Chapter XVI (1)

[Herein are enumerated the charitable foundations (obras pias) [41] placed at the disposal of the Misericordia or of the brethren of St. John. The earliest of these (although its date is not given) appears to be that of General Thomàs Garcia de Cardenas; he gave the Misericordia 12,000 pesos, of which 6,000 should be invested in the Acapulco trade, and the profits applied to different charities--among them, 100 pesos being given to the hospital, which sum is still received by that institution whenever the Acapulco galleons make successful voyages. Another and similar one was founded by Governor Manuel de Leon, with 50,000 pesos of principal; from the returns of this, 400 pesos were to be applied "for the care and comfort of the sick in our hospitals." Master-of-camp Thomàs de Endaya in 1703 gave 8,000 pesos to the Misericordia, one-half to be invested in the Acapulco trade for the benefit of various charities; among these, the hospital was to receive 100 pesos for purchasing rice for the sick. Abbot Juan Bautista Sidot (by other writers written Sidoti) in 1705 collected among the citizens of Manila 12,000 pesos, which he invested in trade--one-third each in Nueva España, China, and the coast of Yaba (i.e., Java)--the returns on all these being held and added to the principal until they should be equal to 40,000 pesos, which sum was to be invested in the same manner, and its proceeds devoted to various charities. Of these, the hospital was to receive 240 pesos annually, thus: 100 pesos for the salary of a physician, 100 for the cost of the dispensary, and 40 for the salary of a surgeon. The further sum of 1,100 pesos a year afterward was assigned to the hospital, since some of Sidoti's plans for aiding other works proved abortive. A fund of 50,000 pesos, similarly invested in the Acapulco trade, was given in 1706 by Fray Andrès Gonzalez, O.P., bishop of Nueva Cazeres, from which 400 pesos a year were to be given to the hospital; he also made provision for distributing every year certain sums to the curas and missionary fathers in his diocese, to be spent in aiding the sick poor in their charge--"for the reason that, having asked permission from the royal Audiencia of Manila to found a hospital in this city of Nueva Cazeres and this not having been granted me, I desire that, since there is no actual hospital, there shall be one in substance." From this wording Maldonado argues that, in case a hospital should be founded there, the fund left by Gonzalez for his diocese--1,305 pesos, presumably for each year--might properly be claimed for the aid of such institution; "with the said contribution, and if the natives of the said province would agree to give [each] a ganta of rice or of oil, or some other little offering of that sort, a hospital could be supported which was suitable for aiding the many necessities which those helpless people suffer." Sargento-mayor Don Antonio Basarte, a citizen of Manila, established another foundation for the Misericordia in 1708; he left 50,000 pesos for this, but after the claims of his legal creditors were satisfied, only 9,849 pesos remained; this was duly invested, but the proceeds did not reach the amount of the original 50,000 pesos until 1726, at which time the returns became available for charitable uses; among these, 250 pesos were allotted for the meat necessary for the support of the sick in the hospitals. Captain Manuel Martinez Lobo left a bequest to the Misericordia; [42] in 1727 this yielded the net sum of 3,300 pesos, which was invested in the trade of Acapulco and Yaba; from the proceeds the officers of the Misericordia were to apply 50 pesos annually for the poor of the hospital, at the time when they should make their yearly visitation of that house. In 1727 General Don Joseph de Morales (then steward of the Misericordia) gave 600 pesos to be invested in trade, from the profits of which 100 pesos annually were to be given for comforts for the sick poor in the hospitals. The same officer at dying left a bequest for charities, in which were included the brethren of St. John; they were to receive (presumably from the returns made on each galleon) 100 pesos for buying shrouds for the sick who should die in the hospitals, 100 for clothing for the religious, and 100 for certain religious functions to be celebrated in their church. Morales's successor as steward, General Don Domingo Antonio de Otero Vermudes (who was also chief alguazil [43] of the Inquisition), in 1729 founded an obra pia with 3,000 pesos; from its returns 100 pesos were to be applied for the support of the poor sick in the hospital. Doña Maria Joachina, the unmarried daughter of Sargento-mayor Don Juan Antonio Collantes y Peredo, having property in her own right, left 4,000 pesos for charitable purposes, which included the payment of 500 pesos yearly for the convalescents from the hospital; this became available in 1736. Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera and Doña Maria Gomez del Castillo (his wife?) left some real estate, on which shops were located, at the place called Los Arroceros (i.e., "the rice-mills"), outside the city walls; its proceeds were to be given in equal shares to the hospital and to the poor who were confined in the prisons. The aforesaid shops "fell into decay, and were rebuilt in 1714, with the stipulation that from the rent of them should be deducted the third part in order to repay the amount spent for that construction;" this was accomplished in 1722, after which the full amount was received by the beneficiaries. It is estimated that this aid amounts to over 150 pesos a year, and its value is greater or less according to whether the shops are all occupied; but "we receive only what is handed over by the deputy steward of the prisoners," to whom the collection of these rents had been entrusted by the Misericordia. Antonio de Arisiga placed 4,000 pesos at interest, for the aid of various charities; from the income of this he applied 50 pesos annually for the comfort of the sick in the hospital; but in the course of time this foundation was impaired by various losses, and the Misericordia divided its income pro rata among its beneficiaries. Juan de Moxica placed at interest 6,750 pesos, from the income of which should be given twelve reals for three masses every week, and the rest for the hospital and treasury of the Misericordia; this income also became diminished, like the preceding one, and what was collected was applied to the aforesaid masses--although, in Maldonado's opinion, any money in excess of Moxica's requirement ought to be applied in equal parts to the hospital and the Misericordia.]

