Chapter XXXIII: Appendix: III (4)

[1098] Journal of the African Society, vol. vii. pp. 379–81.

[1099] Haywood, p. 33.

[1100] Claude George: The Rise of British West Africa, pp. 120–1. (London, 1902.)

[1101] Islam and Missions, pp. 73–4.

[1102] Lippert: Über die Bedeutung der Haussanation für unsere Togo- und Kamerunkolonie, p. 200. MSOS, Band x. (1907), Abteilung III.

[1103] Waitz: IIer Theil, p. 250.

[1104] C. S. Salmon, p. 891.

[1105] Pierre Bouche, p. 256.

[1106] Blyden, p. 357.

[1107] C. S. Salmon, p. 887.

[1108] Blyden, p. 202. Westermann, pp. 633–4.

[1109] Situated on an island about 2° S. of Zanzibar.

[1110] “Hum Mouro chamado Zaide, que foi neto de Hocem filho de Ale o sobrinho de Mahamed.” (De Barros, Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. p. 211.)

[1111] Ibn Khaldūn, vol. iii. pp. 98–100.

[1112] Possibly a mistake for al-Ḥasā. See Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome ii. pp. 247–8.

[1113] Or (to give it its Arabic name) Maqdishū.

[1114] J. de Barros: Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. pp. 211–12.

[1115] De Barros, id. pp. 224–5. See also Justus Strandes: Die Portugiesenzeit von Deutsch- und Englisch-Ostafrika, p. 81 sqq. (Berlin, 1899.)

[1116] Kitāb ʻajāʼib al-Hind ou Livre des Merveilles de l’Inde, publié par P. A. van der Lith, pp. 51–60. (Leiden, 1883.)

[1117] Mohammedanism in Central Africa, by Joseph Thomson, p. 877.

[1118] Roscoe, p. 229 sq.

[1119] Zwemer, p. 236. Gairdner (p. 26) gives the number of Muhammadans as 200,000 out of a population of four millions, but he does not state from what source he derives these figures. Roscoe (p. 6) gives the total population of Uganda as about one million only.

[1120] Richter, pp. 146–7, 154. Merensky, p. 156. Klamroth, p. 4.

[1121] R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 322.

[1122] Oscar Baumann: Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete, pp. 141, 153. (Berlin, 1891.)

[1123] Becker, Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 10.

[1124] Id. p. 13 sqq. Klamroth, pp. 14–28.

[1125] Id. p. 53.

[1126] Klamroth, pp. 21, 25, 54.

[1127] Id. pp. 23–4.

[1128] Id. p. 26.

[1129] Id. p. 67.

[1130] Becker: Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 14. The Moslem World, vol. ii. p. 3 sqq.

[1131] A contemporary Ethiopic account of these tribes,—Geschichte der Galla. Bericht eines abessinischen Mönches über die Invasion der Galla in sechzehnten Jahrhundert. Text und Übersetzung hrsg. von A. W. Schleichler (Berlin, 1893),—seems certainly to represent them as heathen, though no detailed account is given of their religion. Reclus (tome x. p. 330), however, supposes them to have been Muhammadan at the time of their invasion.

[1132] Henry Salt: A Voyage to Abyssinia, p. 299. (London, 1814.)

[1133] James Bruce: Travels to discover the source of the Nile, 2nd ed. vol. iii. p. 243. (Edinburgh, 1805.)

[1134] Munzinger, p. 408.

[1135] I. L. Krapf: Reisen in Ost-Africa, ausgeführt in den Jahren 1837–55, vol. i. p. 106. (Kornthal, 1858.)

[1136] Arabia Deserta, vol. ii. p. 168.

[1137] Id., vol. ii. p. 109.

[1138] Morié, vol. ii. p. 248.

[1139] Reclus, tome. x. p. 309. Basset, pp. 270–1.

