Chapter XXXII: Appendix: III (3)

[516] Le Quien, tom. i. col. 334.

[517] Pichler, p. 172.

[518] Hefele, vol. i. p. 473.

[519] Cyril II of Berrhœa.

[520] Le Quien, tom. i. col. 335.

[521] Id. tom. i. col. 336.

[522] Id. tom. i. col. 337.

[523] However, in an earlier attempt made by the Protestant theologians of Tübingen (1573–77) to introduce the doctrines of the Reformed Church into the Eastern Church, the Vaivode Quarquar of Samtskheth in Georgia embraced the Confession of Augsburg, but in 1580 became a Muslim. (Joselian, p. 140.)

[524] Scheffler, §§ 53–6. Finlay, vol. v. pp. 118–19.

[525] Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 94.

[526] Spon, vol. ii. p. 57.

[527] Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 364.

[528] Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, edited by J. Theodore Bent, p. 210. (London, 1893.) Similarly, Michel Baudier concludes his description of the festivities in Constantinople on the occasion of the circumcision of Muḥammad III in the latter part of the sixteenth century, with an account of the conversion of a large number of Christians. “During the spectacles of this solemnity, the wretched Grecians ran by troupes in this place to make themselves Mahometans; Some abandoned Christianitie to avoid the oppression of the Turkes, others for the hope of private profit.... The number of these cast-awayes was found to be above foure thousand soules.” (The History of the Serrail, and of the Court of the Grand Seigneur Emperour of the Turkes, pp. 93–4. (London, 1635.) Histoire generale du Serrail, et de la Cour du Grand Seigneur, Empereur des Turcs, pp. 89–90. (Paris, 1631.))

[529] Scheffler, § 55.

[530] Thomas Smith: An Account of the Greek Church, pp. 15–16. (London, 1680.)

[531] A. de la Motraye: Voyages en Europe, Asie et Afrique, vol. i. pp. 306, 308. (La Haye, 1727.)

[532] Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, pp. 83–7. Pichler, p. 29.

[533] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 107. Spon uses much the same language, vol. i. p. 56.

[534] Gaultier de Leslie, p. 137.

[535] A. J. Evans, p. 267. Similarly Mackenzie and Irby say: “In most parts of Old Serbia the idea we found associated with a bishop, was that of a person who carried off what few paras the Turks had left” (p. 258). A similar account of the clergy of the Greek Church is given by a writer in the Revue des Deux Mondes (tome 97, p. 336), who narrates the following story: “Au début de ce siècle, à Tirnova, un certain pope du nom de Joachim, adoré de ses ouailles, détesté de son évêque, reçut l’ordre, un jour, de faire la corvée du fumier dans l’écurie épiscopale. Il se rebiffa: aussitôt la valetaille l’assaillit à coups de fourche. Mais notre homme était vigoureux: il se débattit, et, laissant sa tunique en gage, s’en fut tout chaud chez le cadi. Le soleil n’était pas couché qu’il devenait bon Musulman.”

[536] Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, p. 87.

[537] Id. Seconde Partie, p. 87. Pichler, p. 29.

[538] Lazăr, p. 223.

[539] Finlay, vol. iv. pp. 153–4.

[540] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 104. Cf. Pichler, pp. 29, 31. Spon, vol. i. p. 44.

[541] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xiii. (b); fol. xv. (b); fol. xvii. (b); fol. xx. (a). Veniero, pp. 32, 36. Busbecq, p. 174.

[542] Gaultier de Leslie, pp. 180, 182.

[543] Rycaut, vol. i. p. 689. See also Georgieviz, pp. 53–4, and Menavino, p. 73.

[544] Alexander Ross, p. ix.; he calls the Qurʼān a “gallimaufry of Errors (a Brat as deformed as the Parent, and as full of Heresies, as his scald head was of scurf),”—“a hodg podge made up of these four Ingredients. 1. Of Contradictions. 2. Of Blasphemy. 3. Of ridiculous Fables. 4. Of Lyes.”

[545] Finlay, vol. v. p. 29.

[546] Schiltberger, p. 96.

[547] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xii. (b), xiii. (a).

[548] Id. fol. xxvii. (a).

[549] “Dum corpora exterius fovendo sub pietatis specie non occidit: interius fidem auferendo animas sua diabolica astutia occidere intendit. Huius rei testimonium innumerabilis multitudo fidelium esse potest. Quorum multi promptissimi essent pro fide Christi et suarum animarum salute in fide Christi mori: quos tamen conservando a morte corporali: et ductos in captivitatem per successum temporis suo infectos veneno fidem Christi turpiter negare facit.” Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. i.; cf. fol. vi. (a).

[550] Menavino, p. 96. John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. ii. p. 819. (London, 1764.)

[551] “Dieses muss man den Türken nachsagen, dass sie die Diener und Sclaven, durch deren Fleiss und Bemühung sie sich einen Nutzen schaffen können, sehr wol und oft besser, als die Christian die ihrige, halten ... und wann ein Knecht in einer Kunst erfahren ist, gehet ihm nichts anders als die Freyheit ab, ausser welche er alles andere hat, was ein freyer Mensch sich nur wünschen kan.” (G. C. von den Driesch, p. 132.)

[552] Sir William Stirling-Maxwell says of these: “The poor wretches who tugged at the oar on board a Turkish ship of war lived a life neither more nor less miserable than the galley-slaves under the sign of the Cross. Hard work, hard fare, and hard knocks were the lot of both. Ashore, a Turkish or Algerine prison was, perhaps, more noisome in its filth and darkness than a prison at Naples or Barcelona; but at sea, if there were degrees of misery, the Christian in Turkish chains probably had the advantage; for in the Sultan’s vessels the oar-gang was often the property of the captain, and the owner’s natural tenderness for his own was sometimes supposed to interfere with the discharge of his duty.” (Vol. i. pp. 102–3.)

[553] Gmelin, p. 16.

[554] Id. p. 23.

[555] John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. ii. p. 810.

[556] “Die ersten Jahre sind für solche unglückliche Leute am beschwehrlichsten, absonderlich wenn sie noch jung, weil die Türken selbige entweder mit Schmeicheln, oder, wann dieses nichts verfangen will, mit der Schärfe zu ihren Glauben zu bringen suchen; wann aber dieser Sturm überwunden, wird man finden, dass die Gefangenschaft nirgend erträglicher als bey den Türken seye.” (G. C. von den Driesch, p. 132.) Moreover Georgieviz says that those who persevered in the Christian faith were set free after a certain fixed period. “Si in Christiana fide perseveraverint, statuitur certum tempus serviendi, quo elapso liberi fiunt ... Verum illis qui nostram religionem abiurarunt, nec certum tempus est serviendi, ned ullum ius in patriam redeundi, spes libertatis solummodo pendet a domini arbitrio” (p. 87). Similarly Menavino, p. 65. Cantacuzenos gives this period as seven years:—“Grata è la compagnia che essi fanno a gli schiavi loro, percioche Maumetto gli ha fra l’altre cose comandato che egli non si possa tener in servitù uno schiavo più che sette anni, et perciò nessuno o raro è colui che a tal comandamento voglia contrafare” (p. 128).

