom in the middle." In former times they gave this name to the province of Hò Nan, which lies almost in the middle and heart of that empire; from that region it was afterward applied to that entire country. Others say that the Chinese regarded their kingdom as being in the middle of the world, through their ignorance of the many kingdoms that the world contains. For that reason they also call it Tien Hia, that is, "the world," or, "the largest or principal part of the world." Another name they very commonly give to it, calling it Hoa Kue, or Chung Hoa, which means "flowery kingdom," or "garden, forest, and pleasant place of the middle of the world." In the time of the emperor Xun this name was much used, and it is still used in literature. It is a very suitable name for that empire, for in truth it is throughout a beautiful garden and a peaceful and pleasant forest. (Domingo F. Navarrete's Tratados historicos, pp. 1, 2.)

[52] See Raynal's account of "the settlements, wars, policy, and commerce of the Dutch in the East Indies," in his Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i, pp. 151-260. An interesting description of Batavia, the capital of the Dutch possessions in the Orient, is given in pp. 221-228; and an account of the organization, administration, and policy of the Dutch East India Company, in pp. 158-161, 228-255. The foundation and early history of the Dutch settlement at the Cape of Good Hope are related in pp. 201-213.

[53] Apparently a member of the royal Council; he sent orders that during the war with Great Britain no galleon should sail from Manila for Acapulco, stating that the king thus decreed in order to prevent those rich cargoes from falling into the hands of the English. The merchants petitioned Governor Arrechedera to suspend this decree, at least by permitting them to send to Acapulco the goods which had been registered for that port three years before--which were already damaged by this delay, and would be ruined by a longer one; he did so (with the advice of his counselors), and the galleon "Rosario" and the patache "Pilar" were sent with cargoes in June, 1746. To accomplish this, in the exhausted condition of the colonial treasury, the merchants were obliged to contribute 50,000 pesos for the outfitting of the ships and other expenses; and the royal officials, with the consent of the ecclesiastical cabildo, borrowed from the funds in the treasury belonging to the cathedral 29,805 pesos. The ships were manned with crews of 500 and 350 men respectively. They made the voyage safely, and returned to Manila with the situado for that year and 30,000 pesos on the arrearages in those of previous years. The "Rosario" was again despatched with a cargo, and with request for the situados which had been held back in Mexico; as these amounted to six, the islands were in great need, and the royal treasury almost empty; but the vessel was ill-constructed, and was driven back to port by storms.

[54] Concepción says (Hist. de Philipinas, xi, p. 237) that this was "a little vessel, which was in the service of the missions and presidios in California;" the viceroy sent it because, having heard nothing from Manila for a long time, he feared that Anson had caused destruction there.

[55] Raynal devotes book iv of his Établissemens et commerce des Europées (t. i, pp. 400-548) to the "voyages, settlements, wars, and commerce of the French in the East Indies." The first voyage to India undertaken by a French commercial company (1601) was commanded by Pyrard de Laval, whose account of his adventures in the Maldive Islands has already been cited in these volumes; but this enterprise was unsuccessful. After various abortive attempts by Frenchmen to engage in the Oriental trade, an East India Company was formed in France (1664) by the great Colbert, with an exclusive charter and many special privileges. The company made a settlement in Madagascar, which was abandoned in 1670, and the French ships then went to India, where they established a post at Surat, and afterward one at Pondicherry. At first the trade prospered, especially at the latter post; but after a time the affairs of the company were mismanaged, its funds diminished so that ruinous expedients, only temporarily successful, were resorted to; its markets at home were spoiled by the sale of India goods, taken by French privateers from English and Dutch prizes, at very low prices; for lack of money, the company could not keep up its purchases in India; heavy duties were laid on all India goods; the conduct of the home government toward the company was, although vacillating, generally oppressive, and its administration corrupt; and the company long struggled on the brink of ruin. At the end of the fifty years' term of their charter, they secured (1714) an extension for ten years more; and in the period of "frenzied finance" engineered by John Law (1716-21) various other trading companies were merged in this one, which later was substantially aided by the French government. For a time the company acquired great power and extensive territories in India; but war broke out between France and England, and in 1761 Pondicherry was captured and destroyed by the English. Afterward, from 1764 to 1769, the company conducted a prosperous Oriental trade; but its affairs had long been mismanaged, and the government had meddled with these unduly, while there had been much corruption among both its directors and its officials. It was found to be heavily indebted, and its finances fell into almost hopeless confusion; and finally a royal decree dated August 15, 1769, suspended the exclusive privileges granted to the Company of the Indies, and gave all Frenchmen liberty to navigate and trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope. The company thereupon undertook to liquidate their affairs, and made over to the government (April 7, 1770) their property, the latter assuming the debts and obligations of the company.