[1140] When the Roman Catholics opened a mission among the Gallas in 1846, Abba Baghibò said to them: “Had you come thirty years ago, not only I, but all my countrymen might have embraced your religion; but now it is impossible.” (Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103.)

[1141] Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa, vol. ii. p. 160. (Rome, 1886–7.) Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103; vol. vi. p. 10.

[1142] Massaja, vol. iv. p. 102.

[1143] Speaking of the failure of Christian missions, Cecchi says: “di ciò si deve ricercare la causa nello espandersi che fece quaggiù in questi ultimi anni l’islamismo, portato da centinaja di preti e mercanti musulmani, cui non facevano difetto i mezzi, l’astuzia e la piena conoscenza della lingua.” (Op. cit. vol. ii. p. 342.)

[1144] Id., p. 343.

[1145] Reclus, tome xiii. p. 834.

[1146] The Lega are found in long. 9° to 9° 30′ and lat. E. 34° 35′ to 35°.

[1147] Reclus, tome x. p. 350.

[1148] Paulitschke, pp. 330–1.

[1149] Ibn Ḥawqal, p. 41.

[1150] Abu’l-Fidā, tome ii. 1re partie, pp. 231–2.

[1151] Documents sur l’histoire, la géographie et le commerce de l’Afrique Orientale, recueillis par M. Guillain. Deuxième partie, tome i. p. 399. (Paris, 1856.)

[1152] R. F. Burton: First Footprints in East Africa, pp. 76, 404. (London, 1856.)

[1153] R. du M. M., vi. p. 288. (1908.)

[1154] The Cape of Good Hope was in the possession of the Dutch from 1652 to 1795; restored to them after the Peace of Amiens in 1802, it was re-occupied by the British as soon as war broke out again.

[1155] Among these was Shaykh Yūsuf, a religious teacher of great influence in Java and the last champion of the independence of Bantam; in 1694 he was removed by the Dutch to Cape Colony as a prisoner of state, together with his family and numerous attendants; his tomb is still regarded as a holy place. (G. M. Theal: History and Ethnography of Africa south of the Zambesi, vol. ii. p. 263.) (London, 1909.)

[1156] M. J. de Goeje: Mohammedaansche Propaganda, pp. 2, 6. (Overgedrukt uit de Nederlandsche Spectator, No. 51, 1881.)

[1157] Attention was drawn to them in 1814 by a Mr. Campbell. See William Adams: The Modern Voyager and Traveller, vol. i. p. 93. (London, 1834.)

[1158] Sir T. E. Colebrooke: The Life of H. T. Colebrooke, p. 335. (London, 1873.)

[1159] F. Coillard: Au Cap de Bonne Espérance. (Journal des missions évangéliques, avril 1899, p. 265.)

[1160] Kumm, p. 233.

[1161] C. Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. 296–7.

[1162] Jacques Bonzon: Les Missionaires de l’Islam en Afrique. (Revue Chrétienne, tome xiii. p. 295.) (Paris, 1893.)

[1163] G. Ferrand, Les Musulmans à Madagascar, pp. 19, 50 sqq., 138. (Paris, 1891.) Id. Les Migrations musulmanes et juives à Madagascar. (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lii. p. 381 sqq.)

[1164] Richard F. Burton (1), vol. i. p. 256.

[1165] Travels in the Interior of Africa, chap. xxv. ad fin.

[1166] D. J. East, pp. 118–20. W. Winwood Reade, vol. i. p. 312. Blyden, pp. 13, 202.

[1167] Bishop Crowther on Islam in Western Africa. (Church Missionary Intelligencer, p. 254, April 1888.)

[1168] D. J. East, pp. 112–13. Blyden, p. 202.

[1169] It is said that over a thousand missionaries of Islam leave Tripoli every year to work in the Sudan. (Paulitschke, p. 331.)

[1170] For a detailed examination of these points of contact, see Forget, p. 28 sqq. Merensky, p. 155.

