Chapter XXXI: Appendix: III (2)

[111] Ibn Abī Usaybiʻah, vol. i. p. 164.

[112] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 475.

[113] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 71 (l. 16). Abū Nūḥ al-Anbārī wrote a refutation of the Qurʼān and other theological works (Wright, p. 191 n. 3).

[114] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 84.

[115] Hilāl al-Ṣābī, p. 95.

[116] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. ix. p. 16.

[117] Von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 167–8. Lammens, p. 11.

[118] Renaudot, pp. 430, 540.

[119] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 180–1.

[120] Von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 183.

[121] Caetani, vol. iii. pp. 350 sq., 387 sqq.

[122] Gottheil, pp. 360–1. Goldziher: Zur Literatur des Ichtilâf al-maḏâhib, ZDMG., vol. 38, pp. 673–4.

[123] On this theoretical character of much of Muslim legal literature, see Snouck Hurgronje: Mohammedanisches Recht in Theorie und Wirklichkeit.

[124] Gottheil, p. 363.

[125] Gottheil, pp. 358–9, however, doubts whether there is evidence for attributing this intolerance to ʻUmar II.

[126] Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome xviii. (1851), pp. 433, 450. Ṭabarī, III, p. 1419.

[127] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 476. Renaudot, p. 189.

[128] Eutychius, II, p. 41 init. Severus (p. 139) says “two churches.”

[129] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. p. 175.

[130] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 490, 491.

[131] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 485.

[132] Elias of Nisibis, p. 128.

[133] A. J. Butler: The Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p. 181. (Oxford, 1884.)

[134] Yāqūt, vol. ii. p. 662.

[135] Yāqūt, vol. ii. p. 670.

[136] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 73.

[137] Ishok of Romgla, p. 266.

[138] Eutychius, II, p. 58.

[139] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 175–6.

[140] Butler: Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p. 76.

[141] Renaudot, p. 399.

[142] Ishok of Romgla, p. 333.

[143] Abū Ṣāliḥ, p. 92.

[144] A Dominican monk from Florence, by name Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, who visited the East about the close of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century, speaks of the toleration the Nestorians had enjoyed under Muhammadan rule right up to his time: “Et ego inveni per antiquas historias et autenticas aput Saracenos, quod ipsi Nestorini amici fuerunt Machometi et confederati cum eo, et quod ipse Machometus mandauit suis posteris, quod Nestorinos maxime conseruarent. Quod usque hodie diligenter obseruant ipsi Sarraceni.” (Laurent, p. 128.)

[145] J. Labourt: De Timotheo I, Nestorianorum Patriarcha, p. 37 sqq. (Paris, 1904.)

[146] E. von Dobschütz, p. 390–1.

[147] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 439–40.

[148] Makīn, p. 12. J. Labourt: Le Christianisme sous la dynastie sassanide, p. 139 sq. (Paris, 1904.)

[149] Renaudot, p. 169.

[150] Von Kremer well remarks: “Wir verdanken dem unermüdlichen Sammelfleiss der arabischen Chronisten unsere Kenntniss der politischen und militärischen Geschichte jener Zeiten, welche so genau ist als dies nur immer auf eine Entfernung von zwölf Jahrhunderten der Fall sein kann; allein gerade die innere Geschichte jener denkwürdigen Epoche, die Geschichte des Kampfes einer neuen, rohen Religion gegen die alten hochgebildeten, zum Theile überbildeten Culte ist kaum in ihren allgemeinsten Umrissen bekannt.” (Von Kremer (2), pp. 1–2.)

[151] Thomas of Margā, vol. ii. p. 309 sq.

[152] Thomas of Margā, vol. ii. pp. 310, 324 sq.

[153] Cf. in addition to the passages quoted below, MʻClintoch & Strong’s Cyclopædia, sub art. Mohammedanism, vol. vi. p. 420. James Freeman Clarke: Ten Great Religions, Part ii. p. 75. (London, 1883.)

[154] Thus the Emperor Heraclius is represented by the Muhammadan historian as saying, “Their religion is a new religion which gives them new zeal.” (Ṭabarī, p. 2103.)

[155] History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii. pp. 216–17.

[156] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 1045–6.

[157] A paper read before the Church Congress at Wolverhampton, October 7th, 1887.

[158] For the oppressive fiscal system under the Byzantine empire, see Gfrörer: Byzantinische Geschichten, vol. ii. pp. 337–9, 389–91, 450.

[159] “Der Islam war ein Rückstoss gegen den Missbrauch, welchen Justinian mit der Menschheit, besonders aber mit der christlichen Religion trieb, deren oberstes geistliches und weltliches Haupt er zu sein behauptete. Dass der Araber Mahomed, welcher 571 der christlichen Zeitrechnung, sechs Jahre nach dem Tode Justinians, das Licht der Welt erblickte, mit seiner Lehre unerhörtes Glück machte, verdankte er grossentheils dem Abscheu, welchen die im Umkreise des byzantinischen Reiches angesessenen Völker, wie die benachbarten Nationen, über die von dem Basileus begangenen Greuel empfanden.” (Gfrörer: Byzantinische Geschichten, vol. ii. p. 437.)

[160] Id. vol. ii. pp. 296–306, 337.

[161] Id. vol. ii. pp. 442–4.

[162] Id. vol. ii. p. 445.

[163] Masʻūdī, vol. ii. p. 387.

[164] Von Kremer (2), p. 8.

[165] Id. p. 54 and (3), p. 32. Nicholson, p. 231.

[166] Among the Muʻtazilite philosophers, Muḥammad b. al-Huzayl, the teacher of al-Maʼmūn, is said to have converted more than three thousand persons to Islam. (Aḥmad b. Yaḥyạ̄ b. al-Murtaḍạ̄, p. 26, l. 7.)

[167] Von Kremer (2), pp. 3, 7–8. C. H. Becker: Christliche Polemik und islamische Dogmenbildung (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xxvi. 1912).

[168] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 45.

[169] Wüstenfeld, p. 103.

[170] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412–13. Caetani, vol. v. p. 508. (“Le vittorie sui Greci e sui Persiani non solamente erano il trionfo della razza araba sulle popolazioni delle provincie conquistate, ma nella mente orientale che vede in tutto la mano di Dio, costituivano un trionfo del principio islamico su quello cristiano e mazdeista, ma sovrattutto sul cristiano.”)

[171] Goldziher, vol. i. chaps. 3 and 4.

[172] The last of these was prompted by the discovery of an attempt on the part of the Christians to burn the city of Cairo. (De Guignes, vol. iv. pp. 204–5.) Gottheil, p. 359, Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome xviii. (1851), pp. 454, 455, 463, 484, 491.

[173] Assemani, tom. iii. pars. 2, p. c. Renaudot, pp. 432, 603, 607.

[174] Muir: The Caliphate, p. 475.

[175] Von Kremer (3), p. 246.

[176] Muir (1), pp. 508, 516–17.

[177] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 79 sq. Ṣalībā b. Yuḥannā, p. 71.

[178] Gottheil, p. 364 sqq.

[179] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 114 (ll. 14–16).

[180] This tradition appears in several forms, e.g. “Whoever wrongs one with whom a compact has been made (i.e. a dhimmī) and lays on him a burden beyond his strength, I will be his accuser.” (Balādhurī, p. 162, fin.) (Yaḥyā b. Ādam, p. 54 (fin.), adds the words, “till the day of judgment.”) “Whoever does violence to a dhimmī who has paid his jizyah and evidenced his submission—his enemy am I.” (Usd al-Ghāba, quoted by Goldziher, in the Jewish Encyclopædia, vol. vi. p. 655.) The Christian historian al-Makīn (p. 11) gives, “Whoever torments the dhimmīs, torments me.”