In the period 1725 to 1770, the East India Company of France sent out 761 trading ships, an average of 17 each year; the number in 1725 was 33, but it dwindled toward the close of that period until, in 1769, it was but 3; the ships, during the 45 years, were manned by 87,223 men, an average of 115 to each ship. The amount of merchandise carried to the Indias varied from 7,800,000 livres' worth (in 1769) to 612,000 (in 1764), and for the entire period was 133,000,000. The vessels that returned to France numbered 585; they carried thither goods which had cost 344,000,000 livres in the East, and which were sold in France for 636,000,000: the years in which these sales produced most profit were: 1741, a gain of 12,327,000 livres; 1752, 13,719,000 livres; and 1755, 12,785,000 livres. During the first decade, the company paid on its sales, as duties to the crown, the sum of 25,000 livres annually; then until 1765, with a few exceptions, 3,000 livres a year; and during 1765-71, sums varying from 538,000 to 126,000 livres a year. The annual dividends varied usually from eight and a quarter to three millions of livres; steadily decreasing (in groups of years) to the latter figure; in 1746 the dividend was 15,000,000, but in that year the company borrowed the large sum of 25,000,000. In 1765 the dividend was but 766,000 livres. Its capital in 1725 was 100,000,000 livres due from the crown, and 39,835 in its ships and other assets. In June, 1747, the government increased its obligations to the company to 180,000,000 livres, in compensation for depriving it of the monopoly of the sale of tobacco, and engaged to pay it the interest on that sum forever at the rate of five per cent. (See a tabulated statement of the affairs of the French company, at the end of the atlas volume of Raynal's work.)

After the exclusive privileges of the company were suspended, the India commerce was carried on by private persons, and steadily flourished. Raynal presents another table, showing the net product of this private commerce, as indicated by the sales at the French port of l'Orient, during 1771-78 inclusive, of merchandise brought from the Indies, China, and the islands of France and Bourbon; it shows a regular and large increase, save in 1778. The amounts of these sales vary from 10,336,000 livres in 1771 to 27,509,000 in 1777; in the following year the amount was but 14,026,000. The total sales for the eight years amounted to 149,273,000 livres, an annual average of 18,659,000.

[56] "[Lower] California serves as a way-station for the vessels which sail from the Philippines to Mexico; Cape St. Lucas, situated at the southern extremity of the peninsula, is the place where they halt. They find there a good port, fresh food, and signals which warn them if any enemy has appeared in those places which are most dangerous for them. It was in 1734 that the galleon landed there for the first time; and the orders given to it, and its necessities, have drawn it to that place ever since." (Raynal, Établissemens et commerce des Européens, ii, p. 106.)

[57] The writer of this letter was one of the auditors of the royal Audiencia at Manila (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xi, p. 295).

[58] Evidently referring to Pedro Murillo Velarde, extracts from whose Historia de Philipinas have already appeared in this series. The phrase "the Orient" alludes to the route via India to Europe.

[59] Full accounts of this mission may be found in Ventura del Arco MSS., iv, pp. 447-591, in letters from the Jesuits Pedro Estrada and Juan Angles, dated June 25, 1748, and June 18, 1749, respectively--with letter from Felipe V to the sultan of Joló, and the latter's reply.