[1171] Sir Bartle Frere (1), pp. 18–19.

[1172] E. W. Blyden, pp. 18–24. E. Allégret, p. 200. Westermann, pp. 644–5.

In a very interesting, but now forgotten, debate before the Anthropological Society of London, on the Efforts of Missionaries among Savages, a case was mentioned of a Christian missionary in Africa who married a negress: the feeling against him in consequence was so strong that he had to leave the colony. The Muslim missionary labours under no such disadvantage. (Journal of the Anthropological Society of London, vol. iii. 1865.)

The contrast between the way in which Christianity and Islam present themselves to the African is well brought out by one who is himself a Negro, in the following passage:—“Tandis que les missions renvoient à une époque indéfinie l’établissement du pastorat indigène, les prêtres musulmans pénètrent dans l’intérieur de l’Afrique, trouvent un accès facile chez les païens et les convertissent à l’islam. De sorte qu’aujourd’hui les nègres regardent l’islam comme la religion des noirs, et le christianisme comme la religion des blancs. Le christianisme, pensent-ils, appelle le nègre au salut, mais lui assigne une place tellement basse que, découragé, il se dit: ‘Je n’ai ni part ni portion dans cette affaire.’ L’islam appelle le nègre au salut et lui dit: ‘Il ne dépend que de toi pour arriver aussi haut que possible.’ Alors, le nègre enthousiasmé se livre corps et âme au service de cette religion.” L’islam et le christianisme en Afrique d’après un Africain. (Journal des Missions Évangéliques. 63e année, p. 207.) (Paris, 1888.)

[1173] E. D. Morel: Nigeria, its people and its problems, pp. 216–17. (London, 1911.)

[1174] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 18.

[1175] “Extracts from the Koran form the earliest reading lessons of children, and the commentaries and other works founded upon it furnish the principal subjects of the advanced studies. Schools of different grades have existed for centuries in various interior negro countries, and under the provision of law, in which even the poor are educated at the public expense, and in which the deserving are carried on many years through long courses of regular instruction. Nor is the system always confined to the Arabic language, or to the works of Arabic writers. A number of native languages have been reduced to writing, books have been translated from the Arabic and original works have been written in them. Schools also have been kept in which native languages are taught.” Condition and Character of Negroes in Africa. By Theodore Dwight. (Methodist Quarterly Review, January 1869.)

Dr. Blyden (pp. 206–7) mentions the following books as read by Muslims in Western Africa: Maqāmāt of Ḥarīrī, portions of Aristotle and Plato translated into Arabic, an Arabic version of Hippocrates, and the Arabic New Testament and Psalms issued by the American Bible Society. For the literature of the Muslims in East Africa, see Becker: Islam in Deutsch Ostafrika, p. 18 sqq.

[1176] Mohammedanism in Africa, by R. Bosworth Smith. (The Nineteenth Century, December 1887, pp. 798–800.)

[1177] Le Chatelier, (3), p. 348.

[1178] Forget, p. 95. Merensky, p. 156. (“Den Vertretern des Islam aber stand ihr Vorteil, der Gewinn, den die Unterdrückung der Eingeborenen bringt, höher als die Ausbreitung ihres Glaubens. Hätte man die Völker Afrikas durch die Macht geistiger Waffen unter gütigem Entgegenkommen zu Mohammedanern gemacht, so wären sie Glaubensgenossen, gleichberechtigte Brüder, die man nicht mehr berauben, zu Sklaven machen, oder als Sklaven nur Arbeit ausnutzen könnte.”)

[1179] Westermann, p. 643. L. de Contenson, p. 244. Kumm, p. 122.

[1180] Thus Merensky, discussing the failure of Islam to dominate the whole of Africa after centuries of occupation says:—“Wir sehen die Ursache für diese merkwürdige Erscheinung in den Beziehungen, in denen bei den Mohammedanern die äussere Gewalt zum Islam und zur Ausbreitung des Islam steht. Beides steht und fällt miteinander, dringt miteinander vor und geht miteinander auch wieder zurück.” (p. 156.)