[181] Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome xix. p. 109. (Paris, 1852.) See also R. Gottheil: A Fetwa on the appointment of Dhimmīs to office. (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, vol. xxvi. p. 203 sqq.)

[182] Belin, pp. 435–40, 442, 448, 456, 459–61, 479–80.

[183] Id. p. 435, n. 2.

[184] Id. p. 478.

[185] Mārī b. Sulaymān (p. 115, ll. 1–2) offers this explanation of the defections that followed the persecution towards the close of the tenth century: واسلم خلق كثير وكان اصل ذلك تجوّز الناس في اديانہم وقبح سيرة الكہنة في المذبح والبيع ونيوت المقدس

[186] The Caliph of Egypt, al-Ḥākim (A.D. 996–1020), did in fact order all the Jews and Christians to leave Egypt and emigrate into the Byzantine territory, but yielded to their entreaties to revoke his orders. (Maqrīzī (1), p. 91.) It would have been quite possible, however, for him to have enforced its execution as it would have been for the ferocious Salīm I (1512–1520), who with the design of putting an end to all religious differences in his dominions caused 40,000 Shīʻahs to be massacred, to have completed this politic scheme by the extermination of the Christians also. But in allowing himself to be dissuaded from this design, he most certainly acted in accordance with the general policy adopted by Muhammadan rulers towards their Christian subjects. (Finlay, vol. v. pp. 29–30.)

[187] Silbernagl, p. 268.

[188] Id. p. 354.

[189] Id. pp. 307, 360.

[190] Id. p. 25–6.

[191] Id. p. 335.

[192] Id. p. 384.

[193] See A. von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 490–2.

[194] The sack of Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204 may be taken as a type of the treatment that the Eastern Christians met with at the hands of the Latins. Barhebræus complains that the monastery of Harran was sacked and plundered by Count Goscelin, Lord of Emessa, in 1184, just as though he had been a Saracen or a Turk. (Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. pp. 506–8.)

[195] H. H. Milman, vol. ii. p. 218.

[196] A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 172.

[197] Assemani, tom. iii. Pars Prima, pp. 130–1.

[198] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 258.

[199] Id. p. 285.

[200] Maḥbūb al-Manbijī, p. 358 (ll. 2–3).

[201] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 262.

[202] August Müller, vol. i. p. 440.

[203] Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 96, pp. 1336–48.

[204] Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 97, pp. 1528–9, 1548–61.

[205] Id. p. 1557.

[206] ʻAmr b. Mattai, p. 65.

[207] Id. p. 72.

[208] Risālah ʻAbd Allāh b. Ismāʻīl al-Hāshimī ilạ̄ ʻAbd al-Masīḥ b. Isḥāq al-Kindī, pp. 1–37. (London, 1885.)

[209] Appendix I. For an account of Muslim controversial literature, see Appendix II.

[210] Kindī, pp. 111–13.

[211] Balādhurī, pp. 430.

[212] It is very probable that the occasion of this visit of Yazdānbakht to Baghdād was the summoning of a great assembly of the leaders of all the religious bodies of the period, by al-Maʼmūn, when it had come to his ears that the enemies of Islam declared that it owed its success to the sword and not to the power of argument: in this meeting, the Muslim doctors defended their religion against this imputation, and the unbelievers are said to have acknowledged that the Muslims had satisfactorily proved their point. (Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b. al-Murtaḍạ̄: Al-munyah wa’l-amal fī sharḥ kitāb al-milal wa’l-niḥal. British Museum, Or. 3937, fol. 53 (b), ll. 9–11.)

[213] Kitāb al-Fihrist, vol. i. p. 338.

[214] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. p. 194.

[215] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 101 (ll. 3–4).

[216] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. p. 230.

[217] Id., (1), vol. iii. p. 248.

[218] All the Jacobite Patriarchs assumed the name of Ignatius; before his consecration he was called Mark bar Qīqī.

[219] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. pp. 288–90. Elias of Nisibis, pp. 153–4. He returned to the Christian faith, however, before his death, which took place about twenty years later. Two similar cases are recorded in the annals of the Jacobite Patriarchs of Antioch in the sixteenth century: of these one, named Joshua, became a Muhammadan in 1517, but afterwards recanting fled to Cyprus (at that time in the hands of the Venetians), where prostrate at the door of a church in penitential humility he suffered all who went in or out to tread over his body; the other, Niʻmat Allāh (flor. 1560), having abjured Christianity for Islam, sought absolution of Pope Gregory XIII in Rome. (Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. pp. 847–8.)

[220] In fact Elias of Nisibis, the contemporary chronicler of the conversion of the Jacobite Patriarch, makes no mention of such a failing, nor does Mārī b. Sulaymān (pp. 115–16), the historian of the rival Nestorian Church, though he accuses him of plundering the sacred vessels and ornaments of the churches. As Wright (Syriac Literature, p. 192) says of Joseph of Merv, “We need not believe all the evil that Barhebræus tells us of this unhappy man.”

[221] Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. p. 518.

[222] Id. vol. ii. p. 712 sq.

[223] Historia Orientalis, C. 15 (p. 45).

[224] De Guignes, tome ii. (Seconde Partie), p. 15.

[225] Odo de Diogilo. (De Ludovici vii. Itinere. Migne, Patr. Lat., tom. cxcv. p. 1243.) “Vitantes igitur sibi crudeles socios fidei, inter infideles sibi compatientes ibant securi, et sicut audivimus plusquam tria millia iuvenum sunt illis recedentibus sociati. O pietas omni proditione crudelior! Dantes panem fidem tollebant, quamvis certum sit quia, contenti servitio, neminem negare cogebant.”

[226] Guizot: Histoire de la civilisation en Europe, p. 234. (Paris, 1882.)

[227] Usāma b. Munqidh, p. 99.

[228] Prutz, pp. 266–7.

[229] Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois. (Recueil des historiens des Croisades, Assises de Jérusalem, tome ii. p. 325.)

[230] Bahā al-Dīn, p. 25.

[231] Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. p. 307.

[232] Benedict of Peterborough, vol. ii. pp. 11–12.

[233] Id., vol. ii. pp. 20–1. Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. pp. 316, 322.

[234] Abū Shāmah, p. 150.

[235] Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Richardi, p. 131. (Chronicles and Memorials of the reign of Richard I. Edited by William Stubbs.) (London, 1864.)

[236] Joinville, p. 238.

[237] Id. p. 262.

[238] Mas Latrie (1), vol. ii. p. 72.

[239] Ludolf de Suchem, p. 71.

[240] Lionardo Frescobaldi, quoted in the preface of Defrémery and Sanguinetti’s edition of Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. i. p. xl.

[241] Christophori Füreri ab Haimendorf Itinerarium Ægypti, p. 42. (Norimbergæ, 1620.)

[242] Le Voyage en Ethiopie entrepris par le Père Aymard Guérin. (Rabbath, pp. 17–18.)