[60] This was Fray Pedro de la Santisima Trinidad Martinez de Arizala; he was a native of Madrid, and had been an auditor in the royal Audiencia of Quito for seventeen years, and was an honorary member of the Council of the Indias. But, "disillusioned with the world, and weary of honors, his sensitive conscience found room in the estate of a Franciscan religious, taking their habit, and professing their austere life." He took possession of the archbishopric of Manila on August 27, 1747, at the age of fifty-two years. Difficulties arose between him and Arrechedera; but he contented himself with laying these troubles before the court at Madrid. He died on May 28, 1755. (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xii, pp. 38-40, and xiii, pp. 338, 339.)

[61] See the detailed account of this episode, and of events connected with it, in Concepción's Hist. de Philipinas, xii, chaps, ii-v, which may thus briefly be summarized:

In 1735 Maulana, sultan of Joló, abdicated in favor of his son Mahamad Alimudin. This youth was "brought up in the school of his father," in matters of craft and policy; he had spent some time at Batavia, where he became proficient in the Arabic and Malayan languages, and in the Koran--"which he explained with so much erudition that the Joloans gave him the title of chief pandita of that kingdom," and he attained among the Moros "an authority almost supreme." He negotiated for peace with the Spaniards, which was effected in 1737; he promised to restore the Christian captives, but his datos resented this, and refused to obey. In May, 1740, a Recollect priest, Fray Hypolito de San Agustin, was captured by Moro pirates; but certain Joloans--especially their pandita, one Yaloc--rescued him and took him to Joló, where he was kindly received and cared for. The sultan demanded a ransom of 12,000 pesos for him; after many difficulties and negotiations, and some aid from the Jesuits, the captive priest secured his liberty by binding the Recollect province to pay the amount demanded for ransom. Soon afterward, the sultan was persuaded by Commandant Zacharias and the Jesuit Isasi at Zamboanga to commute his claim to 1,000 pesos, which was gladly paid by the Recollects. The peace made with Alimudin stopped the invasions by the Joloans, but the Tirones from the Bornean coast continued their destructive raids. Remonstrances being made at Madrid by the representatives of Philippine interests, the king wrote the letters to the rulers of Joló and Tamontaca (the latter being Ameril Mahomenin Campsa), which have been previously mentioned in this series; they were received at Manila in July, 1746, and were sent to their destination by the hands of the Jesuits Isasi and Arcada. These envoys conducted various negotiations with the sultan, who demanded (and received) from the Manila government aid of money, guns, and iron--for Joló, to repay him for the expenses which he had incurred in aiding the Spaniards against the Tirones; for Tamontaca (or Mindanao), to aid in the war with Gula, the son of the rebel Malinog. Arrangements were made for the opening of Jesuit missions in Joló and Tamontaca; but they soon came to naught. In September, 1748, a rebellion in Joló unseated Alimudin, and sent him a fugitive to Zamboanga; and, Ameril and Gula having become reconciled, threatened treachery sent the Jesuit Moreno back from Tamontaca to the same refuge. Alimudin went to Manila, here he was received with much éclat by Governor Arrechedera; he was there apparently converted to the Christian faith by the governor's persuasions.

[62] "By the marriage with Elizabeth Farnese (ancestry normal), Philip V had, as an heir, Charles III, of Spain, who was the best of the more modern sovereigns of that country--in fact, the only normal one since before the days of the Emperor Charles V, now seven generations in the background. Not that Charles III inherited any of the ancient genius, for that had gone, never to appear again. He was, however, ([to cite] Hume), 'an enlightened, generous, and just king and a noble and magnanimous man,' and (Rose's Biographical Dictionary) 'possessed abilities as a monarch, and virtues as a private citizen, ... was a popular sovereign and a great economist of time, scrupulously methodical in all his operations.'" Thus writes Dr. F. A. Woods, in his Heredity in Royalty (New York, 1906), pp. 155, 156--a book which endeavors, on scientific lines, to ascertain the influence of heredity as displayed in the royal families of Europe. The chapter on the rulers of Spain is found at pp. 124-171. He says (p. 138): "The origin of the well-known insanity in the Spanish and Austrian houses, perpetuated over thirteen generations and involving more than a score of individuals, is a very interesting question. It cannot be traced with certainty prior to Isabella, the Queen of John II, of Castile. This Isabella was out and out insane, according to the English alienist, W. W. Ireland; and from her, onward, the insanity passed along in one form or another by the very intermarriages which their pride and political motives caused them to arrange, with the intended idea of making permanent their world power, but with the inevitable result of losing that same prestige by placing it in the hands of the unfortunate children whose inheritance was necessarily mental weakness as the result of such unwise wedlocks."