[557] “Fromme Christen, die nach der Türkei oder in andere muhamedanische Länder kamen, hatten Anlass genug zur Trauer über die Häufigkeit des Abfalls ihrer Glaubensgenossen, und besonders die Schriften der Ordensgeistlichen sind voll von solchen Klagen. Bei den Sclaven konnte sich immer noch ein Gefühl des Mitleids dem der Missbilligung beimischen, aber oft genug musste man die bittersten Erfahrungen auch an freien Landsleuten machen. Die christlichen Gesandten waren keinen Tag sicher, ob ihnen nicht Leute von ihrem Gefolge davon liefen, und man that gut daran, den Tag nicht vor dem Abend zu loben.” (Gmelin, p. 22.) Cf. Von den Driesch, p. 161.

[558] Thomas Smith, pp. 144–5.

[559] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xxxv. (a).

[560] M. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 133. Georgieviz, p. 87 (quoted above). Menavino, p. 95.

[561] Von den Driesch, p. 250.

[562] Id. p. 131–2.

[563] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xi.

[564] Hertzberg, p. 621.

[565] “The old People dying, the young ones generally turn Mahumetans: so that now (1655) you can hardly meet with two Christian Armenians in all those fair Plains, which their fathers were sent to manure.” Tavernier (1), p. 16.

[566] H. H. Jessup: Fifty-three Years in Syria, vol. ii. p. 658. (New York, 1910.)

[567] For a list of these, see Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 28–9.

[568] Leake, p. 250.

[569] The name by which the Albanians always call themselves, lit. rock-dwellers.

[570] One of themselves, an Albanian Christian, speaking of the enmity existing between the Christians and Muhammadans of Bulgaria, says: “Aber für Albanien liegen die Sachen ganz anders. Die Muselmänner sind Albanesen, wie die Christen; sie sprechen dieselbe Sprache, sie haben dieselben Sitten, sie folgen denselben Gebräuchen, sie haben dieselben Traditionen; sie und die Christen haben sich niemals gehasst, zwischen ihnen herrscht keine Jahrhunderte alte Feindschaft. Der Unterschied der Religion war niemals ein zu einer systematischen Trennung treibendes Motiv; Muselmänner und Christen haben stets, mit wenigen Ausnahmen, auf gleichem Fusse gelebt, sich der gleichen Rechte erfreuend, dieselben Pflichten erfüllend.” (Wassa Effendi: Albanien und die Albanesen, p. 59.) (Berlin, 1879.)

[571] Finlay, vol. v. p. 46.

[572] Clark, pp. 175–7. The Mirdites, who are very fanatical Roman Catholics (in the diocese of Alessio), will not suffer a Muhammadan to live in their mountains, and no member of their tribe has ever abjured his faith; were any Mirdite to attempt to do so, he would certainly be put to death, unless he succeeded in making good his escape from Albania. (Hecquard: Histoire de la Haute Albanie, p. 224.)

[573] Published in Farlati’s Illyricum Sacrum.

[574] Alessandro Comuleo, 1593. Bizzi, 1610. Marco Crisio, 1651. Fra Bonaventura di S. Antonio, 1652. Zmaievich, 1703.

[575] Bizzi, fol. 60, b.

[576] Bizzi, fol. 35, a.

[577] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 104, 107.

[578] It is also complained that the Archbishop’s palace was appropriated by the Muhammadans, but it had been left unoccupied for eight years, as Archbishop Ambrosius (flor. 1579–1598) had found it prudent to go into exile, having attacked Islam “with more fervour than caution, inveighing against Muḥammad and damning his Satanic doctrines.” (Farlati, vol. vii. p. 107.)

[579] Bizzi, fol. 9, where he says, “E comunicai quella mattina quasi tutta la Christianità latina.” From a comparison with statistics given by Zmaievich (fol. 227) I would hazard the conjecture that the Latin Christian community at this time amounted to rather over a thousand souls.

[580] Bizzi, fol. 27, b; 38, b.

[581] Veniero, fol. 34. This was also the custom in some villages of Albania as late as the beginning of the nineteenth century; see W. M. Leake: Travels in Northern Greece, vol. i. p. 49. (London, 1835): “In some villages, Mahometans are married to Greek women, the sons are educated as Turks, and the daughters as Christians; and pork and mutton are eaten at the same table.”

[582] Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, tom. vii. p. 158.

[583] Bizzi, fol. 10, b. Veniero, fol. 34.

[584] Shortly after Marco Bizzi’s arrival at Antivari a Muhammadan lady of high rank wished to have her child baptised by the Archbishop himself, who tells us that she complained bitterly to one of the leading Christians of the city that “io non mi fossi degnato di far a lei questo piacere, il qual quotidianamente vien fatto dai miei preti a richiesta di qualsivoglia plebeo” (fol. 10, b).

[585] For modern instances of the harmonious relations subsisting between the followers of the two faiths living together in the same village, see Hyacinthe Hecquard: Histoire et description de la Haute Albanie (pp. 153, 162, 200). (Paris, 1858.)

[586] Bizzi, fol. 38, a.

[587] Garnett, p. 267.

[588] Bizzi, fol. 36, b.

[589] Id. fol. 38, b; 37, a.

[590] Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 61, a; 37, a; 33, b.

[591] Zmaievich, fol. 5. The Venetian real in the eighteenth century was equal to a Turkish piastre. (Businello, p. 94.)

[592] Bizzi, fol. 12–13. Zmaievich, fol. 5.

[593] Bizzi, fol. 10–11.

[594] Id. fol. 31, b.

[595] Id. fol. 60, b.

[596] Id. fol. 33, b. “Qui deriva il puoco numero de Sacerdoti in quelle parti e la puoca loro intelligenza in quel mestiero; il gran numero de’ Christiani, che invecchiano, et anco morono senza il sacramento della Confermatione et apostatano della fede quasi per tutto.”

[597] “Se l’Albania non riceverà qualche maggior agiuto in meno di anni anderà a male quasi tutta quella Christianità per il puoco numero dei Vescovi e dei Sacerdoti di qualche intelligenza.” (Id. fol. 61, a.)

[598] Id. fol. 36, a. Id. fol. 64, b.

[599] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 153–4. Clark, p. 290.

[600] “E quei miseri hanno fermata la conscientia in creder di non peccar per simil coniuntioni (i.e. the giving of Christian girls in marriage to Muhammadans) per esser i turchi signori del paese, e che però non si possa, nè devea far altro che obbedirli quando comandano qualsivoglia cosa.” (Bizzi, fol. 38, b.)

[601] Garnett, p. 268.

[602] Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 63, a.

[603] Kyriakos, p. 12.

[604] Farlati, tom. vii. pp. 124, 141.

[605] Marco Crisio, p. 202.

[606] Zmaievich, fol. 227.

[607] Bizzi, fol. 60, b.

[608] Zmaievich, fol. 137.

[609] Zmaievich, fol. 157.

[610] Zmaievich, fol. 11, 159.

[611] Zmaievich, fol. 13.

[612] Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 158.

[613] Zmaievich, fol. 13–14.

[614] Informatione circa la missione d’Albania, fol. 196.

[615] Crisio, fol. 204.

[616] Fra Bonaventura, fol. 201.

[617] Marco Crisio, fol. 202, 205.

[618] Id. fol. 205.

[619] Zmaievich, fol. 13.

[620] Farlati, tom. vii. p. 109. Bizzi, fol. 19, b.

[621] Marco Crisio, fol. 205.

[622] Zmaievich, fol. 11.

[623] Id. fol. 32.

[624] Crisio, fol. 204.

[625] Zmaievich, fol. 11. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 151.