[1181] Niemann, p. 337.

[1182] Reinaud: Géographie d’Aboulféda, tome i. p. cccxxxix.

[1183] Groeneveldt, pp. 14, 15.

[1184] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 66, 80.

[1185] Veth (3), vol. i. p. 231. Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 89.

[1186] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 230, 234.

[1187] Snouck Hurgronje (1), pp. 8–9.

[1188] Padre Gainza, quoted by C. Semper, p. 67.

[1189] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 265.

[1190] Snouck Hurgronje: L’Arabie et les Indes Néerlandaises. (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. p. 69 sqq.)

[1191] De Hollander, vol. i. p. 581. Veth (1), p. 60.

[1192] This vague reference would fit either Arabia, Persia or India; but if such a person as Jūhan Shāh ever existed, he probably came from the Coromandel or Malabar coast. (Chronique du Royaume d’Atcheh, traduite du Malay par Ed. Dulaurier, p. 7.)

[1193] Marco Polo, vol. ii. p. 284.

[1194] Veth (1), p. 61.

[1195] Yule’s Marco Polo, vol. ii. pp. 294, 303.

[1196] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 230–6.

[1197] Groeneveldt, p. 94.

[1198] At the height of its power, it stretched from 2° N. to 2° S. on the west coast, and from 1° N. to 2° S. on the east coast, but in the sixteenth century it had lost its control over the east coast. (De Hollander, vol. i. p. 3.)

[1199] Marsden, p. 343.

[1200] J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 1.)

[1201] Marsden, p. 355.

[1202] Godsdienstige verschijnselen en toestanden in Oost-Indië. (Uit de Koloniale Verslagen van 1886 en 1887.) Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. xxxii. pp. 175–6. (1888.) In 1909, out of a total of 500,000 Bataks, 300,000 were still pagan, but 125,000 were Muslim and 80,000 Christian. (R. du M. M., vol. viii. p. 183.)

[1203] J. Warneck: Die Religion der Batak, p. 122. (Leipzig, 1909.)

[1204] G. R. Simon: Die Propaganda des Halbmondes. Ein Beitrag zur Skizzierung des Islam unter den Batakken, pp. 425, 429–430. (Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift, vol. xxvii. 1900.)

[1205] R. du M. M., vol. viii. (1909), p. 183.

[1206] A. L. van Hassalt, pp. 55, 68.

[1207] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. id. p. 173. (Koloniaal Verslag van 1911, p. 26; 1912, p. 17.)

[1208] Uit het Koloniaal Verslag van 1889. (Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. xxxiv. p. 168.) (1890.)

[1209] Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 30.

[1210] De Hollander, vol. i. p. 703.

[1211] Koloniaal Verslag van 1904, p. 80; 1905, p. 46; 1909, p. 47; 1910, p. 33; 1911, p. 29; 1912, p. 21.

[1212] Canne, p. 510.

[1213] Marsden, p. 301.

[1214] Niemann, pp. 356–9.

[1215] J. H. Moor, p. 255.

[1216] “Depois que estes de induzidos por os Mouros Parseos, e Guzarates (que alli vieram residir por causa do commercio), de Gentios os convertêram á secta de Mahamed. Da qual conversão por alli concorrerem varias nações, começou laurar esta inferna peste pela virzinhança de Malaca.” (De Barros, Dec. ii. Liv. vi. cap. i. p. 15.)

[1217] Aristide Marre: Malâka. Histoire des rois malays de Malâka. Traduit et extrait du Livre des Annales malayses, intitulé en arabe Selâlet al Selâtyn, p. 8. (Paris, 1874.)

[1218] Crawfurd (1), pp. 241–2.

[1219] De Barros, Dec. iv. Liv. ii. cap. 1.