[All the foregoing funds are administered and controlled by the board of the Misericordia; but the hospital has the benefit of certain others in the hands of the Third Order of St. Francis. Don Manuel San Juan de Santacruz established a fund in that order, for investment in the Acapulco trade; the income was applied to various charities, among which the hospital was to receive 100 pesos a year. In 1711 a similar fund was given by Sargento-mayor Don Diego Thomàs de Gorostiaga, also in the Acapulco trade; from its income, the hospital was assigned 100 pesos a year. In 1721, another fund was established by Sargento-mayor Don Juan Lopez, on similar terms, the hospital receiving from the income 50 pesos a year. A like foundation from Don Jacome Maria Balestra, made in 1724, brought to the hospital 120 pesos annually. In the same year and in like manner, another fund was given by the licentiate Don Gabriel de Isturis, which added to the hospital's income 150 pesos a year. In 1728, an obra pia was established in the Third Order by some unknown donor, under the title of San Raphael; from this 80 pesos were given, half to the convent of St. John, and half to the hospital. A year later, a similar fund was established under the title of San Miguel, by Captain Don Miguel de Caraza; among its beneficiaries, the sick of the hospital received, for their food on certain holy days, 25 pesos a year. All those named in this paragraph were administered by the said Third Order.]

[Certain funds were established by benevolent women for charitable purposes, to be at the disposal of our writer, Maldonado. "Doña Margarita Luysa de Avila, who was the widow of Sargento-mayor Don Nicolàs de Rivera, from the residue of her property set aside a principal of 700 pesos for the establishment of a charitable fund, which should be invested by halves in the trade of Nueva España;" to this Maldonado added 1,000 pesos more, given to him by various other benefactors, and invested the whole thus, until its product should bring the fund to a total of 3,362 pesos; it was then to be divided into three parts, and again invested, its income being thus apportioned: "130 pesos, as the offering for 156 masses, which are celebrated in the church of our convent at Manila, three on each Monday in the year--one with an offering of one peso, and the others with one of six reals each; beginning after half-past six in the morning, and not before, nor shall they be said at one time--as suffrages for the souls in purgatory; and this stipend can be applied to the fathers belonging to this community who are priests. Thirty pesos, in order that the reverend father who is prior or superior of this convent may arrange for chanting a solemn mass with vigils, and with the assistance of the community, on one of the days in the octave of the dead, in the month of November, the suffrages being applied in behalf of the founders. One hundred and fifty pesos, in order that the reverend father who may be prior or superior of this convent may distribute this sum, as is stated in the foundation of the said fund, for the expenses at the feast of the gozos [44] of the blessed ever-virgin Mary, our Lady; these must be celebrated in our church as a seven days' feast, which begins on the day of the patronage of the blessed St. Joseph, who is honored as the father of Jesus Christ our Lord--that is, the third Sunday after Easter. Sixty pesos for the offering for eighty masses to be said, with the stipend of six reals each, which the reverend father who is or shall be the prior or superior of this convent is to arrange for being celebrated during the said septenary--fourteen on the first day, and eleven on each of the other days, and inviting for this function priests by whom it can be completed, since this community has not a sufficient number of priests therefor--in order to fulfil this obligation in the manner which is prescribed, and the intention of [the founders; the] said masses must be applied as suffrages for the souls in purgatory, and for those of the founders. Twenty-five pesos, to be distributed during the said septenary among the poor, both men and women, who may be in our infirmaries. Twelve pesos, to be divided as alms among the women servants of the infirmary for women in our hospital. Twenty-eight pesos, to be divided, on the first day of the said septenary, among fourteen Spanish widows, at the rate of two pesos each. Fourteen pesos, for the cost of wine for masses, so much as is deemed necessary for the celebration of those which are mentioned in this foundation. Forty pesos, which must be kept in reserve every year for the repairs on our convent of Manila, according to occasion. This foundation began to operate in the year 1738, and would be in condition for distribution if it were not for the loss of a galleon and another misfortune, which retarded the distribution until the year 1745; and request has been made that its administration be entrusted to the venerable arch-confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament that is established in the church of San Gabriel at Bin[on]doc, a mission village in charge of the holy Order of St. Dominic, outside the walls of this city."]