[626] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 126–32. Zmaievich, fol. 4–5, fol. 20.

[627] “Plerique, ut se iniquis tributis et vexationibus eximerent, paullatim a Christiana religione deficere coeperunt.” (Farlati, tom. vii. p. 311.)

[628] Zmaievich fol. 5.

[629] Id. fol. 5.

[630] Zmaievich, fol. 15, 197.

[631] Id. fol. 11.

[632] Id. fol. 137.

[633] Id. fol. 149.

[634] Id. fol. 143–4.

[635] Zmaievich, fol. 22.

[636] Farlati, tom. vii. p. 141.

[637] Zmaievich, fol. 7, 17.

[638] Id. fol. 9.

[639] Id. fol. 141.

[640] Farlati, vol. vi. p. 317.

[641] Eliot, p. 401.

[642] Id. p. 392.

[643] Yāqūt, vol. i. p. 469 sq.

[644] Géographie d’Aboulféda, traduite par M. Reinaud, tome ii. pp 294–5.

[645] Enrique Dupuy de Lôme: Los Esclavos y Turquía, pp. 17–18. (Madrid, 1877.)

[646] De la Jonquière, p. 215.

[647] Id. p. 290.

[648] Kanitz, p. 37.

[649] Id. pp. 37–8.

[650] A map of this country is given by Mackenzie and Irby (p. 243): it contains Prizren, the old Servian capital, Ipek, the seat of the Servian Patriarch, and the battle-field of Kossovo.

[651] Kanitz, p. 37.

[652] Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 250–1.

[653] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 127–8.

[654] Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 374–5. Kanitz, p. 39.

[655] Id. pp. 39–40.

[656] Kanitz, p. 38.

[657] Bizzi, fol. 48, b.

[658] Zmaievich, fol. 182.

[659] Kanitz, p. 38.

[660] Montenegro was ruled by bishops from 1516 to 1852.

[661] E. L. Clark, pp. 362–3.

[662] Honorius III in 1221, Gregory IX in 1238, Innocent IV in 1246, Benedict XII in 1337. The Inquisition was established in 1291.

[663] Asboth, pp. 42–95. Evans, pp. xxxvi–xlii.

[664] Asboth, pp. 96–7.

[665] “They revile the ceremonies of the church and all church dignitaries, and they call orthodox priests blind Pharisees, and bay at them as dogs at horses. As to the Lord’s Supper, they assert that it is not kept according to God’s commandment, and that it is not the body of God, but ordinary bread.” (Kosmas, quoted by Evans, pp. xxx–xxxi.)

[666] Sūrah iv. 156.

[667] Cf. the admiration of the Turks for Charles XII of Sweden. “Son opiniâtreté à s’abstenir du vin, et sa régularité à assister deux fois par jour aux prières publiques, leur faisaient dire: C’est un vrai musulman.” (Œuvres de Voltaire, tome 23, p. 200.) (Paris, 1785.)

[668] Kosmas, quoted by Evans, p. xxxi.

[669] Asboth, p. 36. Wetzer und Welte, vol. ii. p. 975.

[670] Olivier, pp. 17–18.

[671] Olivier, p. 113.

[672] Amari, vol. i. p. 163; vol. ii. p. 260.

[673] Cornaro, vol. i. pp. 205–8.

[674] Perrot, p. 151.

[675] Pashley, vol. i. p. 30; vol. ii. pp. 284, 291–2.

[676] Id. vol. ii. p. 298.

[677] Pashley, vol. ii. p. 285.

[678] Id. vol. i. p. 319.

[679] Perrot, p. 151.

[680] Charles Edwardes: Letters from Crete, pp. 90–2. (London, 1887.)

[681] Pashley, vol. ii. pp. 151–2.

[682] Id. vol. i. p. 9.

[683] Perrot, p. 159.

[684] Pashley, vol. i. pp. 10, 195.

[685] T. A. B. Spratt: Travels and Researches in Crete, vol. i. p. 47. (London, 1865.)

[686] R. du M. M. vii. p. 99.

[687] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 910–11. A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 55–6.

[688] Abū Yūsuf: Kitāb al-Kharāj, p. 73.

[689] Id. p. 74 and Balādhurī, pp. 71 (fin.), 79, 80.

[690] Caetani, vol. v. pp. 361 (§ 611 n. 1), 394–5, 457.

[691] pp. 68–9.

[692] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 910.

[693] A. de Gobineau (2), pp. 306–10.

[694] Dozy (1), p. 157.

[695] Haneberg, p. 5.

[696] Dozy (1), p. 191. A. de Gobineau (1), p. 55.

[697] Les croyances Mazdéennes dans la religion Chiite, par Ahmed-Bey Agaeff. (Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists, vol. ii. pp. 509–11. London, 1893.) For other points of contact, see Goldziher: Islamisme et Parsisme. (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, xliii. p. 1. sqq.)

[698] Dosabhai Framji Karaka: History of the Parsis, vol. i. pp. 56–9, 62–7. (London, 1884.) Nicolas de Khanikoff says that there were 12,000 families of fire-worshippers in Kirmān at the end of the 18th century. (Mémoire sur la partie méridionale de l’Asie centrale, p. 193. Paris, 1861.)

[699] Chwolsohn, vol. i. p. 287.

[700] Masʻūdī, vol. iv. p. 86.

[701] Iṣṭakhrī, pp. 100, 118. Ibn Ḥawqal, pp. 189–190.

[702] Kitāb al-milal waʼl-niḥal, edited by Cureton, part i. p. 198.

[703] Masʻūdī, vol. viii. p. 279; vol. ix. pp. 4–5.

[704] Ibn Khallikān, vol. iii. p. 517.

[705] Kitāb al-Fihrist, ed. Flügel, p. 149 (l. 2).

[706] For a comprehensive sketch of their condition under Muslim rule, see D. Menant: Les Zoroastriens de Perse. (R. du M. M. iii. pp. 193 sqq., p. 421 sqq.)

[707] Khojā Vrittānt, pp. 141–8. For a further account of Ismāʻīlian missionaries in India, see chap. ix.

[708] Le Bon Silvestre De Sacy: Exposé de la Religion des Druzes, tome i. pp. lxvii–lxxvi, cxlviii–clxii.

[709] Balādhurī, p. 421.

[710] Narshakhī, p. 46.

[711] Id. p. 47.

[712] Balādhurī, p. 426.

[713] Ṭabarī, ii. pp. 1507 sqq.

[714] Balādhurī, p. 431.

[715] August Müller, vol. i. p. 520.

[716] Cahun, p. 150.

[717] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. viii. p. 396 (ll. 19–20.) Grenard, pp. 7 sq., 42–3.

[718] Grenard, pp. 9–10. “D’une guerre d’ambition [la tradition] fait une guerre sainte, elle attribue à Satoḳ Boghra Khân une conquête qui a été accomplie réellement par son douzième successeur; par une confusion absurde, elle donne le nom de ce dernier à l’oncle infidèle de Satoḳ. Non contente de réduire deux personnages en un seul, elle prête au même prince une marche sur Tourfân, c’est-à-dire contre les Ouigour, qui est en effet l’œuvre d’un troisième.” (Id. p. 50.)

[719] Raverty, p. 905.

[720] This was the capital of the Khāns of Turkistan during the tenth and eleventh centuries, but the exact site is uncertain.

[721] Narshakhī, pp. 234–5.

[722] Raverty, pp. 925–7.

[723] Grenard, p. 76.