[243] “Notandum autem in rei veritate, licet quidam contrarium senciant, qui ea volunt asserere, que non viderunt, quod oriens totus ultra mare Yndiam et Ethiopiam nomen Christi confitetur et predicat, preter solos Sarracenos et quosdam Turcomannos, qui in Cappadocia sedem habent, ita quod pro certo assero, sicut per memet ipsum vidi et ab aliis, quibus notum erat, audivi, quod semper in omni loco et regno preterquam in Egypto et Arabia, ubi plurimum habitant Sarraceni et alii Machometum sequentes, pro uno Sarraceno triginta vel amplius invenies Christianos. Verum tamen, quod Christiani omnes transmarini natione sunt orientales, qui licet sint Christiani, quia tamen usum armorum non habent multum, cum impugnantur a Sarracenis, Tartaris, vel aliis quibuscumque, subiciuntur eis et tributis pacem et quietem emunt, et Sarraceni sive alii, qui eis dominantur, balivos suos et exactores in terris illis ponunt. Et inde contigit, quod regnum illud dicitur esse Sarracenorum, cum tamen in rei veritate sunt omnes Christiani preter ipsos balivos et exactores et aliquos de familia ipsorum, sicut oculis meis vidi in Cilicia et Armenia minori, que est subdita dominio Tartarorum.” (Burchardi de Monte Sion, Descriptio Terræ Sanctæ, p. 90.)

[244] Recueil des historiens des Croisades. (Assises de Jérusalem, tome i. p. 325.)

[245] Prutz, pp. 146–7, 150.

[246] The prelates of the Holy Land wrote as follows, in 1244, concerning the invasion of the Khwarizmians, whom Sultan Ayyūb had called in to assist him in driving out the Crusaders:—“Per totam terram usque ad partes Nazareth et Saphet libere nullo resistente discurrunt, occupantes eandem, et inter se quasi propriam dividentes, per villas et cazalia Christianorum legatos et bajulos præficiunt, suscipientes a rusticis redditus et tributa, quæ Christianis præstare solebant, qui jam Christianis hostes effecti et rebelles dictis Corosminis universaliter adhæserunt.” (Matthei Parisiensis Chronica Majora, ed. H. R. Luard, vol. iv. p. 343.) (London, 1872–83.)

[247] Finlay, vol. iii. pp. 358–9. J. H. Krause: Die Byzantiner des Mittelalters, p. 276. (Halle, 1869.)

[248] Tavernier (1), p. 174.

[249] Joselian, p. 125. All the Abkhazes, Djikhethes, Ossetes, Kabardes and Kisthethes fell away from the Christian faith about this time.

[250] Id. p. 127.

[251] Id. p. 143.

[252] David Chytræus, p. 49.

[253] Joselian, p. 157.

[254] Brosset, IIe partie, Ire livraison, pp. 227–35. Description géographique de la Géorgie par le Tsarévitch Wakhoucht, p. 79. (St. Petersburg, 1842.)

[255] The Six Voyages, p. 123.

[256] Joselian, p. 149.

[257] Id. pp. 160–1.

[258] Tavernier (1), pp. 124, 126. He estimates the number of Muhammadans at about twelve thousand. (Id. p. 123.)

[259] Brosset, IIe partie, Ire livraison, pp. 85, 181.

[260] Documens originaux sur les relations diplomatiques de la Géorgie avec la France vers la fin du règne de Louis XIV, recueillis par M. Brosset jeune. (J. A. 2me série, tome ix. (1832), pp. 197, 451.)

[261] Mackenzie, p. 7. Garnett, p. 194.

[262] Barbier de Meynard, p. 45 sqq.

[263] R. du M. M., VII, p. 320 (1909).

[264] Amélineau, p. 3; Caetani, vol. iv. p. 81 sq. Justinian is said to have had 200,000 Copts put to death in the city of Alexandria, and the persecutions of his successors drove many to take refuge in the desert. (Wansleben: The Present State of Egypt, p. 11.) (London, 1678.)

[265] Renaudot, p. 161. Severus, p. 106.

[266] John, Jacobite bishop of Nikiu (second half of seventh century), p. 584. Caetani, vol. iv. pp. 515–16.

[267] Bell, p. xxxvii. But the exactions and hardships that, according to Maqrīzī, the Copts had to endure about seventy years after the conquest hardly allow us to extend this period so far as Von Ranke does: “Von Aegypten weiss man durch die bestimmtesten Zeugnisse, dass sich die Einwohner in den nächsten Jahrhunderten unter der arabischen Herrschaft in einem erträglichen Zustand befunden haben.” (Weltgeschichte, vol. v. p. 153, 4th ed.)

[268] John of Nikiu, p. 560.

[269] Id. p. 585. “Or beaucoup des Égyptiens, qui étaient de faux chrétiens, renièrent la sainte religion orthodoxe et le baptême qui donne la vie, embrassèrent la religion des Musulmans, les ennemis de Dieu, et acceptèrent la détestable doctrine de ce monstre, c’est-à-dire de Mahomet; ils partagèrent l’égarement de ces idolâtres et prirent les armes contre les chrétiens.”

[270] Qurra b. Sharīk (governor of Egypt from 709 to 714), or his predecessor, appears to have insisted on the converts continuing to pay jizyah. (Becker, Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, p. 18.)

[271] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 283.

[272] Caetani, vol. iv. p. 618; vol. v. pp. 384–5.

[273] Severus, pp. 172–3.

[274] Id. pp. 205–6.

[275] “Sans aucun doute il y eut dans la multiplicité des martyrs une sorte de résistance nationale contre les gouverneurs étrangers.” (Amélineau, p. 58.)

[276] Amélineau, pp. 57–8.

[277] Abū Ṣāliḥ, pp. 163–4.

[278] Amélineau, pp. 53–4, 69–70.

[279] Abū Ṣāliḥ gives an account of some monks who embraced the faith of the Prophet, and these are probably representative of a larger number of whom the historian has left no record, as lacking the peculiar circumstances of loss to the monastery or of recantation that made such instances of interest to him (pp. 128, 142).

[280] Lane, pp. 546, 549.

[281] Lüttke (1), vol. i. pp. 30, 35. Dr. Andrew Watson writes: “No year has passed during my residence of forty-four years in the Nile valley without my hearing of several instances of defection. The causes are, chiefly, the hope of worldly gain of various kinds, severe and continued persecution, exposure to the cruelty and rapacity of Moslem neighbours, and personal indignities as well as political disabilities of various kinds.” (Islam in Egypt: Mohammedan World, p. 24.)

[282] Severus, pp. 122, 126, 143. One of the very first occasions on which they had to complain of excessive taxation was when Menas, the Christian prefect of Lower Egypt, extorted from the city of Alexandria 32,057 pieces of gold, instead of 22,000 which ʻAmr had fixed as the amount to be levied. (John of Nikiu, p. 585.) Renaudot (p. 168) says that after the restoration of the Orthodox hierarchy, about seventy years after the Muhammadan conquest, the Copts suffered as much at its hands as at the hands of the Muhammadans themselves.

[283] Maqrīzī mentions five other risings of the Copts that had to be crushed by force of arms, within the first century of the Arab domination. (Maqrīzī (2), pp. 76–82.)

[284] Renaudot, pp. 189, 374, 430, 540.

[285] Id. p. 603.

[286] Id. pp. 432, 607. Nāṣir-i-Khusrau: Safar-nāmah, ed. Schefer, pp. 155–6.

[287] Renaudot, pp. 212, 225, 314, 374, 540.

[288] Renaudot, p. 388.

[289] Id. pp 567, 571, 574–5.

[290] Wansleben, p. 30. Wansleben mentions another instance (under different circumstances) of the decay of the Coptic Church, in the island of Cyprus, which was formerly under the jurisdiction of the Coptic Patriarch: here they were so persecuted by the Orthodox clergy, who enjoyed the protection of the Byzantine emperors, that the Patriarch could not induce priests to go there, and consequently all the Copts on the island either accepted Islam or the Council of Chalcedon, and their churches were all shut up. (Id. p. 31.)