[Another fund in Maldonado's hands is that which "Doña Josepha Ortega, who was the wife of General Don Antonio Sanchez Cerdàn, set aside from the main part of her estate, the sum of 2,500 pesos as a principal, in order that a charitable fund might be established, at the disposal of the religious who writes this. According to the instructions communicated to him by the said foundress, the said principal must be invested in the trade with Nueva España, its product accruing to it until the fund should reach the amount of 7,818 pesos 3 reals; in that case it should be divided into three parts, each of 2,600 pesos 1 real, with which principal the investment should be continued in the said trade with Nueva España; and the income of this fund, usually amounting to 1,042 pesos, be distributed in this manner: Ninety-two pesos for the offering for that number of masses in the chapel of the ward [used as an] infirmary for women in this hospital of Manila. Twenty-five pesos for the expenses of the function of [the Virgin's] Solitude, which is solemnized in our church on the night of Good Friday in each year. Eighty pesos for the offering for as many masses, which are to be solemnized in our church during the septenary of the most glorious patriarch St. Joseph, at the feast of his gozos, which begins on the fifteenth day of October. Twenty-five pesos for the redemption of captives. Thirty-six pesos, to be divided, during the said septenary, among the sick poor, both men and women, in our hospital of Manila. Twelve pesos, to be divided, during the said septenary, among the women servants of the sick-ward for women in this hospital. One hundred pesos, to be distributed, during the said septenary, by the superior of this convent and one of the father chaplains, among deserving poor widows and orphan girls, especially those who are present in our church at the said festivity. Thirteen pesos, for the same purpose, among the poor beggars who are present in our church at the said festivity. Twenty-five pesos, for a hundred bulls for the living; these will be given as alms by the fathers who assist in the confessionals in our church during the said septenary, and who can ascertain the poor who are in need of this favor. Twenty-five pesos, for the alms of a hundred bulls for the departed, [to be given] on the day when their memory is celebrated in our church in the month of November, the suffrage being applied for those who shall have died in our hospital. Sixty-four pesos one real, for the function of masses, vigils, and responses for the cemetery, which has been established in our church as a suffrage for the dead, in the month of November of each year. Twenty-five pesos, for the holy places of Jerusalem. One hundred and fifty pesos for the cost of chocolate, [45] with which sum arrangements are made to furnish it to the religious of this convent of Manila. One hundred pesos, which are to be reserved each year for the material fabrica of our convent and hospital of Manila, as occasion may require. One hundred pesos for the expenses of the arch-confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament at Binondo, which has been asked to take charge of the administration of this fund. And 134 pesos one real, in order that this sum may be separately invested, and with its accrued products form another foundation, until it shall contain 1,717 pesos one real as principal; and then, divided into three parts, it may be ventured in the galleons of the Nueva España route, and with its returns the following assignments be made: 300 pesos for two dowries, of 150 pesos each, to fatherless girls, the daughters of Spaniards, of virtuous lives--which dowries are to be allotted on one of the days of the septenary, in the manner which will be explained. Forty pesos for the Christmas masses [missas de Aguinaldo] which are celebrated in our church of this convent of Manila. Eleven pesos, for the expenses of the entertainment which must be given to those who meet in the committee which must be called together for the choice of the orphans to whom are to be allotted the dowries aforesaid, during the septenary of St. Joseph, the arrangements for which in detail are punctually set down here. In order that embarrassments arising from personal considerations which intervene may be avoided, heed must be taken in the award of these dowries that the names be presented of those who are needy; and, this having been ascertained by a special conference which the father who is or shall be the superior of this convent shall have with the father priests--and if there are not two, he shall substitute the chief councilor--it shall be declared by the majority of votes who ought by right to be admitted from the persons who make claims; and, this settled, the choice shall be made among those who shall be thus accepted, by drawing lots, and the two dowries shall be awarded to the girls who shall draw the fortunate lots. The method of the said drawing shall be, that the names of all those who are accepted shall be written, each on a slip of paper; and an equal number of other slips, blank, shall be made, and on two of these shall be written the words, 'May I be endowed by the glorious St. Joseph.' Then in one urn, or other suitable receptacle, shall be placed the slips, folded, on which are written the names of the candidates; and in another urn or receptacle like the other shall be placed the blank slips--which, as already stated, shall be equal in number to those containing the names, and shall include those on which was written the fortunate lot, as has been explained--and both urns shall be shaken. [This shall be done] in the afternoon of the first day of the septenary; in the body of the church shall be placed a table with a neat cover, and some chairs, where the superior [of the Order of St. John] shall sit as president, accompanied by the priestly fathers who may belong to it; in case there should be no more than one [of these], the chief councilor shall assist him. With the aid of the father councilor, a slip shall be drawn from [the urn containing] the names, and read, and then another shall be drawn from those that are blank, the writing on the slips being read aloud, and recorded on a paper which the said secretary shall keep by him; after this manner the other slips shall be successively drawn, until from the names those are chosen which the lot shall indicate; and, as it follows that there will be present in the church at this function the parties who are concerned, or some one who can act in their behalf, such person shall be summoned, and the order for payment handed to her, so that she may obtain her donation of 150 pesos for dowry. And for the orderly management of this business there shall be made a book of common paper, in which shall be written the [names and proceedings of the] special committee which shall be called together to investigate the claims; and they shall endeavor, before the choice is made, to gain accurate information, in order that the appointment may be confirmed in accordance with the intention of the said foundation. At the said committee-meeting the [claims of the] parties shall be presented, and especially of those admitted to the drawing, without any opinion being expressed regarding those who shall not be admitted, or any previous information regarding the decision being given to the parties concerned. Those admitted to the drawing shall be notified to come together on the day prescribed, and on the same day these regulations shall be read, when the superior shall have reported that he has carried out all their provisions, as appears from the book of the committee; and the other arrangements that are made for the fulfilment of this charge shall be put into practice in each successive year, the full record thereof being afterward made in the book, with full evidence that to those who were chosen by lot the donation that was assigned them has been paid." Maldonado expects that the income of this foundation as a whole will be available within six years, if no disaster be encountered; but the provision for dowries will have to wait twelve years. He states that two things must be considered, in estimating the value of the funds enumerated in this chapter: first, that when they were founded the profits on the Acapulco trade were reckoned at fifty per cent, but at the time when he writes have diminished at the rate of forty per cent; accordingly, the incomes of the funds have been distributed pro rata to the various beneficiaries. Second, as these incomes depend on the perils of the sea, they have encountered many losses from shipwrecks; or the failure of the vessel to complete the voyage, or even to obtain a cargo at Manila; or the delay in receiving the returns from Acapulco, caused by an unsuccessful fair there, or by other embarrassments.]