For account of Carlos III's reign, see Manuel Danvila y Collado's Reinado de Carlos III (Madrid, 1894). An interesting description of this monarch's character and mode of life may be found in the Dublin Magazine for April, 1763, pp. 238, 239; it is written by a clergyman named Clark, "chaplain to the Earl of Bristol, late ambassador at the court of Madrid." He says, among other things: "He is the greatest Nimrod of his time: he sacrifices everything to this favorite pleasure; he was disgusted at his public entry, because it hindered him of four days sport. He stayed three days at Toledo, and killed six wild mountain-cats, which, as I was well informed by those who had calculated the expence of that expedition, cost him exactly 1000 l. a cat." "It has been imagined that he is a very weak prince, and of little or no understanding: Ir is a great mistake; he has some parts, but is mulish and obstinate to the last degree; and, by being constantly flattered, he imagines that he has more understanding than he really possesses. He is reserved beyond the common reserve of princes, has no confidant, and communicates his will only by his orders to put into execution. He can neither be led nor driven; all must come from himself." "He allows no minister to remonstrate or argue with him." "He arrested and banished the inquisitor-general, and sent him prisoner to a convent. He engaged in the present war with England, contrary to the sentiments of his ministers, and in direct opposition to the voice of the whole nation."

[63] A copy of the naturalization papers of Nicolas Norton y Nicols as a Spaniard exists in the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla; its pressmark is, "Est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 13, libro 12, fol. 226b-229b," and the document is dated at Aranjuez, August 3, 1758. Norton became a Catholic, and was allowed to trade in the Philippines. The allusion to "192 years" is somewhat incorrect, if he refers to the first discovery of the islands, which occurred in 1565; or else he may have begun to write out this proposal to the king as early as 1757, which would tally with the above numbers.

[64] In the text, Bisarjas, evidently a clerical error. This, and a few similar discrepancies in the MS., strengthen the conjecture that it is not written by Norton's own hand; it was probably dictated by him to an amanuensis.

[65] See articles describing the cocoanut, its uses, culture, etc., in Census of the Philippine Islands, iv, pp. 53-76; its uses are thus characterized (p. 72): "Briefly summed up, its timber can be employed in every form of house construction; its foliage in making mats, sacks, and thatches; its fruit in curry and sweet-meats; its oil for medicine, cookery, and illumination; its various uses in the manufacture of wines, spirits, sugar, and vinegar." See also various scientific articles regarding the culture of the cocoanut palm, its enemies, and the qualities of its oil, in the Philippine Journal of Science, Manila, 1906 (published by the Philippine government).

[66] Spanish, cañas, which (as sometimes elsewhere) indicates that this name was bestowed indifferently on the bamboo and the rattan; but the latter is here meant, of course, as being named bichuca (for bejuco).

[67] Spanish, clauos; apparently meaning that the natives used in their housebuilding wedges made from the wood of the cocoanut tree as a substitute for iron nails.

[68] Probably alluding to a document which is preserved in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla, by Norton y Nicols, dated at Madrid, September 2, 1757; it will be mentioned in the bibliographical section of this series (VOL. LIII).

[69] The context would imply that sugar is here referred to; but the writer does not mention it again, and seems to have abandoned his attempt to export it.

[70] Spanish, estas ayudas de, followed by a blank space, doubtless intended to be filled by costas.