[1220] Barbosa, writing in 1516, speaks of the numerous Muhammadan merchants that frequented the port of Queda. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 317.)

[1221] The form مزلف does not actually occur in the Qurʼān; reference is probably made to some such passage as xxvi. 90: وَأزْلِفَتِ آلْجَنَّةُ اِلْمُتَّقِينَ “And paradise shall be brought near the pious.”

[1222] A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low, vol. iii. pp. 474–7.

[1223] A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low, vol. iii. p. 480.

[1224] Newbold, vol. i. p. 252.

[1225] McNair, pp. 226–9.

[1226] J. H. Moor, p. 242.

[1227] Newbold, vol. ii. pp. 106, 396.

[1228] R. du M. M., tome ii (1907), pp. 137–8.

[1229] Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 9.

[1230] Veth (3), vol. i. p. 215. Raffles (ed. of 1830), vol. ii. pp. 103, 104, 183.

[1231] The situation of Chermen is not certain. Veth (3), vol. i. p. 230, conjectures that it may have been in India, but Rouffaer (p. 115n) gives good reasons for placing it in Sumatra.

[1232] A description of the present condition of these tombs, on one of which traces of an inscription in Arabic characters are still visible, is given by J. F. G. Brumund, p. 185.

[1233] Groeneveldt, pp. vii. 49–50.

[1234] Kern, p. 21.

[1235] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 233–42. Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 113–33.

[1236] Rouffaer, however, places this Champa, not in Cambodia, but on the north coast of Atjeh and identifies it with the modern Djeumpa. (Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. iv. p. 206.)

[1237] Remains of minarets and Muhammadan tombs are still to be found in Champa. (Bastian, vol. i. pp. 498–9.)

[1238] This genealogical table will make clear these relationships, as well as others referred to later in the text:—

King of Champa.
|
+---------+----------+
| |
a daughter a daughter = an
named Arab missionary
A concubine = Angka Wijāya = Dārāwati |
| king of Majapahit | |
| | |
| Arya Damar |
| | Raden Raḥmat.
| Raden Ḥusayn |
| |
| +--------------------------------------+-----+
| | |
| --- a daughter =
| | Raden Paku
Raden Patah = a daughter

[1239] The memory of this woman is held in great honour by the Javanese, and many come to pray by her grave. See Brumund, p. 186.

[1240] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 235–6.

[1241] This mosque is still standing and is looked upon by the Javanese as one of the most sacred objects in their island.

[1242] There seems little doubt that this date is too early. A study of the Portuguese authorities points to the conclusion that Majapahit did not fall until forty years later. (Rouffaer, p. 144.)

[1243] The people of the Bali to the present day have resisted the most zealous efforts of the Muhammadans to induce them to accept the faith of Islam, though from time to time conversions have been made and a small native Muhammadan community has been formed, numbering about 3000 souls out of a population of over 862,000. The favourable situation of the island for purposes of trade has always attracted a number of foreigners to its shores, who have in many cases taken up a permanent residence in the island. While some of these settlers have always held themselves aloof from the natives of the country, others have formed matrimonial alliances with them and have consequently become merged into the mass of the population. It is owing to the efforts of the latter that Islam has made this very slow but sure progress, and the Muhammadans of Bali are said to form an energetic and flourishing community, full of zeal for the promotion of their faith, which at least impresses their pagan neighbours, though not successful in persuading them to deny their favourite food of swine’s flesh for the sake of the worship of Allāh. (Liefrinck, pp. 241–3.)

[1244] Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 523.

[1245] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 245, 284.

[1246] Raffles, vol. ii. p. 316.

[1247] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 285–6.

[1248] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 305, 318–9.

[1249] A traveller in Java in 1596 mentions two or three heathen kingdoms with a large heathen population. (Niemann, p. 342.)

[1250] Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 132–3.

[1251] Metzger, p. 279.