[THE OTHER HOSPITALS IN THE ISLANDS]

[This matter is found at the end of chapter ii of Maldonado's book (pp. 25-29), but is transferred to this place as being more appropriate in orderly sequence; he describes the condition of those institutions at the time of writing his book.]

Present condition of the royal hospital of Manila

The new royal hospital being reestablished, and all the expenses necessary for its maintenance being provided for in the royal treasury, for its business management and the assistance of the sick there were allotted a steward, a physician, a surgeon, nurses, and the other servants who were deemed necessary; and for its spiritual administration the discalced religious of the holy order of our holy father St. Francis, in the province of San Gregorio of these islands--which arrangement was approved by a royal decree, dated at Madrid, May 20, 1624. It has continued in this manner up to the present century, when, on account of the lack of religious for the Indian villages dependent on the Franciscans, and other just reasons, they were released from the ministry of the said royal hospital, and the government appointed secular priests as chaplains, with a suitable income. The cost of maintaining the hospital in its present condition is reckoned at 6,841 pesos, thus: The chaplain, steward, and physician, at 300 pesos each; the surgeon, 240; [46] the chief sacristan, three nurses, one assistant surgeon, the keeper of the wardrobe, the cook, and the doorkeeper, each 96 pesos; with this the ordinary expense, 1,368 pesos. [It also requires] 960 cabans of rice, 384 gantas of cocoanut-oil, and 8,400 fowls; also 2,000 pesos, at which amount the provision for medicines is permanently fixed, and 215 pesos besides, which sum is allotted for the cost of wine for mass, wax, and other expenses which are incurred for the titular feast day, which is All Saints' day. Interments are made in the royal chapel of this garrison, which also has for the year's expenses 3,220 pesos more, without counting the extraordinary expenses which are necessary during that time in the hospital, for beds, tents, and other needs, and in the royal chapel for ornaments and the other requirements of the divine worship. In the said royal hospital, without a special order from the superior government no other persons are received, whatever their rank may be, besides the officers and soldiers who are in actual service; and, although some mariners resort to this institution--and these are few, on account of the distance of their residence, which is in Cabite--it has not, either, a ward for women. The steward, the chaplain, and the chief sacristan (who usually is a priest) have their residence in the said hospital, and are continually on duty. The physician and the surgeons are present both afternoon and morning, to visit the sick and give prescriptions for what seems necessary. The nurses and the other servants lack the intelligence which is required [in such work], for those who are occupied in it are poor persons, who have no other situations; and, as the employment is arduous, they do not remain long in it. Several high officials, in discussing this matter, have showed their preference that this responsibility should devolve upon our religious. It is certain that the object of that same institution calls for different service, and might also excuse some [further] expense to his Majesty; but as this depends upon the royal command, it has not proceeded beyond mere talk.

The hospital of our religious order--of which mention will be made further on, as not limited to a special class--is a general one, for men and women of all classes; and in this same holy exercise of their ministry is secured the relief and general consolation of the needy who resort to this charity.

Hospital of San Lazaro

Without the walls of Manila is another hospital, with the name of San Lazaro, in which are gathered all those who are stricken by the contagious disease of the same name; it is administered and cared for by the religious of our holy father St. Francis, and his Majesty has assigned to it, by virtue of a royal decree of January 22, 1672, a contribution of 1,187 pesos 4 reals every year--500 pesos in cash, paid from the royal treasury; the rest is the estimated value of 1,500 cabans of rice, 1,500 fowls, 200 light Ilocos blankets, and one arroba of Castilian wine for the holy sacrifice of mass.