[71] Concepción mentions this stone (Hist. de Philipinas, xii, p. 25), found on a site selected by the Dutch; they had marked "a stone with the letter T, which, as it was interpreted, signified, 'annexed to Terrenate.' This same token they had placed in other uninhabited islands in the vicinity. This marked stone was dug up by the sultan of Mindanao, who sent it to the governor of Samboangan, Don Pedro Zacharias. Two Dutch chalupas went to call the Mindanaos to account for this act, intending to obtain satisfaction for it by placing the marked stone in the locality of Silangan, on the mainland of Mindanao; but Radiamura courageously drove back the Dutch who made a landing--who, in retreating, swore to return with adequate forces for that enterprise."

[72] There is some confusion or error in these figures, which read, in the MS., "35 = 3.94 @ 2,82:600." Without them, the totals amount to 80,187,524; subtracting this from the entire total, there remains a balance of 3,424,000, apparently indicating the value of the sugar--save that the total for benzoin is erroneously figured in the MS.; it should be 144,804. The MS. is also uncertain on some of the other totals.

[73] The writer (or more probably his amanuensis) has made an error in transcribing these sums; "six millions" should read "sixty millions," and at the end of the paragraph the amount of chocolate should be "one hundred and fifty" instead of "fifteen" millions. The remaining figures are correct.

[74] "In 1618, according to the testimony of Dr. Marradón, of Marchena, to one hundred cacao-beans must be added a pound and a half of sugar, two onzas of cinnamon, fourteen grains of Mexican pepper, a half-onza of cloves, and two reals' weight of anise and annotto; and one might add almonds, nuts, and orange-flower water. Years afterward Dr. Colmenero of Ledesma modified this formula, making the paste in the proportion of one hundred cacao-beans, one-half libra of sugar, two granos of pepper, anise, cloves, Alexandrian [i.e., white] roses, logwood, cinnamon, almonds, nuts, and a sufficient quantity of annotto to give it color."

Until the end of the eighteenth century chocolate was prepared mainly by hand-labor. "In the seventeenth century, the preparation of the chocolate was made by artisans, who received twelve reals and an azumbre [i.e., about half a gallon] of wine for preparing each day the portion of chocolate from sixteen libras of clear cacao. The chocolate, thus prepared and sold under the name of 'health chocolate,' often contained special ingredients, chosen on account of the fashion, or of the taste of the consumers; and if in those times great praise was given to the chocolate which contained aromatic essences--vanilla, amber, and orange--certainly not less famous on that account was the chocolate of Madrid with its doradilla [i.e., ceterach], that of Ávila with its pimentón [i.e., a large variety of pepper], and that of Pamplona with its pepper and ginger. Fray Manuel Ordoñez says, referring to the paste which we are considering, that 'in the past century it was sold only in the apothecary shops, like physicians' prescriptions, for our cure;' and from this citation we may infer not only that chocolate was regarded as a special medicine, but that it was considered as a therapeutic agent, worthy of being kept by the pharmacists of the seventeenth century. Later, in the eighteenth century, the preparation of chocolate began to be made by the guild of spice-dealers, its ingredients being reduced to the cacao, cinnamon or vanilla, and sugar; and the custom became somewhat general of adding to the paste some biscuit-dough, in order to make it thicker when it was diluted with water. At the same time when the 'health chocolate' was sold in the spice-shops, a medicinal chocolate was prepared in the apothecary shops, in which the principal products of the pharmacopeia entered as ingredients. As the preparation of chocolate had become general in the convents, in attempting to compete with the spice-dealers the friars did not think of making it of better quality; but, in order to sell it more cheaply, they subtracted from cacao and cinnamon what they added in ingredients that were not always harmless for the parishioner's health. In order that the importance of this adulteration may be estimated, it is sufficient to cite some of the additions most used, as wheat flour, rice flour; ground lentils, peas, beans, and maize; starch, potato starch, and dextrine; olive oil, sweet almond oil, yolk of egg, tallow of veal and mutton; storax, chestnut [flour], gum tragacanth; cinnabar, red oxide of mercury, red lead, carbonate of lime, etc." The manufacture of chocolate has been conducted almost entirely by machinery during the past century, and has accordingly thrown out the majority of the artisans who made it by hand. (José del Carmenal, cited in Gräfenberg's Spanisches Lesebuch, Frankfurt, 1899, pp. 7-11.)