[1252] L. W. C. van den Berg (1), pp. 35–6. C. Poensen, pp. 3–8.

[1253] De Barros, Dec. iii. Liv. v. Cap. v. pp. 579–80. Argensola, p. 11 B.

[1254] At this period, the Moluccas were for the most part under the rule of four princes, viz. those of Ternate, Tidor, Gilolo and Batjan. The first was by far the most powerful: his territory extended over Ternate and the neighbouring small islands, a portion of Halemahera, a considerable part of the Celebes, Amboina and the Banda islands. The Sultan of Tidor ruled over Tidor and some small neighbouring islands, a portion of Halemahera, the islands lying between it and New Guinea, together with the west coast of the latter and a part of Ceram. The territory of the Sultan of Gilolo seems to have been confined to the central part of Halemahera and to a part of the north coast of Ceram; while the Sultan of Batjan ruled chiefly over the Batjan and Obi groups. (De Hollander, vol. i. p. 5.)

[1255] Massimiliano Transilvano. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 351 D.)

[1256] P. J. B. C. Robidé van der Aa, p. 18.

[1257] Pigafetta, tome i. pp. 365, 368.

[1258] “Segundo a conta que elles dam, ao tempo que os nossos descubriram aquellas Ilhas, haveria pouco mais de oitenta annos, que nellas tinha entrada esta peste.” (J. de Barros: Da Asia, Dec. iii. Liv. v. Cap. v. p. 580.)

[1259] De Barros, id. ib.

[1260] Simon, p. 13.

[1261] Bokemeyer, p. 39.

[1262] Simon, p. 13.

[1263] Argensola, pp. 3–4.

[1264] Id. p. 15 B.

[1265] Id. pp. 97, 98.

[1266] Id. pp. 155 and 158, where he calls Ternate “este receptaculo de setas, donde tienen escuela todas las apostasias; y particularmente los torpes sequazes de Mahoma. Y desde el anno de mil y quinientos y ochenta y cinco, en que los Holandeses tentaron aquellos mares, hasta este tiempo no han cessado de traer sectarios, y capitanes pyratas. Estos llevan las riquezas de Assia, y en su lugar dexan aquella falsa dotrina, con que hazen infrutuosa la conversion de tantas almas.”

[1267] Their descendants are still to be found in the province of Cavité in the island of Luzon. (Crawfurd (1), p. 85.)

[1268] W. F. Andriessen, p. 222.

[1269] T. Forrest, p. 68.

[1270] Pigafetta. (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 366.)

[1271] Campen, p. 346. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 56; 1911, p. 52.

[1272] Dulaurier, p. 528.

[1273] Damak, on the north coast of Java, opposite the south of Borneo.

[1274] Hageman, pp. 236–9.

[1275] Pigafetta. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 363–4.)

[1276] This kingdom had been founded by a colony from the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 67), and would naturally have come under Muslim influence after the conversion of the Javanese.

[1277] Dozy (1), p. 386.

[1278] Veth (2), vol. i. p. 193.

[1279] Olivier de Noort. (Histoire générale des voyages, vol. xiv. p. 225.) (The Hague, 1756.)

[1280] i.e. Pure in Religion; he died about 1677; his father does not seem to have taken a Muhammadan name, at least he is only known by his heathen name of Panembahan Giri-Kusuma. (Netscher, pp. 14–15.)

[1281] Thomas Forrest, p. 371.

[1282] Essay towards an account of Sulu, p. 557.

[1283] B. Panciera, p. 161.

[1284] J. Hageman, p. 224.

[1285] Veth (2), vol. i. p. 179.

[1286] De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 61.

[1287] Coolsma, p. 556. Koloniaal Verslag van 1911, pp. 38, 41; 1912, p. 30.

[1288] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. xxxii. p. 177; vol. xxxiv. p. 170.

[1289] i.e. Atjeh.