Hospital of San Gabriel for the Sangleys

There is also another hospital outside the walls; it is under the protection of St. Gabriel, and in the charge and administration of the religious in the venerable Order of Preachers of the province of the Santissimo Rosario of these islands; it is designed solely for medical treatment for the Chinese (or Sangleys) who reside in this country. For its maintenance at the beginning, there was assigned to it by his Majesty the ferry across the great river which flows between the said hospital and this city; but this allowance ceased at the building of the great bridge which afterward was constructed, and by royal decree of November 26, 1630, the said allowance was commuted to the sum of 2,000 pesos each year, which is paid from the communal chest [47] which the Sangleys themselves maintain.

Hospital of Los Baños

In the village of Los Baños, in the jurisdiction of the province of La Laguna, which is distant five leguas from Manila, was founded another hospital at the account of his Majesty; it was for the convalescent soldiers, on account of the specific properties of the waters of that district, particularly for venereal diseases [Galicos]. But the institution has been steadily declining with the course of time, and at present there remains only one religious from the holy order of our holy father St. Francis, who is assisted from the royal exchequer with 120 pesos a year.

[Royal] allowances for infirmaries

In virtue of a royal decree of September 4, 1667, every year are issued [treasury] warrants for 300 baskets [sextos; apparently misprint for cestos] of rict and 200 fowls for the infirmary which the holy Order of St. Dominic maintains in the convent at the village of Lalo, the chief town of the province of Cagayan. By another royal decree, dated January 18, 1706, there are also issued to the holy order of our holy father St. Francis 100 pesos for medicines, and the value of 129 pesos in various commodities, and 800 fowls, for the infirmaries which it maintains in this city, [in] Pagsanhan, the chief town of the province of La Laguna, and [in] Naga, the chief town of the province of Camarines. It is understood, however, that this aid is only for the treatment of the sick religious belonging to the said holy communities.

Hospital of Zamboanga

In the fortified town of Samboanga is maintained a dwelling for the sick soldiers, who are assisted by a practitioner with the title of surgeon; for this occupation he is paid four pesos four reals monthly, and for the treatment of the sick a chest of medicines is sent from Manila every year. The lack of skill on the part of this practitioner or surgeon, and, moreover, the fact that less provision is made for the entire amount of assistance [there given] than the hospital order requires, enable one to see what the men in garrison there will suffer. But it is inferred that those are in worse condition who serve in the garrisons of the fortifications of Nuestra Señora del Rosario in Iloylo, San Pedro in Zebù, Santa Isabèl of Paragua in Calamianes, San Francisco in Cagayan, and San Joseph of Tanda in Caraga--not to mention many other posts that are dependent on these principal fortresses--where there is no attendance of surgeons, and no medicines are sent thither. Our community, knowing this, shares in their affliction, by not being able to aid them for lack of the permissions from superiors and the adequate assistance which were indispensable for the proper care of the soldiers.

[The book ends with another chapter, headed "Digression xvii," which contains an apology for the deficiencies of the work, and an account of two miraculous interventions (by their founder St. John and by an image of the Virgin) at their convent in July, 1739. On the former subject he says: "I avoid repetition of the reasons for the lack of elegant style and exactness of terms, and will conclude by saying that various other deficiencies that may be encountered are irreparable; for these natives who serve as amanuenses are so averse to all orthography that even the greatest exactness in pointing out their errors, in work of this sort, cannot prevent them from making mistakes. Some words they separate [from those] to which these belong, and others they do not divide; they write proper names with a small [initial] letter, and place capitals in the midst of any word; sometimes they set down the words without the least understanding of the punctuation. On this account it is necessary that the reader discreetly supply what [deficiencies] of this sort he may notice; and if this [manuscript] be transcribed for any purpose, that it be corrected beforehand--for this effort has already been made, but has not been sufficient; nor would it be, even if the manuscript were copied over and over, for what is thus made correct in one place is compensated by a new error in another place." He ends with the usual protestation of loyalty to the doctrines and precedents of the church, dated at Manila, July 10, 1740.]

LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE INDIA COUNCIL

I wrote last year to your most illustrious Lordship, by way of Nueva España and Portugal, mentioning the pleasure which I felt at the news that your most illustrious Lordship held the presidency of the Council of the Indias; for besides the affection which I profess to your most illustrious Lordship, ever since I experienced your kindness in Balladolid, I have looked for the like success in the management of the important affairs which are entrusted to the Council, and I hope that these unfortunate and remote regions may have a share in the good results which their government needs.