[291] Renaudot, p. 377.

[292] Renaudot, p. 575.

[293] Relation du voyage du Sayd ou de la Thebayde fait en 1668, par les PP. Protais et Charles-François d’Orleans, Capuchins Missionaires, p. 3. (Thevenot, vol. ii.)

[294] Caetani, vol. iv. p. 520.

[295] Ishok of Romgla, pp. 272–3.

[296] Idrīsī, p. 32.

[297] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 2me partie, p. 131.

[298] Maqrīzī, pp. 128–30.

[299] Burckhardt (1), p. 494.

[300] About twelve miles above the modern Khartum.

[301] Artin, pp. 62, 144.

[302] Becker, Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, p. 160.

[303] Vol. iv. p. 396.

[304] Slatin Pasha records a tradition current among the Danagla Arabs that this town was founded by their ancestor, Dangal, who called it after his own name. (This however is impossible, inasmuch as Dongola was in existence in ancient Egyptian times, and is mentioned on the monuments. See Vivien de Saint-Martin, vol. ii. p. 85.) According to their tradition, this Dangal, though a slave, rose to be ruler of Nubia, but paid tribute to Bahnesa, the Coptic bishop of the entire district lying between the present Sarras and Debba. (Fire and Sword in the Sudan, p. 13.) (London, 1896.)

[305] Ibn Salīm al-Aswānī, quoted by Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-Khiṭaṭ, vol. i. p. 190. (Cairo, A.H. 1270.)

[306] Budge, vol. ii. p. 199. Artin, p. 144.

[307] Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-Khiṭaṭ, vol. i. p. 193.

[308] Morié, vol. i. pp. 417–18.

[309] Lord Stanley of Alderley in his translation of Alvarez’ Narrative from the original Portuguese, gives the answer of the king as follows: “He said to them that he had his Abima from the country of the Moors, that is to say from the Patriarch of Alexandria; ... how then could he give priests and friars since another gave them” (p. 352). (London, 1881.)

[310] Viaggio nella Ethiopia al Prete Ianni fatto par Don Francesco Alvarez Portughese (1520–1527). (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 200, 250.)

[311] Wansleben, p. 30. For descriptions of the ruins that still remain, see Budge, vol. ii. p. 299 sqq., and G. S. Nileham, Churches in Lower Nubia. (Philadelphia, 1910.)

[312] Burckhardt (1), p. 133.

[313] Alvarez, p. 250.

[314] Idrīsī, p. 32.

[315] ʻArabfaqīh, p. 323.

[316] Maqrīzī (2), tome ii. 2me partie, p. 183.

[317] Basset, p. 240.

[318] Id., p. 247.

[319] Alvarez. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 218, 242, 249.)

[320] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 83, 191.

[321] ʻArabfaqīh, p. 275–6.

[322] Id. pp. 319, 324.

[323] Id. pp. 28, 129, 275.

[324] Plowden, p. 36.

[325] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 321, 335, 343.

[326] Id. passim.

[327] Id. pp. 175, 195, 248.

[328] Id. p. 178.

[329] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 34–5, 120–1, 182–3, 244, 327.

[330] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 181–2, 186.

[331] Iobi Ludolfi ad suam Historiam Æthiopicam Commentarius, p. 474. (Frankfurt a. M., 1691.)

[332] Histoire de la Haute Ethiopie, par le R. P. Manoel d’Almeïda, p. 7. (Thevenot, vol. ii.)

[333] Massaja, vol. ii. pp. 205–6. “Ognuno comprende che movente di queste conversioni essendo la sete di regnare, nel fatto non si riducevano che ad una formalità esterna, restando poi i nuovi convertiti veri mussulmani nei cuori e nei costumi. E perciò accadeva che, elevati alla dignità di Râs, si circondavano di mussulmani, dando ad essi la maggior parte degli impieghi e colmandoli di titoli, ricchezze e favori: e così l’Abissinia cristiana invasa e popolata da questa pessima razza, passò coll’andar del tempo sotto il giogo dell’islamismo.” (Id. p. 206.)

[334] Rüppell, vol. i. pp. 328, 366.

[335] Plowden, p. 15.

[336] Tābōt, the ark of the covenant.

[337] Littmann, pp. 69–70.

[338] Plowden, pp. 8–9.

[339] Beke, pp. 51–2. Isenberg, p. 36.

[340] Reclus, vol. x. p. 247. Massaja, vol. xi. p. 125.

[341] Massaja, vol. xi. p. 124.

[342] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 77–8.

[343] Id. pp. 124, 125.

[344] Oppel, p. 307. Reclus, tome x. p. 247.

[345] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 79, 81.

[346] Morié, vol. ii. p. 449.

[347] Littmann, pp. 68–70. K. Cederquist: Islam and Christianity in Abyssinia, p. 154 (The Moslem World, vol. ii.).

[348] Gibbon, vol. i. p. 161.

[349] Id. vol. ii. p. 212.

[350] C. O. Castiglioni: Recherches sur les Berbères atlantiques, pp. 96–7. (Milan, 1826.)

[351] Synesii Catastasis. (Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. lxvi. p. 1569.)

[352] Neander (2), p. 320.

[353] Gibbon, vol. iv. pp. 331–3.

[354] Id. vol. v. p. 115.

[355] Tijānī, p. 201. Gibbon, vol. v. p. 122.

[356] Gibbon, vol. v. p. 214.

[357] Neander (1), vol. v. pp. 254–5. J. E. T. Wiltsch: Hand-book of the geography and statistics of the Church, vol. i. pp. 433–4. (London, 1859.) J. Bournichon: L’Invasion musulmane en Afrique, pp. 32–3. (Tours, 1890.)

[358] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 70, D.)

[359] “Deusen, una città antichissima edificata da Romani dove confina il regno di Buggia col diserto di Numidia.” (Id. p. 75, F.)

[360] Pavy, vol. i. p. iv.

[361] “Tous ceux qui ne se convertirent pas à l’islamisme, ou qui (conservant leur foi) ne voulurent pas s’obliger à payer la capitation, durent prendre la fuite devant les armées musulmanes.” (Tijānī, p. 201.)

[362] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 7.)

[363] “Afros passim ad ecclesiasticos ordines (procedentes) prætendentes nulla ratione suscipiat (Bonifacius), quia aliqui eorum Manichæi, aliqui rebaptizati sæpius sunt probati.” Epist. iv. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix, p. 502.)

[364] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, pp. 65, 66, 68, 69, 76.)

[365] Qayrwān or Cairoan, founded A.H. 50; Fez, founded A.H. 185; al-Mahdiyyah, founded A.H. 303; Masīlah, founded A.H. 315; Marocco, founded A.H. 424. (Abū’l-Fidā, tome ii. pp. 198, 186, 200, 191, 187.)

[366] Ibn Abī Zarʻ, p. 16.