[724] Raverty, p. 117.

[725] Bellew, p. 96.

[726] Id. pp. 15–16.

[727] Balādhurī, p. 402.

[728] August Müller, vol. ii. p. 29.

[729] Qurʼān, xix. 23.

[730] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. xii. pp. 233–4.

[731] William of Rubruck, pp. 182, 191. C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. p. 488.

[732] De Guignes, tome iii. pp. 200, 203.

[733] Id. vol. iii. p. 115.

[734] Id. p. 125. Cahun, p. 391.

[735] Klaproth, p. 204.

[736] C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. pp. 226–7. Cahun, p. 408 sq.

[737] Of this writer Yule says, “He gives an unfavourable account of the literature and morals of their clergy, which deserves more weight than such statements regarding those looked upon as schismatics generally do; for the narrative of Rubruquis gives one the impression of being written by a thoroughly honest and intelligent person.” (Cathay and the Way Thither, vol. i. p. xcviii.)

[738] William of Rubruck, pp. 158–9.

[739] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 1re partie, pp. 98, 106.

[740] The Chosen One—Muḥammad.

[741] Jūzjānī, pp. 448–50. Raverty, pp. 1288–90.

[742] So notoriously brutal was the treatment they received that even the Chinese showmen in their exhibitions of shadow figures exultingly brought forward the figure of an old man with a white beard dragged by the neck at the tail of a horse, as showing how the Mongol horsemen behaved towards the Musalmans. (Howorth, vol. i. p. 159.)

[743] Raverty, p. 1146. Howorth, vol. i. pp. 112, 273. This edict was only withdrawn when it was found that it prevented Muhammadan merchants from visiting the court and that trade suffered in consequence.

[744] Howorth, vol. i. p. 165.

[745] Jūzjānī, pp. 404–5. Raverty, p. 1160 sqq.

[746] De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 265.

[747] In the thirteenth century, three-fourths of the Mongol hosts were Turks. (Cahun, p. 279.)

[748] C. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 121.

[749] Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 600–2.

[750] Blochet, pp. 74–7.

[751] It is of interest to note that Najm al-Dīn Mukhtār al-Zāhidī in 1260 compiled for Baraka Khān a treatise which gave the proofs of the divine mission of the Prophet, a refutation of those who denied it, and an account of the controversies between Christians and Muslims. (Steinschneider, pp. 63–4.)

[752] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 181.

[753] Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1283–4.

[754] Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1285–6.

[755] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. pp. 180–1, 187.

[756] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. p. 215.

[757] Id. p. 222.

[758] Waṣṣāf calls him Nikūdār before, and Aḥmad after, his conversion.

[759] Hayton. (Ramusio, tome ii. p. 60, c.)

[760] Qurʼān, vi. 125.

[761] Waṣṣāf, pp. 231–4.

[762] De Guignes, vol. iii. pp. 263–5.

[763] C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 141–2.

[764] Id. ib. p. 148.

[765] Id. ib. p. 365.

[766] Id. ib. pp. 148, 354. Cahun, p. 434.

[767] C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 128, 132.

[768] Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Ilchanen, vol. ii. p. 182. It is not improbable that the captive Muslim women took a considerable part in the conversion of the Mongols to Islam. Women appear to have occupied an honoured position among the Mongols, and many instances might be given of their having taken a prominent part in political affairs, just as already several cases have been mentioned of the influence they exercised on their husbands in religious matters. William of Rubruck tells us how he found the influence of a Muslim wife an obstacle in the way of his proselytising labours: “On the day of Pentecost a certain Saracen came to us, and while in conversation with us, we began expounding the faith, and when he heard of the blessings of God to man in the incarnation, the resurrection of the dead, the last judgment, and the washing away of sins in baptism, he said he wished to be baptised; but while we were making ready to baptise him, he suddenly jumped on his horse saying he had to go home to consult with his wife. And the next day talking with us he said he could not possibly venture to receive baptism, for then he could not drink cosmos” (mare’s milk). (Rubruck, pp. 90–1.)

[769] Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. ii. p. 57.

[770] Jūzjānī, pp. 381, 397. Raverty, pp. 1110, 1145–6.

[771] Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 173–4, 188.

[772] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 159.

[773] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 47.

[774] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. pp. 166–8. Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 13–15.

[775] When the power of the Chaghatāy Khāns declined, a portion of the eastern division of their realm became practically independent under the name of Mughalistān, a pastoral country suited to the habits of nomad herdsmen, in what is now known as Chinese Turkistan.

[776] Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 57–8.

[777] In the reign of ʻAbd al-Karīm, who was Khān of Kāshgar from A.H. 983 to 1003 (A.D. 1575–1594).

[778] Martin Hartmann: Der Islamische Orient, vol. i. p. 203. (Berlin, 1899.)

[779] Id. p. 202.

[780] Assemani, tome iii. pars. ii. p. cxvi.

[781] Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. iii. p. 40.

[782] Rashīd al-Dīn, p. 600, l. 1.

[783] Cahun, p. 410.

[784] Howorth, vol ii. p. 1015.

[785] Abū’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 184.

[786] De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 351.

[787] Karamsin, vol. iv. pp. 391–4.

[788] Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak, p. 290.

[789] De Baschkiris quae memoriae prodita sunt ab Ibn-Foszlano et Jakuto, interprete C. N. Fraehnio. (Mémoires de l’Académie Impériale des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg, tome viii. p. 626. 1822.)

[790] Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī, pp. 470–1.

[791] Karamsin, tome i. pp. 259–71.

[792] Bobrovnikoff, p. 13.

[793] Reclus, tome v. p. 831. R. du M. M., tome iii. pp. 76, 78.

[794] Relation des Tartares, par Jean de Luca, p. 17. (Thevenot, tome i.)

[795] Islam and Missions, p. 257.

[796] Gasztowtt, pp. 321–3. R. du M. M., xi. (1910), pp. 287 sqq.

[797] The Russian Policy regarding Central Asia. An historical sketch. By Prof. V. Grigorief. (Eugene Schuyler: Turkistan, vol. ii. pp. 405–6. 5th ed. London, 1876); Franz von Schwarz: Turkestan, p. 58. (Freiburg, 1910.)

[798] Islam and Missions, pp. 251–2, 255.

[799] D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. pp. 242–4. (London, 1877, 4th ed.) R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 249. Bobrovnikoff, p. 5 sqq.

[800] W. Hepworth Dixon: Free Russia, vol. ii. p. 284. (London, 1870.)

[801] E.g. “En 1883, des paysans Tatars du village d’Apozof étaient poursuivis, devant le tribunal de Kazan, pour avoir abandonné l’orthodoxie. Les accusés déclaraient avoir toujours été musulmans; sept d’entre eux n’en furent pas moins condamnés, comme apostats, aux travaux forcés.... Beaucoup de ces relaps ont été déportés en Sibérie.” Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu: L’Empire des Tsars et les Russes, tome iii. p. 645. (Paris, 1889–93.)

[802] D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. p. 245.

[803] Palmieri, pp. 85–6. R. du M. M., i. (1907), pp. 162 sq.

[804] R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 294.

[805] Id. x. (1910), p. 413. Id. i. (1907), p. 273.

[806] Id. ix. p. 252.

[807] Id. p. 249.

[808] Bobrovnikoff, p. 12.

[809] Reclus, tome v. pp. 746, 748.

[810] Eruslanov, pp. 3, 6.