In regard to the troubles which have afflicted this commonwealth: The Dutch, keen to avail themselves of opportunities to extend their commerce, sent hither a warship in the year forty-four, under pretext of an embassy; it was in charge of Monsieur Duvins, the second factor in their trade with Japon. He carried letters from the governor and council of Batavia for the governor and Audiencia here, in which it was stated that he came to look for a bark named "Cathalina Magdalena"--for which a Swiss heretic had given pledges to the Company at Batavia with his own person; it had sailed from here with the name "Sancta Ana," and a commission from the governor here; but it was sold to the Company, who changed its name, and in the charge of the same Swiss it came back here to trade, with consignments belonging to the Dutch. And since, in order to send the squadron to China, [48] the departure of the vessels which were in this bay was prohibited, the said bark was compelled to winter here; and, under pretext of looking after these [commercial] interests, the Dutch sent their envoy with credentials. He carried himself, while here, with the air of an ambassador, and claimed that we should treat him as such, that we should give him audience in a session of the royal court, and that the auditors should visit him; but in polite terms he was given to understand that without express order from his Majesty he could not be treated as he desired; and it was resolved that answer should be made to the letters with entire courtesy--stating that no such bark as the "Cathalina Magdalena" had landed at these islands; but that, if through stress of any storm it should enter our ports, it should receive succor, and our friendly relations would be maintained in all things. His principal topic, however, was that free trade should be permitted to him here, and that the Dutch should bring us all the merchandise necessary for us. But, as he found no opening for a proposition of that sort--on account of the prohibition [of commerce] in the laws [of the kingdoms] and in the treaties of peace, and because of the damage which would ensue to the islands from admitting within them the different religion which neighbors so cunning and so powerful [as the Dutch] would undertake to impart to them--he returned home much disgusted, publishing to the Dutch that Manila could be captured with five hundred soldiers, and even urging this enterprise as an easy one on Barnet, the commander of the English squadron which was then at Batavia.

The Dutch, not discomfited by this repulse, or by the loss of 50,000 pardaos [49] (which are 37,500 pesos)--which as they write from Batavia, the above-mentioned ambassador expended--made an agreement with an English corsair who was at Batavia, with a ship of fifty-two guns and another of thirty, to the effect that under his own flag he should escort four Dutch ships, which they despatched to Acapulco last year with merchandise. And in order to hinder the galleon from leaving this port they deceived a Frenchman, [50] who was very well known here, hinting to him that the squadron of Barenet [sic] and the corsair were going to attack Manila; and they hastened his embarkation, at the cost of 4,000 pesos, in order that he might notify us here. Then they gave orders to the corsair, with two other ships of their own, to let themselves be seen at the entrance of Mariveles, in order to throw Manila into alarm and hinder the sailing of the galleon. By [causing] this fright they succeeded in their purpose to prevent the sailing of the ship, which was lightened of its cargo as soon as the information which the Frenchman gave reached us; and the 4,000 pesos were paid [to him] for the cost of this warning. The said four ships sailed to leeward, and sighted the coast of Ylocos, whence we had news of this. But they could not attain their principal object; for when the six ships had come together in China, and were laden with [goods worth] 900,000 pardaos (each containing six silver reals), they expected the vessel which, after having given that warning here, was to cross over to China [51] and carry to the Dutch a pilot for the navigation to Nueva España; but it could not reach China, and was obliged to go to Batavia. The four Dutch ships and the two [English] corsairs, resolved to carry out their project, sailed from Canton on the fourteenth of September, bound for the coast of Nueva España and Perú to carry on illicit trade, [52] and the English to make reprisals. But God, who chose to punish so mischievous a design, permitted that a hurricane should attack them, when they were four days out from Canton; and as a result the two corsairs were driven back to China--the larger vessel dismasted and battered, and the smaller one badly damaged. The four Dutch ships, badly leaking, spent twelve days in searching for an anchorage on the coast of Ylocos, in order to make repairs; but not finding one, they went back to Batavia, with their goods damaged. According to what is written to us in a despatch that is just received from Batavia--from a person who was sent there from here to make observations on the condition of the English piratical squadron--the Dutch lost on their merchandise half of its value; and the corsair sold for 17,000 pardaos his ship of fifty-two guns, with all its military supplies, since it was no longer fit for navigation, while he went with the other and smaller ship--it is said without [stopping for] food--to another port to repair it. [It is also reported] that the squadron of Barenet had departed for Bombain, toward the Persian Gulf, to cruise against the French, from whom he seized at the Straits [of Malacca] nearly a million pesos. The person who was sent from here to Batavia (who is a Malabar) with a balandra was detained there under the pretext that the governor had gone away, and orders were given that he should not be permitted to depart until the governor's return. But he informed us of everything, by a vessel which he despatched with six men and a French pilot; and he reported that three Dutch fragatas were being equipped and laden with merchandise in order to carry on illicit trade at the entrance of [the Gulf of] Californias, carrying [respectively] forty, thirty, and twenty-five cannon. In his opinion, this was the cause of his detention, in order that, by news [from him] not reaching Manila, the galleon should not sail for Nueva España, and their intention not be known here.