[367] A doubtful case of forced conversion is attributed to ʻAbd al-Muʼmin, who conquered Tunis in 1159. See De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 77–8. “Deux auteurs arabes, Ibn-al-Athir, contemporain, mais vivant à Damas au milieu de l’exaltation religieuse que provoquaient les victoires de Saladin, l’autre El-Tidjani, visitant l’Afrique orientale au quatorzième siècle, ont écrit que le sultan, maître de Tunis, força les chrétiens et les juifs établis dans cette ville à embrasser l’islamisme, et que les réfractaires furent impitoyablement massacrés. Nous doutons de la réalité de toutes ces mesures. Si l’arrêt fatal fut prononcé dans l’emportement du triomphe et pour satisfaire quelques exigences momentanées, il dut être éludé ou révoqué, tant il était contraire au principe de la liberté religieuse respecté jusque-là par tous les princes maugrebins. Ce qu’il y a de certain, c’est que les chrétiens et les juifs ne tardèrent pas à reparaître à Tunis et qu’on voit les chrétiens avant la fin du règne d’Abd-el-Moumen établis à Tunis et y jouissant comme par le passé de la liberté, de leurs établissements, de leur commerce et de leur religion.... ‘Accompagné ainsi par Dieu même dans sa marche, dit un ancien auteur maugrebin, il traversa victorieusement les terres du Zab et de l’Ifrikiah, conquérant le pays et les villes, accordant l’aman à ceux qui le demandaient et tuant les récalcitrants.’ Ces derniers mots confirment notre sentiment sur sa politique à l’égard des chrétiens qui acceptèrent l’arrêt fatal de la destinée.”

[368] De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 27–8.

[369] S. Leonis IX. Papæ Epist. lxxxiii. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. cxliii. p. 728.) This letter deals with a quarrel for precedence between the bishops of Gummi and Carthage, and it is quite possible that the disordered condition of Africa at the time may have kept the African bishops ignorant of the condition of other sees besides their own and those immediately adjacent, and that accordingly the information supplied to the Pope represented the number of the bishops as being smaller than it really was.

[370] A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 628–9.

[371] S. Gregorii VII. Epistola xix. (Liber tertius). (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. cxlviii. p. 449.)

[372] De Mas Latrie, p. 226. A number of Spanish Christians, whose ancestors had been deported to Morocco in 1122, were to be found there as late as 1386, when they were allowed to return to Seville through the good offices of the then sultan of Morocco. (Whishaw, pp. 31–4.)

[373] C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l’Islam, p. xxxiii. (Paris, 1881.)

[374] Compare the articles published by a Junta held at Madrid in 1566, for the reformation of the Moriscoes; one of which runs as follows: “That neither themselves, their women, nor any other persons should be permitted to wash or bathe themselves either at home or elsewhere; and that all their bathing houses should be pulled down and demolished.” (J. Morgan, vol. ii. p. 256.)

[375] C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l’Islam, pp. xxvi–xxxvii.

[376] Leo Africanus says that at the end of the fifteenth century all the mountaineers of Algeria and of Buggia, though Muhammadans, painted black crosses on their cheeks and palms of the hand (Ramusio, i. p. 61); similarly the Banū Mzab to the present day still keep up some religious observances corresponding to excommunication and confession (Oppel, p. 299), and some nomad tribes of the Sahara observe the practice of a kind of baptism and use the cross as a decoration for their stuffs and weapons. (De Mas Latrie (2), p. 8.)

[377] Tijānī, p. 203.

[378] The modern Touzer, in Tunis.

[379] Taʼrīkh al-duwal al-islāmiyyah biʼl maghrib, I. p. 146. (ed. De Slane. Alger, 1847.)

[380] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 67.)

[381] Pavy, vol. i. p. vii.

[382] De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 61–2, 266–7. L. del Marmol-Caravajal: De l’Afrique, tome ii. p. 54. (Paris, 1667.)

[383] De Mas Latrie (2), p. 192.

[384] e.g. Innocent III, Gregory VII, Gregory IX and Innocent IV.

[385] De Mas Latrie (2), p. 273.

[386] Baudissin, p. 22.

[387] Helfferich, p. 68.

[388] Makkarī, vol. i. pp. 280–2.

[389] Baudissin, p. 7.

[390] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 45–6.

[391] A. Müller, vol. ii. p. 463.

[392] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 44–6.

[393] So St. Boniface (A.D. 745, Epist. lxii.). “Sicut aliis gentibus Hispaniæ et Provinciæ et Burgundionum populis contigit, quæ sic a Deo recedentes fornicatæ sunt, donec index omnipotens talium criminum ultrices pœnas per ignorantiam legis Dei et per Saracenos venire et sævire permisit.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix. p. 761.) Eulogius: lib. i. § 30. “In cuius (i.e. gentis Saracenicæ) ditione nostro compellente facinore sceptrum Hispaniæ translatum est.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. cxv. p. 761.) Similarly Alvar (2), § 18. “Et probare nostro vitio inlatum intentabo flagellum. Nostra hæc, fratres, nostra desidia peperit mala, nostra impuritas, nostra levitas, nostra morum obscœnitas ... unde tradidit nos Dominus qui institiam diligit, et cuius vultus æquitatem decernit, ipsi bestiæ conrodendos” (pp. 531–2).

[394] Dozy (3), tome i. pp. 15–20. Whishaw, pp. 38, 44.

[395] Samson, pp. 377–8, 381.

[396] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 210.

[397] Bishop Egila, who was sent to Southern Spain by Pope Hadrian I, towards the end of the eighth century, on a mission to counteract the growing influence of Muslim thought, denounces the Spanish priests who lived in concubinage with married women. (Helfferich, p. 83.)

[398] Alvari Cordubensis, Epist. xix. “Ob meritum æternæ retributionis devovi me sedulum in lege Domini consistere.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. cxxi. p. 512.)

[399] Helfferich, pp. 79–80.

[400] “Bedenkt man nun, wie wichtig gerade die alttestamentliche Idee des Prophetenthums in der Christologie des germanischen Arianismus nachklang und auch nach der Annahme des katholischen Dogmas in dem religiösen Bewusstsein der Westgothen haften blieb, so wird man es sehr erklärlich finden, dass unmittelbar nach dem Einfall der Araber die verwandten Vorstellungen des Mohammedanismus unter den geknechteten Christen auftauchten.” (Helfferich, p. 82.)

[401] Lucæ Diaconi Tudensis Chronicon Mundi. (Andreas Schottus: Hispaniæ Illustratæ, tom. iv. p. 53.) (Francofurti, 1603–8.)

[402] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 41. Whishaw, p. 17.

[403] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 39.

[404] Baudissin, pp. 11–13, 196.

[405] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. i. § 30, “inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus” (p. 761). Id., ib., lib. i. § 18, “Quos nulla præsidialis violentia fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctæ piæque religionis amovit” (p. 751). John of Gorz (who visited Spain about the middle of the tenth century) § 124, “(Christiani), qui in regno eius libere divinis suisque rebus utebantur.”

A Spanish bishop thus described the condition of the Christians to John of Gorz. “Peccatis ad hæc devoluti sumus, ut paganorum subiaceamus ditioni. Resistere potestati verbo prohibemur apostoli. Tantum hoc unum relictum est solatii, quod in tantæ calamitatis malo legibus nos propriis uti non prohibent; qui quos diligentes Christianitatis viderint observatores, colunt et amplectuntur, simul ipsorum convictu delectantur. Pro tempore igitur hoc videmur tenere consilii, ut quia religionis nulla infertur iactura, cetera eis obsequamur, iussisque eorum in quantum fidem non impediunt obtemperemus” § 122 (p. 302).

[406] Baudissin, pp. 16–17.

[407] Eulogius, ob. 859 (Mem. Sanct. lib. iii. c. 3) speaks of churches recently erected (ecclesias nuper structas). The chronicle falsely ascribed to Luitprand records the erection of a church at Cordova in 895 (p. 1113).