[811] Id. pp. 7–8.

[812] Id. pp. 5–6.

[813] Eruslanov, pp. 9, 13.

[814] Id. pp. 17, 20, 36.

[815] Id. pp. 38–9.

[816] Bobrovnikoff, p. 22.

[817] Id. pp. 21–2, 31.

[818] Id. p. 13. Islam and Missions, p. 257.

[819] G. F. Müller: Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, vol. vii. p. 191.

[820] Id. vol. vii. pp. 183–4.

[821] Radloff, vol. i. p. 147.

[822] Jadrinzew, p. 138. Radloff, vol. i. p. 241.

[823] Radloff, vol. i. pp. 472, 497.

[824] Census of India, 1891. General Report by J. A. Baines, p. 167. (London, 1893.)

[825] Id. pp. 126, 207.

[826] Elliot, vol. ii. p. 448.

[827] Muḥammad b. Qāsim invited the Hindu princes to embrace Islam, and the invaders who followed him were probably equally observant of the religious law. (Elliot, vol. i. pp. 175, 207.)

[828] Or Baran, the old name of Bulandshahr.

[829] Elliot, vol. ii. pp. 42–3.

[830] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 85.

[831] “The military adventurers, who founded dynasties in Northern India and carved out kingdoms in the Dekhan, cared little for things spiritual; most of them had indeed no time for proselytism, being continually engaged in conquest or in civil war. They were usually rough Tartars or Moghals; themselves ill-grounded in the faith of Mahomed, and untouched by the true Semitic enthusiasm which inspired the first Arab standard bearers of Islam. The empire which they set up was purely military, and it was kept in that state by the half success of their conquests and the comparative failure of their spiritual invasion. They were strong enough to prevent anything like religious amalgamation among the Hindus, and to check the gathering of tribes into nations; but so far were they from converting India, that among the Mahommedans themselves their own faith never acquired an entire and exclusive monopoly of the high offices of administration.” (Sir Alfred C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 289.) (London, 1882.)

[832] Firishtah, vol. i. p. 184.

[833] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 197.

[834] Elliot, vol. iii. p. 386.

[835] Mankind and the Church, p. 286. (London, 1907.)

[836] Sir Richard Temple: India in 1880, p. 164. (London, 1881.) Punjab States Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A, Bahawalpur, p. 183.

[837] Manual of Titles for Oudh, p. 78. (Allahabad, 1889.)

[838] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. 466.

[839] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 46.

[840] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. xiv. part ii. p. 119. In the Cawnpore district, the Musalman branch of the Dikhit family observes Muhammadan customs at births, marriages, and deaths, and, though they cannot, as a rule, recite the prayers (namāz), they perform the orthodox obeisances (sijdah). But at the same time they worship Chachak Devī to avert small-pox, and keep up their friendly intercourse with their old caste brethren, the Thakurs, in domestic occurrences, and are generally called by common Hindu names. (Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 64.)

[841] Ibbetson, p. 163.

[842] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 64. Compare also id. vol. xiv. part iii. p. 47. “Muhammadan cultivators are not numerous; they are usually Nau-Muslims. Most of them assign the date of their conversion to the reign of Aurangzeb, and represent it as the result sometimes of persecution and sometimes as made to enable them to retain their rights when unable to pay revenue.”

[843] Ibbetson, p. 163.

[844] Indeed Firishtah distinctly says: “Zealous for the faith of Mahommed, he rewarded proselytes with a liberal hand, though he did not choose to persecute those of different persuasions in matters of religion.” (The History of Hindostan, translated from the Persian, by Alexander Dow, vol. iii. p. 361.) (London, 1812.)

[845] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xxii. p. 222; vol. xxiii. p. 282.

[846] Innes, pp. 72–3, 190.

[847] Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (The Times, February 25th, 1888.)

[848] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 518.

[849] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. v. part i. pp. 302–3.

[850] Sir Alfred C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 236.

[851] A tomb in the cemetery of Pantalāyini Kollam bears an inscription with the date A.H. 166. (Innes, p. 436.)

[852] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 34–5.

[853] Id. p. 36 (init.).

[854] Id. p. 21.

[855] The modern Madāyi.

[856] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 23–4.

[857] Id. p. 25.

[858] Innes, p. 41.

[859] Id. p. 398.

[860] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 82, 88, etc.

[861] Innes, p. 190.

[862] Oboardo Barbosa, p. 310.

Similarly it has been conjectured that but for the arrival of the Portuguese, Ceylon might have become a Muhammadan kingdom. For before the Portuguese armaments appeared in the Indian seas, the Arab merchants were undisputed masters of the trade of this island (where indeed they had formed commercial establishments centuries before the birth of the Prophet), and were to be found in every sea-port and city, while the facilities for commerce attracted large numbers of fresh arrivals from their settlements in Malabar. Here as elsewhere the Muslim traders intermarried with the natives of the country and spread their religion along the coast. But no very active proselytising movement would seem to have been carried on, or else the Singhalese showed themselves unwilling to embrace Islam, as the Muhammadans of Ceylon at the present day appear mostly to be of Arab descent. (Sir James Emerson Tennent: Ceylon, vol. i. pp. 631–3.) (5th ed., London, 1860.)

[863] Qurʼān, xvi. 126.

[864] ʻAbd al-Razzāq: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn, fol. 173.

[865] They are found chiefly in the Tamil-speaking districts of Madura, Tinnevelly, Coimbatore, North Arcot and the Nilgiris.

[866] The Imperial Gazetteer of India (vol. xxiv. p. 47) spells his name Nādir Shāh; Qādir Ḥusayn Khān calls him Nathad Vali.

[867] Madras District Gazetteers. Trichinopoly, vol. i. p. 338. (Madras, 1907.) Qādir Ḥusayn Khān: South Indian Musalmans, p. 36. (Madras, 1910.)

[868] Qādir Ḥusayn Khān, pp. 36–8.

[869] Qādir Ḥusayn Khān, op. cit. pp. 39–42. Madras District Gazetteers. Anantapur, vol. i. pp. 193–4. (Madras, 1905.)

[870] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 33 (l. 4), 36 (l. 1).

[871] Innes, p. 190. Census of India, 1911. Vol. xii. Part. I. p. 54.

[872] Report on the Census of the Madras Presidency, 1871, by W. R. Cornish, pp. 71, 72, 109. (Madras, 1874.)

[873] Report of the Second Decennial Missionary Conference held at Calcutta 1882–3 (pp. 228, 233, 248). (Calcutta, 1883.)

[874] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 128. Ibn Baṭūṭah resided in the Maldive Islands during the years 1343–4 and married “the daughter of a Vizier who was grandson of the Sulṭān Dāʼūd, who was a grandson of the Sulṭān Aḥmad Shanūrāzah” (tome iv. p. 154); from this statement the date A.D. 1200 has been conjectured.

[875] H. C. P. Bell: The Maldive Islands, pp. 23–5, 57–8, 71. (Colombo, 1883.)

[876] Memoir on the Inhabitants of the Maldive Islands. By J. A. Young and W. Christopher. (Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society from 1836 to 1838, p. 74. Bombay, 1844.)

[877] Innes, pp. 485, 492.

[878] Masʻūdī, tome ii. pp. 85–6.

[879] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. x. p 132; vol. xvi. p. 75.

[880] Id. vol. xxiii. p. 282.

[881] Sometimes called Sayyid Makhdūm Gīsūdarāz.