On account of all these advices, and those which we had previously received by way of China making the same statement about the English, it was resolved here that, since the chief [cause for] fear, which was the said squadron--which occasioned the letter with order from the Marqués de la Enseñada, [53] to give warning that a ship should not sail from here with cargo--had ceased, and since the commonwealth was in the most deplorable extremity, with a shipment of goods which had been driven back to port, and laden and unladen the second time, and in evident risk of being lost, a final effort was made by dividing the cargo between two ships equipped for war. One of these carried seventy cannon and the other fifty-two (seventy and forty [respectively] being mounted), and a corresponding number of men, resolved to defend their property and with sufficient force to make resistance to the entire squadron of Barenet, whose ships carried fifty-two, forty-five, forty, and thirty cannon. For the cost of this enterprise the body of merchants offered to aid with 50,000 pesos in Acapulco; and this effort seemed necessary, for, as the viceroy of Mexico had orders not to allow any money to come here, he understood them so strictly that last year he sent a bark [54] without one real. Nevertheless, he was not ignorant that the situado had not been sent here for three years: that with this, and the failure of the [Acapulco] trade, the treasury of the islands ran short 60,000 pesos each year in customs and anchorage duties; that the citizens would necessarily be reduced to poverty, and that these domains were utterly helpless; and that by despatching the aid in November it would arrive here in entire safety from the English--who only through general lack of military foresight were able to secure the prize which they made; for these islands have various ports where our ships can land (thus mocking the enemy), as occurred in the late war; but when they come by the ordinary route and the artillery is in the hold, no other result [than their capture] can be expected.

The damage, most illustrious Sir, is already done, but it calls to heaven for a remedy for the future. That which I propose is, that, since [the merchandise for] this commerce was formerly supplied, either by sending our barks to the Malabar coast, or by Armenians, Moros, or Malabars coming thence with their ships and goods--only tolerating that they might bring some French pilot--orders be given to observe this plan so strictly that warning be given to the Audiencia, the archbishop, and the city [of Manila] that they shall give information if the governor shall contravene those orders, and some exemplary punishment be meted out. For the despotic power which the governors, under pretext of their services, have assumed is great; and the freedom which they have given to the English and the French [55] has arrived at being general license. From this prohibition it follows that they cannot gain so much knowledge about the country and its forts, and that they cannot so greatly injure this commerce, [as hitherto]; for the Asiatics are never so shrewd as the Europeans, and their only concern is for their business, without meddling in observations of our forts or our forlorn condition. To this remedy I add that which I have proposed to the Council, and which on this occasion I repeat.

Observing the aforesaid freedom, the Dutch have ventured to come [against us] with the ease which the Swiss heretic had represented to them; and if this Swiss had not been allowed to come here with his bark, he would not have involved us in such difficulties with the Dutch, for they, in pique, undertook to introduce their commerce into Nueva España--tempting the viceroy with 300,000 pesos which they carried thither last year, planning to give him this money so that he should tolerate [their trading]. And since they are now returning I fear that they are planning to occupy some port in California, [56] in order that it may serve them as a magazine--like the island of Curazas [i.e., Curacoa] in the North Sea--and to make arrangements for carrying on their commerce from Batavia with the same ease as from here. And in order to prevent these or others from undertaking such a scheme (which would be the destruction of America), I have collected testimony regarding all which can aid the Council to realize how, without any expense to the royal treasury, and with the men of whom we have here more than enough belonging to the navy-yard and ships, [Manila] can be fortified for that part of America, for the security of both these and those domains; but I hope for the success of the former proposition, in order not to pile up schemes. I assure your most illustrious Lordship that this can be pushed forward in a way which will be very useful to the nation; because, in order to keep the Dutch under control, it is enough that they know that we keep in readiness the three galleons each of seventy cannon, which the commerce ought to have, and four fragatas besides, with which we can disturb the commerce of the Straits for the inland regions. This is especially easy to do with the English, because, even though they send squadrons from Europa, many of their men die, and they use up their men as fast as they gain ground; and in this country they can never do us harm if we do not give way [to negligence], as hitherto [we have done].

I hope that your most illustrious Lordship will pardon the annoyance of this, as springing from my zeal [57] for the service of the king and the welfare of the nation; and I confide in the inborn devotion [thereto] of your most illustrious Lordship, whose life I entreat God our Lord to preserve for the many years which I desire and need. Manila, July 16, 1746. Most illustrious Sir, I kiss the hands of your most illustrious Lordship. Your most devoted and humble servant,

Pedro Calderon y Henriquez (with rubric)

[Addressed: "To the most illustrious Señor Don Joseph de Carbajal y Lancaster, of the Council and cabinet of the Indias, and president of the Council."]

LETTER OF A JESUIT TO HIS BROTHER

As the ships which in the years 47 and 48 sailed from here to Acapulco were driven back to these islands, the letters which in those years I wrote to my brother could not be despatched. This obliges me to avail myself of a safer opportunity, that afforded by the voyage of the father procurators, Pedro Murillo [58] and Bernardo Pazuengos, who for many and important reasons are going to Europe by way of the coast (that is, the Orient) in a French ship which is going from here to France. In the letters which I wrote in past years, I informed my brother of the enterprise of the missions in Joló and Mindanao, in which we were involved by the governor of these islands, Fray Juan de Arrechedera, by the hasty remittance of the letters despatched from Don Felipe (whom may God keep) to the sultans of Joló and Mindanao, and with his own energetic exhortations and promises to our provincial--so that he gave no opportunity to take any counsel, or to furnish means for avoiding the most serious difficulties. [The worst of these] was, as we soon perceived, that at the very time when he despatched with embassies the letters of our king to the said sultans, the said Governor Arrechedera sent an urgent invitation to the sultan of Joló to come to Manila, where he would be hospitably received and entertained. We all knew that the object of the governor was, that the sultan might bring here abundance of pearls and gold; and we also knew that with the departure of the sultan from his kingdom the mission would come to an end, as has actually happened. [59] At the time we were only mistaken in one thing, and that was, to feel sure that the fathers would not leave Joló or Mindanao; for we reckoned that if the sultan should leave Joló the natives would kill the fathers of that mission, and the sultan would easily justify himself because the act had been committed in his absence, and he could even pretend great sorrow for the deaths of the fathers; and in Mindanao, when it was known that in Joló they had killed the fathers, they would do the same there to those engaged in the Mindanao mission.