[75] At the end of the atlas volume in Raynal's Établissemens et commerce des Européens is a tabular "Enumeration of the population of Spain, prepared in 1768 by order of his Lordship Conde de Aranda, president of the Council of Castilla." The population is given separately for each of the eight archbishoprics (which contain 48 bishoprics, 2 of them "exempt"). The lay population was thus classed: married persons, 1,724,567 men and 1,714,505 women; unmarried (presumably including children), 2,809,069 boys and 2,911,858 girls; total, 9,159,999. Add the number of the clergy (both regular and secular), which was 147,805, and the entire population numbered 9,307,804. Two curious discrepancies may be noted: the number of married men is greater than that of the married women by 10,062, and the girls exceed the boys by 102,789 (this latter an excess of about 3 2/3 per cent). The only region in which the number of married men is practically the same as that of married women is the archdiocese of Valencia, and the only one where the same thing is true of the boys and girls is the archdiocese of Zaragoza. The greatest discrepancy in the numbers of both these classes is found in the archdiocese of Burgos, where there were 197,064 married men, and only 185,997 married women; and it had 330,428 girls and only 310,545 boys. Highly significant is the enumeration of the privileged classes, of whom in the total population there were 846,657, thus classified: those enjoying royal privileges, 89,393; in the department of finances, 27,577; in that of the Crusade, 4,248; in that of the Inquisition, 2,645; in the nobility, 722,794. It is to be observed that three-fourths of all the privileged class are found in the archdiocese of Burgos and the two exempt bishoprics--in the former, 324,661; in the latter, 306,378. Not less interesting are the statistics of the ecclesiastical estate. In the 16,427 cities and villages were 18,106 parishes, which were served by 15,641 curas. There were 2,004 monasteries, containing 55,453 religious; and 1,026 convents with 26,465 nuns. All these religious orders employed also 8,552 persons as procurators and treasurers, and with the orders were affiliated 26,294 laymen. In the service of the churches were 25,248 laymen; and besides the curas there were 50,246 chaplains and beneficed priests. The total of all these items is 147,805, the number above given.

[76] A literal translation of the text; but there seems to be some omission or confusion in the statement. Possibly the writer intended to make it contingent on the success of his project for making cinnamon plantations.

[77] In the text, aljoresesite; there is no such word in the lexicons, and it probably is an error (perhaps of an amanuensis) for ajo aceite, the name of a pungent preparation of garlic, oil, etc., which is used in the southern countries of Europe as a condiment.

[78] Thus in original, but the context would indicate that "no" was omitted here.

[79] Spanish, caldos: a term applied to the wine, oil, and brandy that are transported by sea (Dominguez).

[80] The somewhat fragmentary nature of these statements indicates the probability that they are but memoranda, and the whole MS. a rough draft, which was to be presented to the king in revised and improved form.

[81] Wm. Reed (Negritos of Zambales) says, (p. 27): "Everything in the history of the Zambal people and their present comparative unimportance goes to show that they were the most indolent and backward of the Malayan peoples. While they have never given the governing powers much trouble, yet they have not kept pace with the agricultural and commercial progress of the other people, and their territory has been so steadily encroached on from all sides by their more aggressive neighbors that their separate identity is seriously threatened. The rich valleys of Zambales have long attracted Ilokano immigrants, who have founded several important towns. The Zambals themselves, owing to lack of communication between their towns, have developed their separate dialects.... [but] Zambal as a distinct dialect is gradually disappearing." "The Zambals, however, lived in so close contact with the Negritos that they impressed their language on them so thoroughly, that no trace of the dialect of the latter people remains in Zambales" (p. 28).

As pointed out in a recent communication from James A. LeRoy, the Zambals were mountaineers, kin to the Igorot of today, and of Malay origin. They probably formed a portion of a very early migratory movement from the south who were pushed back into the hills. They must not be confused with the Negritos, who are not Malayan. The Malayan origin of the Zambals can be easily seen from Perez's description.