[882] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xviii. p. 501; vol. xxi. pp. 218, 223.

[883] Id. vol. xiii. part i. p. 231.

[884] Id. vol. xxii. p. 242.

[885] Id. vol. xvi. pp. 75–6.

[886] Id. vol. xxi. p. 203.

[887] At the time of the Arab conquest the dominions of the Hindu ruler of Sind extended as far north as this city, which is now no longer included in this province.

[888] Balādhurī, p. 441 (fin.)

[889] Elliot, vol. i. pp. 185–6.

[890] Probably the Sindān in Abrāsa, the southern district of Cutch.

[891] Balādhurī, p. 446.

[892] Iṣṭakhrī, pp. 173–4.

[893] Balādhurī, p. 446.

[894] Iṣṭakhrī, loc. cit. Ibn Ḥawqal, p. 230 sq. Idrīsī (Géographie d’Édrisi, traduite par P. A. Jaubert, vol. i. p. 175 sqq.).

[895] Masʻūdī, vol. i. p. 207.

[896] Elliot, vol. i. p. 273.

[897] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 93.

[898] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 208. Sir Bartle Frere: The Khojas: the Disciples of the Old Man of the Mountain. Macmillan’s Magazine, vol. xxxiv. pp. 431, 433–4. (London, 1876.)

[899] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 26.

[900] K. B. Fazalullah Lutfullah conjectures that Nūr Satāgar came to India rather later, in the reign of Bhīma II (A.D. 1179–1242.) (Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 38.)

[901] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 154–8.

[902] Nūr Allāh al-Shūshtarī: Majālis al-Muʼminīn, fol. 65. (India Office MS. No. 1400.)

[903] A town ten miles south-west of Ahmadabad.

[904] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. pp. 66, 76.

[905] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. v. p. 89.

[906] Id. vol. ii. p. 378; vol. iii. pp. 36–7.

[907] So Firishtah, but see H. Blochmann: Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal. (J. A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, pp. 264–6. 1873.)

[908] J. H. Ravenshaw: Gaur: its ruins and inscriptions, p. 99. (London, 1878.) Firishtah, vol. iv. p. 337.

[909] Wise, p. 29.

[910] Census of India, 1901, vol. vi. part i. p. 170.

[911] Id. p. 30.

[912] Charles Stewart: The History of Bengal, p. 176. (London, 1813.) H. Blochmann: Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal. (J. A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, p. 220. 1873.)

[913] The Indian Evangelical Review, p. 278. (January 1883.)

[914] Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (The Times, February 25, 1888.) See also Wise, p. 32.

[915] Wise, p. 37.

[916] Blochmann, op. cit. p. 260.

[917] Wise, pp. 48–55.

[918] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. ii. p. 230.

[919] Otherwise known as Shaykh Bahā al-Dīn Zakariyyā.

[920] Ibbetson, p. 163.

[921] Aṣghar ʻAlī: Jawāhir-i-Farīdī (A.H. 1033), p. 395. (Lahore, 1884.)

[922] Elliot, vol. ii. p. 548.

[923] Punjab States Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A. Bahawalpur State. (Lahore, 1908), p. 160 sqq. The names of some of the tribes who ascribe their conversion to Makhdūm-i-Jahāniyān are given on p. 162.

[924] Id. p. 171.

[925] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 217. Yule, p. 515.

[926] The Indian Evangelical Review, vol. xvi, pp. 52–3. (Calcutta, 1889–90.) The Contemporary Review, February 1889, p. 170. The Spectator, October 15, 1887, p. 1382.

[927] Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies de 1850 à 1869, p. 343. (Paris, 1874.)

[928] Mawlavī Ḥasan ʻAlī furnished me with these figures some years before his death in 1896. In an obituary notice published in “The Moslem Chronicle” (April 4, 1896), the following quaint account is given of his life: “In private and school life, he was marked as a very intelligent lad and made considerable progress in his scholastic career within a short time. He passed Entrance at a very early age and received scholarship with which he went up to the First Art, but shortly after his innate anxiety to seek truth prompted him to go abroad the world, and abandoning his studies he mixed with persons of different persuasions, Fakirs, Pandits, and Christians, entered churches, and roamed over wilderness and forests and cities with nothing to help him on except his sincere hopes and absolute reliance on the mercy of the Great Lord; for one year he wandered in various regions of religion until in 1874 he accepted the post of a head master in a Patna school.... As he was born to become a missionary of the Moslem faith, he felt an imperceptible craving to quit his post, from which he used to get Rs. 100 per mensem. He tendered his resignation, much to the reluctance of his friends, and maintained himself for some time by publishing a monthly journal, ‘Noorul Islam.’ He gave several lectures on Islam at Patna, and then went to Calcutta, where he delivered his lecture in English, which produced such effect on the audience that several European clergymen vouchsafed the truth of Islam, and a notable gentleman, Babu Bepin Chandra Pal, was about to become Musalman. He was invited by the people at Dacca, where his preachings and lectures left his name imbedded in the hearts of the citizens. His various books and pamphlets and successive lectures in Urdu and in English in the different cities and towns in India gave him a historic name in the world. Some one hundred men became Musalmans on hearing his lectures and reading his books.” His missionary zeal manifested itself up to the last hour of his life, when he was overheard to say, “Abjure your religion and become a Musalman.” On being questioned, he said he was talking to a Christian.

[929] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xii. p. 126.

[930] Id. vol. xvi. p. 81.

[931] Tuḥfat al-Hind, p. 3. (Dehli, A.H. 1309.)

[932] The Indian Evangelical Review, 1884, p. 128. Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies de 1850 à 1869, p. 485. (Paris, 1874.) Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies en 1871, p. 12. (Paris, 1872.)

[933] Ibbetson, p. 184.

[934] The Rajputana Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 90; vol. ii. p. 47. (Calcutta, 1879.)

[935] On these as they affect the Muhammadans, see the Census of India, 1901. Vol. vi. p. 172.

[936] E. T. Dalton, p. 324.

[937] For an account of such Hinduising of the aboriginal tribes see Sir Alfred Lyall: Asiatic Studies, pp. 102–4.

[938] E. T. Dalton, p. 89.

[939] The Missionary Review of the World, N.S. vol. xiii, pp. 72–3. (New York, 1900.)

[940] Sir Alfred Lyall (Asiatic Studies, p. 29) speaks of the perceptible proclivity towards the faith of Islam occasionally exhibited by some of the Hindu chiefs.

[941] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix.

[942] To give one instance only: in Ghātampur, in the district of Cawnpore, one branch of a large family is Muslim in obedience to the vow of their ancestor, Ghātam Deo Bais, who while praying for a son at the shrine of a Muhammadan saint, Madār Shāh, promised that if his prayer were granted, half his descendants should be brought up as Muslims. (Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. pp. 64, 238.)

The worship of Muhammadan saints is so common among certain low-caste Hindus that in the Census of 1891, in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh alone, 2,333,643 Hindus (or 5·78 per cent. of the total Hindu population of these provinces) returned themselves as worshippers of Muhammadan saints. (Census of India, 1891, vol. xvi. part i. pp. 217, 244.) (Allahabad, 1894.)

[943] Instances of such causes of conversion are given in the Census of India, 1901. Vol. vi. Bengal, part. i, Appendix II.

[944] Report on the Census of the N.W.P. and Oudh, 1881, by Edward White, p. 62. (Allahabad, 1882.)