In reality the fathers had arrived at Zamboanga. When the Moros found themselves obliged to receive the fathers in their kingdoms, according to the promise which they had given in their replies to our king and to the governor of Manila, the two sultans agreed between themselves that after they had admitted the fathers [to their countries] they would treacherously kill them, and so that their murder could not be attributed to the influence of the sultans. The means which the sultan of Joló took was, that after he left his kingdom they should kill the fathers--although God our Lord disposed affairs otherwise from the schemes which the sultan, with unheard-of craft and perfidy, had plotted.

In order that my brother may be fully informed, and may correctly relate everything to all those whom my brother may think expedient to tell of it, I send that enclosure which Father Ygnacio Malaga wrote to me; this account is worthy of entire credence, since he was almost an eyewitness of everything which he relates, being one of the missionaries appointed for Mindanao.

If what Governor Arrechedera is doing here in Manila with the sultan of Joló could be known in Madrid and Roma, and in every other country, people would have no difficulty in believing the enormous perfidy, treachery, and deceit of the said sultan and other Moros. It is nearly a year since the said sultan of Joló arrived at Manila, accompanied by three concubines and several slave-girls. At his arrival the artillery was discharged; and he was lodged very magnificently, in a house provided beforehand for this purpose, outside the walls of Manila, with a continual guard of soldiers, whose captain was always under the orders of the sultan. The entry of the sultan into Manila was arranged with so much pomp and ostentation that everyone said no more could have been done for the entry of the prince of España if he should come to Manila; but all that is told is less [than the reality]. The governor seeing a scarf woven with pearls and ornaments in gold, immediately his eyes and his heart went out toward the scarf and the many other pearls and jewels which he knew the sultan carried. At this the governor entirely closed his eyes to all the information that was given to him--not only that furnished by the fathers of the said missions who had come back to Manila, but the letters which the governor of Samboanga had written to him--openly saying that he placed more confidence in the king of Joló than in the fathers who sent the information. What causes most general sorrow here (and especially to the archbishop) [60] is, that on account of the governor not being willing to listen to anything against the sultan, that is coming true which the fathers said to his Lordship--that the said sultan from Manila would cause the ruin of these islands, causing the Jolóans by piratical raids to carry away many Christian Indians as captives, and to destroy churches and villages. This is what they are actually doing, as is written by the fathers in Visayas, whose letters I have seen within a few days, and the governor will not permit that a word be uttered in order that it may not be said (although it is well known) that the Moros are destroying the island with the gunpowder and balls which have been sent them from Manila, and the sultan is paying for them with the pearls and gold which he has given to the said governor. What continually renews the grief of all is, that not only is no remedy applied to so dire evils, but that the governor continues to entertain the sultan in Manila as if he were our friend or defender, while he is the greatest traitor and enemy that this Christian church has had; and we greatly fear that by this time the said sultan is making himself master of the post at Samboangan. [61]

It is sufficient to have pointed this out in order that my brother may gain knowledge of the condition in which affairs are. What concerns the mission in Mindanao is made sufficiently clear in the letter from Father Ygnacio Malaga, and everything that he says is the simple truth; but, in order that this truth may not be smothered with the reports which this governor of Manila is sending to the court at Madrid, I have sent my brother that letter of Father Malaga, entreating him to please show it to the father procurator-general Pedro Ygnacio Altamirano, and to any other person whom my brother may think best, for the sake of the credit of this province and of the entire Society--for they do not lack many rivals, who are not willing that the ill-success of the missions of Joló and Mindanao should be attributed to the perfidy and malice of the Moros; but they try to charge it to the very fathers of the Society.

My brother will also please tell the father procurator Altamirano how the father provincial Pedro de Estrada had written to inform his Reverence that all the letters of contract on our side in favor of his illustrious Lordship Fray Arrechedera could not be worded otherwise, since we found ourselves obliged to this by the urgent request of the governor himself, and he had to see all of them. But in reality the course of the said governor cannot in conscience be approved [abonar] except with the reflection that Father Altamirano knows very well that our letters on this matter were being misconstrued, and that his Reverence would not be influenced to bind himself in virtue of them to favor the said Señor Arrechedera. In order to make this more certain, the said father provincial Estrada wrote a letter in order that the said Father Altamirano should not pay any attention to this undertaking of ours; and I, as his secretary at the time of the said father provincial, wrote the third letter, as I did all the rest.