[408] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. iii. c. 11 (p. 812).

[409] Baudissin, p. 16.

[410] Id. p. 21, and John of Gorz, § 128 (p. 306).

[411] Whishaw, pp. 272, 301.

[412] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 42.

[413] Baudissin, pp. 96–7.

[414] See the letter of Pope Hadrian I to the Spanish bishops: “Porro diversa capitula quæ ex illis audivimus partibus, id est, quod multi dicentes se catholicos esse, communem vitam gerentes cum Iudæis et non baptizatis paganis, tam in escis quamque in potu et in diversis erroribus nihil pollui se inquiunt: et illud quod inhibitum est, ut nulli liceat iugum ducere cum infidelibus, ipsi enim filias suas cum alio benedicent, et sic populo gentili tradentur.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome xcviii. p. 385.)

[415] Isidori Pacensis Chronicon, § 42 (p. 1266).

[416] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 35 (p. 53). John of Gorz, § 123 (p. 303).

[417] Letter of Hadrian I, p. 385. John of Gorz, § 123 (p. 303).

[418] Some Arabic verses of a Christian poet of the eleventh century are still extant, which exhibit considerable skill in handling the language and metre. (Von Schack, II. 95.)

[419] Abbot Samson gives us specimens of the bad Latin written by some of the ecclesiastics of his time, e.g. “Cum contempti essemus simplicitas christiana,” but his correction is hardly much better, “contenti essemus simplicitati christianæ” (pp. 404, 406).

[420] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 35 (pp. 554–6).

[421] Von Schack, vol. ii. p. 96.

[422] Orderic Vitalis, p. 928.

[423] Alvar: Ind. Lum., § 29. “Compositionem verborum, et preces omnium eius membrorum quotidie pro eo eleganti facundia, et venusto confectas eloquio, nos hodie per eorum volumina et oculis legimus et plerumque miramur.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome cxxi. p. 546.)

[424] Enhueber, § 26, p. 353.

[425] Helfferich, p. 88.

[426] “Postmodum transgressus legem Dei, fugiens ad paganos consentaneos, periuratus effectus est.” Frobenii dissertatio de hæresi Elipandi et Felicis, § xxiv. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome ci. p. 313.)

[427] Pseudo-Luitprandi Chronicon, § 341 (p. 1115). “Basilius Toletanum concilium contrahit; quo providetur, ne Christiani detrimentum acciperent convictu Saracenorum.”

[428] There is little record of such, but they seem referred to in the following sentences of Eulogius (Liber Apologeticus Martyrum, § 20), on Muḥammad: “Cuius quidem erroris insaniam, prædicationis deliramenta, et impiæ novitatis præcepta quisquis catholicorum cognoscere cupit, evidentius ab eiusdem sectæ cultoribus perscrutando advertet. Quoniam sacrum se quidpiam tenere et credere autumantes, non modo privatis, sed apertis vocibus vatis sui dogmata prædicant.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome cxv. p. 862.)

[429] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 53.

[430] Lea, The Moriscos, pp. 17, 18.

[431] Samson, p. 379.

[432] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. Pref., § 2. (Migne, tom. cxv. p. 737.)

[433] Id. c. xiii. (p. 794.)

[434] The number of the martyrs is said not to have exceeded forty. (W. H. Prescott: History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. p. 342, n.) (London, 1846.)

[435] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 161–2.

[436] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. I, iii. c. vii. (p. 805). “Pro eo quod nullus sapiens, nemo urbanus, nullusque procerum Christianorum huiusce modi rem perpetrasset, idcirco non debere universos perimere asserebant, quos non præit personalis dux ad prælium.”

[437] Alvar: Ind. Lum., § 14. “Nonne ipsi qui videbantur columnæ, qui putabantur Ecclesiæ petræ, qui credebantur electi, nullo cogente, nemine provocante, iudicem adierunt, et in præsentia Cynicorum, imo Epicureorum, Dei martyres infamaverunt? Nonne pastores Christi, doctores Ecclesiæ, episcopi, abbates, presbyteri, proceres et magnati, hæreticos eos esse publice clamaverunt? et publica professione sine desquisitione, absque interrogatione, quæ nec imminente mortis sententia erant dicenda, spontanea voluntate, et libero mentis arbitrio, protulerunt?” (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 529.)

[438] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 15. “Quid obtendendum est de illis quos ecclesiastice interdiximus, et a quibus ne aliquando ad martyrii surgerent palmam iuramentum extorsimus? quibus errores gentilium infringere vetuimus, et maledictum ne maledictionibus impeterent? Evangelio et cruce educta vi iurare improbiter fecimus, imo feraliter et belluino terrore coegimus, minantes inaudita supplicia, et monstruosa promittentes truncationum membrorum varia et horrenda dictu audituve flagella?” (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 530.)

[439] Baudissin, p. 199.

[440] Morgan, vol. ii. pp. 297–8, 345.

[441] Id. p. 310.

[442] Lea, The Moriscos, p. 259.

[443] Morgan, vol. ii. p. 337.

[444] Id. p. 289.

[445] Stirling-Maxwell, vol. i. p. 115.

[446] This is no place to give a history of these territorial acquisitions, which may be briefly summed up thus. In 1353 the Ottoman Turks first passed over into Europe and a few years later Adrianople was made their European capital. Under Bāyazīd (1389–1402), their dominions stretched from the Ægæan to the Danube, embracing all Bulgaria, Macedonia, Thessaly and Thrace, with the exception of Chalkidike and the district just round Constantinople. Murād II (1421–1451) occupied Chalkidike and pushed his conquests to the Adriatic. Muḥammad II (1451–1481) by the overthrow of Constantinople, Albania, Bosnia and Servia, became master of the whole South-Eastern peninsula, with the exception of the parts of the coast held by Venice and Montenegro. Sulaymān II (1520–1566) added Hungary and made the Ægæan an Ottoman sea. In the seventeenth century Crete was won and Podolia ceded by Poland.

[447] Phrantzes, pp. 305–6.

[448] Finlay, vol. iii. p. 522. Pitzipios, seconde partie, p. 75. M. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 52–4. Arminjon, vol. i. p. 16.

[449] A traveller who visited Cyprus in 1508 draws the following picture of the tyranny of the Venetians in their foreign possessions: “All the inhabitants of Cyprus are slaves to the Venetians, being obliged to pay to the state a third part of all their increase or income, whether the product of their ground or corn, wine, oil, or of their cattle, or any other thing. Besides, every man of them is bound to work for the state two days of the week wherever they shall please to appoint him: and if any shall fail, by reason of some other business of their own, or for indisposition of body, then they are made to pay a fine for as many days as they are absent from their work: and which is more, there is yearly some tax or other imposed on them, with which the poor common people are so flead and pillaged that they hardly have wherewithal to keep soul and body together.” (The Travels of Martin Baumgarten, p. 373.) See also the passages quoted by Hackett, History of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus, p. 183.

[450] Finlay, vol. iii. p. 502.

[451] Urquhart, quoted by Clark: Races of European Turkey, p. 82.

[452] Karamsin, vol. v. p. 437.

[453] Martin Crusius writes in the same spirit: “Et mirum est, inter barbaros, in tanta tantæ urbis colluvie, nullas cædes audiri, vim iniustam non ferri, ius cuivis dici. Ideo Constantinopolin Sultanus, Refugium totius orbis scribit: quod omnes miseri, ibi tutissime latent: quodque omnibus (tam infimis quam summis: tam Christianis quam infidelibus) iustitia administretur.” (Turcogræcia, p. 487.) (Basileæ, 1584.)