[945] Id. p. 63.

[946] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix.

[947] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. pp. xxiii–xxiv.

[948] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 141.

[949] Or Shams al-Dīn, according to another account, see Muḥammad Haydar, p. 433 (n. 2).

[950] Firishtah, vol. iv. pp. 464, 469.

[951] F. Drew: The Jummoo and Kashmir Territories, pp. 58, 155. (London, 1875.)

[952] Drew, op. cit. p. 359.

[953] On this word see Yule’s Marco Polo, vol. i. p. 290.

[954] Aḥmad Shāh: Four years in Tibet, pp. 45, 74. (Benares, 1906.)

[955] Broomhall, p. 206. Tu Wen-siu, the leader of the Panthay rebellion from 1856 to 1873, who for sixteen years was practically Sultan of half the province of Yunnan, issued a proclamation in Lhasa itself, at the outset of his revolt, in order to gain Muhammadan recruits. (Id. p. 132.)

[956] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 207, 226, 233.

[957] Broomhall, p. 206.

[958] A. Bastian: Die Geschichte der Indochinesen, p. 159. (Leipzig, 1866.)

[959] R. du M. M., tome i. p. 275. (1907.)

[960] Kanz al-ʻUmmāl, vol. v. p. 202.

[961] Bretschneider (2), p. 6.

[962] On the origin of this name, see Devéria, p. 311; Mission d’Ollone, p. 420 sqq.

[963] De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 19–20.

[964] D’Ollone gives the following warning as to the uncertainty of our knowledge of Islam in China:—“Or rien n’est moins connu que l’Islam chinois. On ne sait exactement ni comment il s’est propagé dans l’Empire, ni combien d’adeptes il a réunis, ni si sa doctrine est pure, ni quelle est son organisation, ni s’il possède des relations avec le reste du monde musulman.” (Mission d’Ollone, p. 1.) The references to China in Arabic and Persian writers have been collected by Schefer, “Notice sur les relations des peuples musulmans avec les Chinois.”

[965] Chavannes, p. 172.

[966] De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 70–1.

[967] This legend has been exhaustively discussed by Broomhall: Islam in China, cap. iv, vii.

[968] Thus the people of Khotan claim that Islam was first brought to their land by Jaʻfar, a cousin of the Prophet (Grenard: Mission Dutreuil de Rhins, t. iii. p. 2), and the Chams of Cambodia ascribe their conversion to one of the fathers-in-law of Muḥammad. (R. du M. M., vol. ii. p. 138.)

[969] De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 153.

[970] Reinaud: Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans l’Inde et à la Chine, i. pp. 13, 64. (Paris, 1845.)

[971] Id. p. 58.

[972] That there was some migration westward also of Chinese into the conquered countries of Islam, where they would come within the sphere of its religious influence, we learn from the diary of a Chinese monk who travelled through Central Asia to Persia in the years 1221–4; speaking of Samarqand, he says, “Chinese workmen are living everywhere.” (Bretschneider (1), vol. i. p. 78.)

[973] Howorth, vol. i. p. 161.

[974] For Chinese biographies of Sayyid Ajall, see R. du M. M., viii. p. 344 sqq. and xi. p. 3 sqq.; Mission d’Ollone, p. 25 sqq.

[975] Broomhall, p. 127.

[976] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 435–6.

[977] Howorth, vol. i. p. 257.

[978] Marco Polo, vol. i. pp. 219, 274; vol. ii. p. 66.

[979] Rashīd al-Dīn (Yule’s Cathay, p. 9).

[980] Vol. iv. pp. 270, 283.

[981] Id. p. 258.

[982] ʻAbd al-Razzāq al-Samarqandī: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn, foll. 60–1. (Blochet, pp. 249–52.)

[983] Zenker, pp. 798–9. Mélanges Orientaux, p. 65. (Publications de l’École des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Sér. ii. t. 9.) (Paris, 1883.)

[984] Schefer, pp. 29–30. Zenker, p. 796.

[985] De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 154–6.

[986] Broomhall, p. 92 sqq. Devéria: Musulmans et Manichéens chinois. (J. A. 9me Sér., tome x. p. 447 sqq.)

[987] De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 163–4.

[988] The Muhammadans are said to be more prolific than the ordinary Chinese, and the Chinese census, which counts according to families, estimates six for a Muhammadan family and five for the ordinary Chinese. (Broomhall, pp. 197, 203.)

[989] Broomhall, in chap. xii. of his Islam in China, gives the total as between five and ten millions. D’Ollone puts it as low as four millions (p. 430).

[990] Vide infra, pp. 309–310.

[991] Clark Abel: Narrative of a journey in the interior of China, p. 361. (London, 1818.)

[992] De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 361–3.

[993] One missionary, writing from Peking in 1721, says, “La secte des Mahométans s’étend de plus en plus.” (Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, tome xix. p. 140.)

[994] J. B. du Halde: Description géographique, historique, chronologique, politique et physique de l’Empire de la Chine, tome iii. p. 64. (Paris, 1735.)

[995] Anderson, p. 151. Grosier, tome iv. p. 507.

[996] Thamarāt al-Funūn, 17th Shawwāl, p. 3. (Bayrūt, A.H. 1311.)

[997] Mission d’Ollone, p. 279. R. du M. M., tome ix. pp. 577, 578.

[998] Broomhall, p. 226. Grosier, tome iv. p. 508.

[999] Vasil’ev, p. 15.

[1000] Broomhall, p. 237.

[1001] Id. pp. 186, 228.

[1002] Arminius Vambéry: Travels in Central Asia, p. 404. (London, 1864.)

[1003] Vasil’ev, p. 16.

[1004] De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 367, 372.

[1005] De Thiersant, tome i. p. 247. Thamarāt al-Funūn, 28th Shaʻbān, p. 3.

[1006] Broomhall, p. 224.

[1007] Du Halde, loc. cit. Broomhall, p. 282.

[1008] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 210, 431.

[1009] Broomhall, pp. 274, 282.

[1010] P. 307.

[1011] Broomhall, pp. 231–2.

[1012] W. J. Smith, p. 175. Mission d’Ollone, p. 407 sqq.

[1013] Thamarāt al-Funūn, loc. cit.

[1014] Broomhall, p. 240.

[1015] The Missionary Review of the World, vol. xxv. p. 786 (1912).

[1016] Mission d’Ollone, p. 431.

[1017] R. du M. M., iii. p. 124 (1907).

[1018] Broomhall, pp. 242, 286, 292 sqq.

[1019] Vasil’ev, pp. 3, 5, 14, 17.

[1020] For a longer list of Muhammadan insurrections, see Mission d’Ollone, p. 436.

[1021] Sayyid ʻAlī Akbar: Khitāy Nāmah, p. 83. “If the emperor of China embraces Islam, his subjects must inevitably become Muslims too, because they all worship him to such an extent that they accept whatever he says, and when that light coming from the West grows in strength, the unbelievers of the East will come flocking into Islam without showing any contention, because they are free from all fanaticism in matters of religion.”

[1022] Thamarāt al-Funūn, 26th Shawwāl, p. 3. (A.H. 1311.)

[1023] An excellent map of the extent of Islam in Africa is to be found in “The International Review of Missions,” vol. i. p. 652.

[1024] Fournel, vol. i. p. 271.

[1025] i.e. the diviner or priestess; her real name is unknown.

[1026] Fournel, vol. i. p. 224.