[1290] A Compleat History of the Rise and Progress of the Portugeze Empire in the East Indies. Collected chiefly from their own Writers. John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. i. p. 682. (London, 1764.)

[1291] Crawfurd (1), p. 91. The Encyclopaedie van N.-I. (vol. i. p. 216) gives 1606 as the date.

[1292] Fernandez Navarette, a Spanish priest, who went to the Philippine Islands in 1646. (Collection of Voyages and Travels, p. 236. London, 1752.)

Tavernier, who visited Macassar in 1648. (Travels in India, p. 193.) (London, 1678.)

Itinerarium Orientale R. P. F. Philippi à SSma. Trinitate Carmelitae Discalceati ab ipso conscriptum, p. 267. (Lugduni, 1649.)

[1293] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 385–9.

[1294] “No extraordinary exertion seems for a long time to have been made on behalf of the new religion. An abhorrence of innovation and a most pertinacious and religious adherence to ancient custom, distinguish the people of Celebes beyond all the other tribes of the Eastern isles; and these would, at first, prove the most serious obstacles to the dissemination of Mahometanism. It was this, probably, which deferred the adoption of the new religion for so long a period, and till it had recommended itself by wearing the garb of antiquity.” (Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 387.)

[1295] Crawfurd (1), p. 75. De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 212.

[1296] Id. vol. ii. p. 666. Riedel (2), p. 67.

[1297] To the east of Minahassa, between long. 124° 45′ and 123° 20′, with a population that has been variously estimated at 35,000 and 50,000. (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 247.)

[1298] Wilken (1), pp. 42–4.

[1299] Wilken (2), pp. 276–9. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 52; 1911, p. 47.

[1300] Zollinger (2), pp. 126, 169.

[1301] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. xxxii. p. 177; xxxiv. p. 170.

[1302] Zollinger (1), p. 527.

[1303] De Hollander (in 1882) gave the numbers as 20,000 Balinese and 380,000 Sasaks. (Vol. i. p. 489.)

[1304] Encyclopaedie van N.-I. vol. ii. pp. 432–4, 524.

W. Cool: With the Dutch in the East. An outline of the military operations in Lombok, 1894. (London, 1897.)

[1305] Captain Thomas Forrest, writing in 1775, says that Arabs came to the island of Mindanao 300 years before and that the tomb of the first Arab, a Sharīf from Mecca, was still shown—“a rude heap of coral rock stones” (pp. 201, 313).

[1306] N. N. Saleeby: Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion, pp. 24–5, 53–5. (Manila, 1905.)

[1307] Relatione di Ivan Gaetan del discoprimento dell’Isole Molucche. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 375 E.)

[1308] “Se muestran tan obstinados á la gracia de Dios y tan aferrados á sus creencias, que es casi moralmente imposible su conversion al cristianismo.” (Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesús de la Missión de Filipinas, 1879, quoted by Montero y Vidal, tom. i. p. 21.)

[1309] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 274–280.

[1310] “Ils sont peu soigneux de satisfaire au devoir du Christianisme qu’ils ont receu, et il les y faut contraindre par la crainte du chastiment, et gouverner comme des enfans à l’escole.” Relation des Isles Philippines, Faite par un Religieux, p. 7. (Thevenot, vol. i.)

[1311] “A Mindanao, les Tagal de l’Est, fuyant le joug abhorré de leurs maîtres catholiques, se groupent chaque jour davantage autour des chefs des dynasties nationales. Plus de 360,000 sectateurs du coran y reconnaissent un sultan indépendant. Aux jésuites chassés de l’île, aux représentants du culte officiel, se substituent comme maîtres religieux et éducateurs de la population, les missionnaires musulmans de la Chine et de l’Inde, qui rénovent ainsi la propagande, commencée par les invasions arabes.” (A. le Chatelier (2), p. 45.)

[1312] Montero y Vidal, vol. i. p. 86.