[454] Phrantzes, p. 81.

[455] Phrantzes, p. 92.

[456] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 5, 123. Adeney, p. 311. Gerlach, writing in the year 1577, says: “Wo Christen oder Juden in den Orten wohnen, da es Kadi oder Richter und Subbassi oder Vögte hat, dass die gemeinen Türcken nicht ihres Gefallens mit ihnen umbgehen dörffen, sind sie viel lieber unter den Türcken, dann unter den Christen. Wann sie Jährlich ihren Tribut geben, sind sie hernach frey. Aber in der Christenheit ist das gantze Jahr des Gebens kein Ende.” (Tage-Buch, p. 413.)

[457] Hertzberg, pp. 467, 646, 650.

[458] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 156–7.

[459] This interval was, however, not a fixed one; at first, the levy took place every seven or five years, but later at more frequent intervals according to the exigencies of the state. (Menzel, p. 52.) Metrophanes Kritopoulos, writing in 1625, states that the collectors came to the cities every seventh year and that each city had to contribute three or four, or at least two boys (p. 205).

[460] Qurʼān, viii. 42.

[461] Id. x. 99. 100.

[462] “On ne forçait cependant pas les jeunes Chrétiens à changer de foi. Les principes du gouvernement s’y opposaient aussi bien que les préceptes du Cour’ann; et si des officiers, mus par leur fanatisme, usaient quelquefois de contrainte, leur conduite à cet égard pouvait bien être tolérée; mais elle n’était jamais autorisée par les chefs.” (M. d’Ohsson, tome iii. pp. 397–8.)

[463] Hertzberg, p. 472.

[464] “Sed hoc tristissimum est, quod, ut olim Christiani imperatores, ex singulis oppidis, certum numerum liberorum, in quibus egregia indoles præ cæteris elucebat, delegerunt: quos ad publica officia militiæ togatæ et bellicæ in Aula educari curarunt: ita Turci, occupato Græcorum imperio, idem ius eripiendi patribus familias liberos ingeniis eximiis præditos, usurpant.” (David Chytræus, pp. 12–14.)

[465] Creasy, p. 99. M. d’Ohsson, tome iii. p. 397. Menzel, p. 53. Thomas Smith, speaking of such parents, says: “Others, to the great shame and dishonour of the Religion, Christians only in name, part with them freely and readily enough, not only because they are rid of the trouble and charge of them, but in hopes they may, when they are grown up, get some considerable command in the government.” (An Account of the Greek Church, p. 12. London, 1680.) In the reign of Murād I, Christian troops were employed in collecting this tribute of Christian children. (Finlay, vol. v. p. 45.)

[466] “Verum tamen hos (liberos) pecunia redimere a conquisitoribus sæpe parentibus licet.” (David Chytræus, p. 13.) De la Guilletière mentions it in 1669 as one of the privileges of the Athenians. (An Account of a Late Voyage to Athens, p. 272. London, 1676.)

[467] Confessio, p. 205.

[468] An Account of the Greek Church, p. 12. (London, 1680.)

[469] Menzel, p. 52. Thomas Smith: De Moribus ac Institutis Turcarum, p. 81. (Oxonii, 1672.)

[470] Hill, p. 174.

[471] Joseph von Hammer (2), vol. ii. p. 151. Hans Schiltberger, who was captured by the Turks in 1396 and returned home to Munich after thirty-two years’ captivity, states that the tax the Christians had to pay did not amount to more than two pfennig a month. (Reisebuch, p. 92.)

[472] Soli Sacerdotes, quasi in honorem sacri illius, quo funguntur, Deo ita ordinante, ministerii hoc factum sit, una cum fœminis, ab hoc tributo pendendo immunes habentur. (De Græcæ Hodierno Statu Epistola, authore Thoma Smitho, p. 12.) (Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1698.)

[473] Silbernagl, p. 60.

[474] Martin Crusius, p. 487; Sansovino, p. 67; Georgieviz, p. 98–9; Scheffler, § 56; Hertzberg, p. 648; De la Jonquière, p. 267. A work published in London in 1595, entitled “The Estate of Christians living under the subjection of the Turke,” states the capitation-tax for male children to have been eight shillings (p. 2). Michel Baudin says one sequin a head for every male. (Histoire du Serrail, p. 7. Paris, 1662.)

[475] Georgirenes, p. 9; Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91; Tavernier (3), p. 11.

[476] In a work published by Joseph Georgirenes, Archbishop of Samos, in 1678, during a visit to London, he gives us an account of the income of his own see, the details of which are not likely to have been considered extortionate, as they were here set down for the benefit of English readers: in comparing the sums here mentioned, it should be borne in mind that he speaks of the capitation-tax as being three crowns or dollars (pp. 8–9). “At his (i.e. the Archbishop’s) first coming, the Papas or Parish Priest of the Church of his Residence presents him fifteen or twenty dollers, they of the other Churches according to their Abilities. The first year of his coming, every Parish Priest pays him four dollers, and the following year two. Every Layman pays him forty-eight aspers”—(In the commercial treaty with England, concluded in the year 1675, the value of the dollar was fixed at eighty aspers (Finlay, v. 28))—“and the following years twenty-four. The Samians pay one Doller for a Licence; all Strangers two; but he that comes after first marriage for a Licence for a second or third, pays three or four” (pp. 33–4).

[477] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91.

[478] Scheffler, § 56. “Was aber auch den Ducaten anbelangt, so werdet ihr mit demselben in eurem Sinn ebener massen greulich betrogen. Denn es ist zwar wahr, dass der Türckische Käyser ordentlich nicht mehr nimt als vom Haupt einen Ducaten: aber wo bleiben die Zölle und ausserordentliche Anlagen? nehmen dann seine Königliche Verweser und Hauptleute nichts? muss man zu Kriegen nichts ausser ordentlich geben?... Was aber die ausser ordentliche Anlagen betrifft; die steigen und fallen nach den bösen Zeiten, und müssen von den Türckischen Unterthanen so wohl gegeben werden als bey uns.”

[479] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 24–5. H. von Moltke: Brief über Zustände und Begebenheiten in der Türkei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839, pp. 274, 354. (5th ed., Berlin, 1891.)

[480] Hammer (2), vol. i. p. 346.

[481] “The hard lot of the Christian subjects of the Sultan has at all times arisen from the fact that the central authority at Constantinople has but little real authority throughout the Empire of Turkey. It is the petty tyranny of the village officials, sharpened by personal hatred, which has instigated those acts of atrocity to which, both in former times, and still more at the present day, the Christians in Turkey are subjected. In the days of a nation’s greatness justice and even magnanimity towards a subject race are possible; these, however, are rarely found to exist in the time of a nation’s decay.” (Rev. W. Denton: Servia and the Servians, p. 15. London, 1862.) Gerlach, pp. 49, 52.

[482] Businello, pp. 43–4.

[483] “The central government of the Sultan has generally treated its Mussulman subjects with as much cruelty and injustice as the conquered Christians. The sufferings of the Greeks were caused by the insolence and oppression of the ruling class and the corruption that reigned in the Othoman administration, rather than by the direct exercise of the Sultan’s power. In his private affairs, a Greek had a better chance of obtaining justice from his bishop and the elders of his district than a Turk from the cadi or the voivode.” (Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 4–5.)