[82] Fray Vicente Salazar in his Historia, chapter xxx, pp. 134-138 ("Description of the province of Zambales, and the genius, customs, and ceremonies of its Indians") makes use of this document by Perez, which he greatly condenses. Indeed, it forms his sole authority on the Zambals. In the two following chapters ("Fruit of the preaching of our religious in the changing of the customs of the Zambals;" and "Of some miracles which our Lord worked in this mission and reduction of the Zambals") also he uses considerable of the material of Perez.

[83] Carrizal: land which is full of reed-grass.

[84] Tapis is a Tagálog word, being the name of a garment worn by women as a skirt. See Noceda and Sanlucar's Vocabulario de la lengua tagala.

[85] Iua: a Tagálog word for a weapon resembling a dagger. See ut supra.

[86] Wm. A. Reed (Negritos of Zambales, p. 26), commenting on Salazar's description of the Zambals, which is condensed from Perez, says: "Of course it is impossible to tell how much of this is the product of the writer's imagination, or at least of the imagination of those earlier chroniclers from whom he got his information, but it can well be believed that the natives had a religion of their own and that the work of the missionaries was exceedingly difficult." In this connection, it is interesting to note that Perez later vouches for the entire truth of whatever he has written.

[87] The original reads: presidiendo las ceremonias Bis. The transcriber of the document for the present editors has added the following note: "The structure and meaning of this word is not well understood." It is the Latin word Bis, meaning "in a twofold manner," indicating that the god Malyari presides over both the feast and the honors to the deceased.

[88] Balata is also used by the Tagálogs to signify "abstinence from something in memory of any person." See Noceda and Sanlucar's Vocabulario.

[89] The Spanish for "to play at ring" is correr á la sortija. This is an equestrian sport, which is played by taking an iron ring as large as a Segovian ochavo (a small brass coin). This ring is fitted into another piece of iron, from which it can be easily withdrawn. The latter is hung from a cord or pole a few feet from the ground, and the horsemen and others who take part in the game, taking the proper distance, go toward the ring at a run. The one who bears off the ring on his lance is declared the winner. See Dominguez's Diccionario.

[90] A word of respect in the Tagálog dialect.

[91] Even when I was a missionary to the heathens from 1882 to 1892, I had occasion to observe the said policy, to inform the chief of the fortress of the measures that he ought to take, and to make a false show on the other side so that it might have no influence on the fortress. (Note by Dominican transcriber.)

[92] The same thing was advised by father Fray Remigio Rodriguez del Alamo to Don Narciso Claveria y Oscariz, in respect to the different tribes of Ifugaos. (Note by Dominican transcriber.)

[93] This was Gregorio Giraldez, who reached the Philippines in 1679. He was a Galician by birth and professed in the Dominican order August 31, 1666. He was immediately sent to the province of Zambales, being appointed in 1682 vicar of Alalang, and in 1684, of Paynaven. In 1686 he became superior of the Manila convent. He filled the offices also of procurator-general, president of San Juan de Letran, and vicar-provincial. His death occurred at Manila, May 28, 1702. See Salazar's Historia, p. 130; and Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 215, 216.

[94] Juan de la Nava went to the Philippines in 1684, and was assigned immediately to Masinloc, in the province of Zambales, which post he filled for four years. In 1690 he was appointed vicar-provincial there, at the same time having in charge the house at Paynaven. His death occurred August 24, 1691. See Salazar's Historia, pp. 583, 584, and Reseña biográfica, ii, p. 252.

[95] Juan Fernandez was born in the province of Asturias, and professed at Valladolid, September 8, 1674. Reaching the Philippines in 1679 at the age of twenty-six, he was sent to the province of Zambales, being assigned in 1680 to Masinloc, where he remained until 1686. He was also vicar of Santiago Apostol de Bolinao (1688-96) and of Santa Catalina V. y M. de Agno; vicar-provincial (1692-94); at Bolinao again (1696-98); superior of Manila convent (1698-1702); president of the house of Santa Mónica de Marihumo, in Zambales, from 1702 until his death in the first half of 1703. See Salazar's Historia, p. 130; and Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 223, 224.

[96] This was Juan Rois. See VOL. XLI, p. 250, note 76.