[1027] Makkarī, vol. i. p. 253.

[1028] Makkarī, vol. i. p. lxv.

[1029] Fournel, vol. i. p. 270.

[1030] For these and the heretical movements that reveal survivals of the earlier Berber faith, see Goldziher, Materialien zur Kenntniss der Almohadenbewegung in Nordafrika (Z D M G, vol. xli, p. 37 sqq.).

[1031] On this word, see Doutté, Notes sur l’Islam maghribin. (Revue de l’histoire des religions, tom. xli. p. 24–6.)

[1032] Ibn abī Zarʻ, pp. 168–73. A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 611–13.

[1033] Ibn abī Zarʻ, p. 250. Goldziher, op. laud., p. 71.

[1034] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 11.)

[1035] مرابط.

[1036] Doutté, xl. p. 354; xli. pp. 26–7.

[1037] Depont et Coppolani, p. 127 sq.

[1038] It is not the place here to deal with the rise and political history of the various kingdoms of the Western Sudan; this has been done most fully for the English reader by Lady Lugard in her work entitled, “A Tropical Dependency. An Outline of the Ancient History of the Western Sudan, with an Account of the Modern Settlement of Northern Nigeria.” (London, 1905.) See also H. F. Helmolt: The World’s History, vol. iii. chap. ix. (London, 1903.)

[1039] Blau, p. 322.

[1040] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 7, 77.)

[1041] Meyer, p. 91.

[1042] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, p. 3.

[1043] Jinnī or Dienné.

[1044] So Meyer following Barth; the Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān (p. 12) places the date about three centuries earlier.

[1045] Félix Dubois gives a plan and reconstruction of this mosque, which was destroyed by order of Shaykhu Aḥmadu about 1830, in “Tombouctou la Mystérieuse,” chap. ix.

[1046] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, pp. 12–13.

[1047] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, p. 21.

[1048] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 421–2.

[1049] Ramusio, tom. i. p. 78.

[1050] Winwood Reade describes them as “a tall, handsome, light-coloured race, Moslems in religion, possessing horses and large herds of cattle, but also cultivating cotton, ground-nuts, and various kinds of corn. I was much pleased with their kind and hospitable manners, the grave and decorous aspect of their women, the cleanliness and silence of their villages.” (W. Winwood Reade: African Sketchbook, vol. i. p. 303.)

[1051] Waitz, IIer Theil, pp. 18–19.

[1052] Palmer (p. 59) places its introduction into Kano between A.D. 1349 and 1385, another Hausa chronicle makes the reign of the first Muhammadan king of Zozo begin about 1456. (Journal of the African Society, vol. ix. p. 161.)

[1053] For the various enumerations of these, see Meyer, p. 27.

[1054] As in other parts of the Muslim world, tradition places the first introduction of Islam in the lifetime of the founder and gives the name of al-Fazāzī, a reputed companion of the Prophet, as the apostle of the Hausa people. (J. Lippert: Sudanica. MSOS, iii. part 3, p. 204. Berlin, 1900.)

[1055] Mischlich and Lippert, pp. 138–9.

[1056] Meyer, loc. cit. Artin Pasha (p. 62) puts the beginning of this infiltration of Muslim Arabs as early as the eighth century.

[1057] Becker, Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, p. 162–3. Blau, p. 322. Oppel, p. 289. At the close of the fourteenth century ʻUmar b. Idrīs moved his capital to the west of Lake Chad in the territory of Bornu, by which name the kingdom of Kanem became henceforth known.

[1058] Maurice Delafosse, p. 87.

[1059] Becker: Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, pp. 161–2.

[1060] R. C. Slatin Pasha: Fire and Sword in the Sudan, pp. 38, 40–2. (London, 1896.)

[1061] Westermann, p. 628.

[1062] Oppel, p. 292. Meyer, pp. 36–7. Westermann, pp. 629–30.

[1063] Fulbe (sing. Pul) is the name by which these people call themselves; upwards of a hundred variants are applied to them by their neighbours, the commonest of which are Fulah and Fulani. (Meyer, p. 28.)

[1064] Francis Moore, pp. 75–7.

[1065] R. E. Dennett: Nigerian Studies, pp. 12, 75. (London, 1910.)

[1066] Islam and Missions, pp. 71–3. The Moslem World, pp. 296–7, 351.

[1067] Church Missionary Review (1908), p. 640.

[1068] A town on the Niger, just south of the northern boundary of Southern Nigeria.

[1069] Church Missionary Society Intelligencer (1902), p. 353.

[1070] Rinn, pp. 403–4.

[1071] Le Chatelier (1), pp. 231–3.

[1072] Le Chatelier (2), pp. 89–91.

[1073] Rinn, p. 175.

[1074] Bonet-Maury, p. 239.

[1075] Id. p. 230.

[1076] Le Chatelier (2), pp. 100–9.

[1077] Rinn, p. 174.

[1078] Oppel, pp. 292–3. Blyden, p. 10. Le Chatelier (3), p. 167 sqq.

[1079] Delle Navigationi di Messer Alvise da Ca da Mosto. (A.D. 1454.) Ramusio, tome i. p. 101.

[1080] Blyden, pp. 357–60.

[1081] This has been set forth in detail by Le Chatelier (3), p. 225 sqq.

[1082] Le Chatelier (3), p. 237. “Samory n’intervint pas directement dans la question religieuse.” L. G. Binger arrived at the same conclusion, as the result of personal acquaintance with Samory. (Le Péril de l’Islam, p. 20.) (Paris, 1906.)

[1083] Le Chatelier (3), pp. 238–40.

[1084] Le Chatelier (2), p. 112. R. du M. M., vol. xii. p. 22.

[1085] “The Fulanis are all fervent Mohammedans. Wherever there are Fulanis there will be found a mosque.” (Haywood, p. 200.)

[1086] Le Chatelier (3), pp. 231, 273, 303. Westermann, pp. 632–3.

[1087] Muḥammad b. ʻUthmān al Ḥashāʼishī, p. 84 sqq.

[1088] In 1895 Sīdī al-Mahdī, the son and successor of Sīdī Muḥammad al-Sanūsī, migrated to Kufra, as being more central than Jaghabūb (Muḥammad b. ʻUthmān al-Ḥashāʼishī, pp. 111–15), but later went further south to the region of Borku and Tibesti, where he died in 1902. The head of the order in 1908 was Sīdī Aḥmad, a relative of the founder. (J. C. E. Falls: Drei Jahre in der Libyschen Wüste, p. 274.) (Freiburg, 1911.)

[1089] Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162.

[1090] G. Nachtigal: Sahara und Sudan, vol. ii. p. 175. (Berlin, 1879–81.)

[1091] Duveyrier, p. 45.

[1092] Paulitschke, p. 214.

[1093] H. Duveyrier: La Confrérie musulmane de Sîdi Mohammed Ben ʼAlî Es-Senousî, passim. (Paris, 1886.) Louis Rinn: Marabouts et Khouans, pp. 481–513. N. Slousch: Les Senoussiya en Tripolitaine. (R. du M. M., vol. i. p. 169 sqq.). For a bibliography of the Sanūsiyyah movement, see Der Islam, iii. pp. 141–2, 312.

[1094] R. du M. M., vol. i. p. 181; vol. viii. pp. 64–5.

[1095] Joseph Thomson (2), p. 185.

[1096] Oppel, p. 303.

[1097] In the Muri Province of Northern Nigeria.