“It would be a mistake to suppose that the Christians are the only part of the population that is oppressed and miserable. Turkish misgovernment is uniform, and falls with a heavy hand upon all alike. In some parts of the kingdom the poverty of the Mussulmans may be actually worse than the poverty of the Christians, and it is their condition which most excites the pity of the traveller.” (William Forsyth: The Slavonic Provinces South of the Danube, pp. 157–8. London, 1876.)

“All this oppression and misery (i.e. in the north of Asia Minor) falls upon the Mohammedan population equally with the Christian.” (James Bryce: Transcaucasia and Ararat, p. 381.)

“L’Europe s’imagine que les chrétiens seuls sont soumis, en Turquie, à l’arbitraire, aux souffrances, aux avilissements de toute nature, qui naissent de l’oppression; il n’en est rien! Les musulmans, précisément parce que nulle puissance étrangère ne s’intéresse à eux, sont peut-être plus indignement spoliés, plus courbés sous le joug que ceux qui méconnaissent le prophète.” (De la Jonquière, p. 507.)

“To judge from what we have already observed, the lowest order of Christians are not in a worse condition in Asia Minor than the same class of Turks; and if the Christians of European Turkey have some advantages arising from the effects of the superiority of their numbers over the Turks, those of Asia have the satisfaction of seeing that the Turks are as much oppressed by the men in power as they are themselves; and they have to deal with a race of Mussulmans generally milder, more religious, and better principled than those of Europe.” (W. M. Leake: Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 7. London, 1824.)

Cf. also Laurence Oliphant: The Land of Gilead, pp. 320–3, 446. (London, 1880.)

[484] It was in the sixteenth century that the tribute of children fell into desuetude, and the last recorded example of its exaction was in the year 1676.

[485] De la Jonquière, p. 333. Scheffler, § 45–6. Gasztowtt, p. 51.

[486] “Denn ich höre mit grosser Verwunderung und Bestürtzung, dass nicht allein unter den gemeinen Pövel Reden im Schwange gehn, es sey unter dem Türcken auch gut wohnen: wann man einen Ducaten von Haupt gebe, so wäre man frey; Item er liesse die Religion frey; man würde die Kirchen wieder bekommen; und was vergleichen: sondern dass auch andre, die es wol besser verstehen sollten, sich dessen erfreuen, und über ihr eigen Unglück frolocken! welches nicht allein Halssbrüchige, sondern auch Gottlose Vermessenheiten seynd, die aus keinem andrem Grunde, als aus dem Geist der Ketzerey, der zum Auffruhr und gäntzlicher Ausreitung des Christenthumbs geneigt ist, herkommen.” (Scheffler, § 48.)

[487] Hertzberg, p. 650.

[488] De la Jonquière, p. 34. A similar contrast was made in 1605 by Richard Staper, an English merchant who had been in Turkey as early as 1578: “And notwithstanding that the Turks in general be a most wicked people, walking in the works of darkness ... yet notwithstanding do they permit all Christians, both Greeks and Latins, to live in their religion and freely to use to their conscience, allowing them churches for their divine service, both in Constantinople and very many other places, whereas to the contrary by proof of twelve years’ residence in Spain I can truly affirm, we are not only forced to observe their popish ceremonies, but in danger of life and goods” (M. Epstein: The Early History of the Levant Company, p. 57. London, 1908.)

[489] Macarius, vol. i. pp. 183, 165. Cf. the memorial presented by Polish refugees from Russia to the Sublime Porte, in 1853. (Gasztowtt, p. 217.)

[490] “Alii speciem sibi quandam confixerunt stultam libertatis ... quod quum sub Christiano consequuturos se desperent, ideo vel Turcam mallent: quasi is benignior sit in largienda libertate hac, quam Christianus.” (Ioannis Ludovici Vivis De Conditione Vitæ Christianorum sub Turca, pp. 220, 225.) (Basileæ, 1538.) “Quidam obganniunt, liberam esse sub Turca fidem.” (Othonis Brunfelsii ad Principes et Christianos omnes Oratio, p. 133.) (Basileæ, 1538.) Ubertus Folieta, a noble of Genoa, writing about 1577, says, “Sæpe mecum quaesivi ... qua re fiat, ut tot de nostris hominibus ad illos continenter transfugiant, Christianaque religione eiurata Mahumetanæ sectæ nomina dent.” (De Causis Magnitudinis Turcarum Imperii, col. 1209.) (Thesaurus Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italiæ, curâ Joannis Georgii Grævii, tom. i. Lugduni Batavorum, 1725.)

[491] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a).

[492] Blount, vol. i. p. 548.

[493] Scheffler, §§ 51, 53.

[494] Dousa, p. 38. Busbecq, p. 190.

[495] Thomas Smith, p. 32.

[496] Thomas Smith, p. 42. Blount, vol. i. p. 548. Georgieviz, p. 20. Schiltberger, pp. 83–4. Baudier, pp. 149, 313.

[497] Alexander Ross, p. ix. Baudier, p. 317. Cf. also Rycaut, vol. i. p. 276. “On croit meriter beaucoup que de faire un Proselyte, il n’y a personne assez riche pour avoir un esclave qui n’en veüille un jeune, qui soit capable de recevoir sans peine toutes sortes d’impressions, et qu’il puisse appeller son converti, afin de meriter l’honneur d’avoir augmenté le nombre des fidèles.” Thomas Smith relates how the old man who showed him the tomb of Urkhān at Brusa “ingenti cum fervore, oculis ad Cælum elevatis, Deum precatus est ut nos ad fidem Musulmannicam suo tempore tandem convertere dignaretur: Hoc nimirum est summum erga nos affectus testimonium, qui ex isto falso et imperitissimo zelo solet profluere.” (Epistolæ duae, quarum altera De Moribus ac Institutis Turcarum agit, p. 20.) (Oxonii, 1672.)

[498] By an anonymous writer who was a captive in Turkey from 1436 to 1458. Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a).

[499] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xi. (b). Lionardo of Scio, Archbishop of Mitylene, who was present at the taking of Constantinople, speaks of the large number of renegades in the besieging army: “Chi circondò la città, e chi insegnò a’ turchi l’ordine, se non i pessimi christiani? Io son testimonio, che i Greci, ch’i Latini, che i Tedeschi, che gli Ungari, e che ogni altra generation di christiani, mescolati co’ turchi impararono l’opere e la fede loro, i quali domenticatisi della fede christiana, espugnavano la città. O empij che rinegasti Christo. O settatori di antichristo, dannati alle pene infernali, questo è hora il vostro tempo.” (Sansovino, p. 258.)

[500] J. H. Krause: Die Byzantiner des Mittelalters, pp. 385–6. (Halle, 1869.)

[501] Hertzberg, p. 616. Finlay, vol. v. p. 118.

[502] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xix. (a).

[503] Rycaut, vol. i. pp. 710–11. Bizzi, fol. 49 (b).

[504] Pichler, pp. 164, 172.

[505] Id. p. 143.

[506] Pichler, p. 148. It is doubtful, however, whether Cyril was really the author of this document bearing his name. (Kyriakos, p. 100.)

[507] Id. pp. 183–9.

[508] Id. p 226.

[509] As regards the Christian captives the Protestants certainly had the reputation among the Turks of showing a greater inclination towards conversion than the Catholics. (Gmelin, p. 21.)

[510] Pichler, pp. 211, 227.

[511] Id. pp. 181, 228.

[512] Id. pp. 222, 226.

[513] Pichler, p. 173.

[514] Id. pp. 128, 132, 143.

[515] Id. p. 143.