[1313] Situated three miles west of Jolo, the present capital.

[1314] N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 158–9. (Manila, 1908.)

[1315] N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 162–3.

[1316] J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 37.)

[1317] Dalrymple, p. 549.

[1318] R. du M. M., vii. pp. 115–16. (1909.)

[1319] The Missionary Review of the World, N.S., vol. xiv. p. 877. (New York, 1901.)

[1320] The first prince of Batjan who became a Muhammadan was a certain Zayn al-ʻĀbidīn, who was reigning in 1521 when the Portuguese first came to the Moluccas.

[1321] Robidé van der Aa, pp. 350, 352–3.

[1322] Id. p. 147 (Misool), “De strandbewoners zijn allen Mahomedanen.... De bergbewoners zijn heidenen.” Id. p. 53 (Salawatti), “Een klein deel der bevolking van het eiland belijdt de leer van Mahomed. Het grootste deel bestaat echter uit Papoesche heidenen, eenige tot het Mahomedaansche geloof zijn overgegaan, althans den schijn daarvan aannemen.” Id. p. 290 (Waigyu).

Some of the Papuans of the island of Gebi, between Waigyu and Halemahera, have been converted by the Muhammadan settlers from the Moluccas. (Crawfurd (1), p. 143.)

[1323] Robidé van der Aa, p. 352.

[1324] Captain Forrest, however, in 1775, tells us that “Many of the Papuas turn Musselmen.” (Voyage to New Guinea, p. 68.)

[1325] Robidé van der Aa, p. 71. “De Papoe is te woest van aard, om behoefte aan godsdienst te gevoelen. Evenmin als de Christelijke leer tot nog toe ingang bij hem heeft kunnen vinden, zou de Mahomedaansche godsdienst slagen, wanneer daartoe bij deze volksstammen poging gedaan werd. Voorzoover mij is gebleken op vijf reizen naar dit land, hebben noch Tidoreezen, noch Cerammers of anderen ooit ernstige pogingen gedaan, om de leer van Mahomed hier in te voeren.... Slechts zeer weinige hoofden, zooals de Radja Ampat van Waigeoe, Salawatti, Misool en Waigama, mogen als belijders van die leer aangemerkt worden; zij en eenige hunner bloedverwanten vervullen sommige geloofsvormen, doordien zij meermalen te Tidor geweest zijn en daar niet gaarne als gewone Papoes beschouwd worden. Onder de eigenlijke bevolking is nooit gepoogd, den Islam intevoeren, misschien wel uit eerbied voor dien godsdienst, die te verheven is voor de Papoes.”

[1326] Robidé van der Aa, p. 319.

[1327] Koloniaal Verslag van 1906, p. 70; 1911, p. 52.

[1328] The Journal of the Indian Archipelago, vol. vii. pp. 64, 71. (Singapore, 1853.)

[1329] G. W. W. C. Baron von Hoëvell, p. 120. Krieger, p. 436.

[1330] Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 210.

[1331] Crawfurd (2), pp. 275, 307.

[1332] Buckle’s Miscellaneous and Posthumous Works, edited by Helen Taylor, vol. i. p. 594. (London, 1872.)

[1333] Neimann, pp. 406–7.

[1334] C. Snouck Hurgronje: De hadji-politiek der Indische Regeering, p. 12. (Overdruk uit Onze Eeuw, 1909.)

[1335] Id.: Notes sur le mouvement du pèlerinage de la Mecque aux Indes Néerlandaises. (R. du M. M., vol. xv. pp. 409, 412.)

[1336] Report of Centenary Conference on Protestant Missions, vol. i. p. 21. Niemann, p. 407.

[1337] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vols. xxxii., xxxiv. passim.

[1338] Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. xv. 339–393. Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. pp. 576–9.

[1339] e.g. the Qādiriyyah, Naqshbandiyyah and Sammāniyyah. (C. Snouck Hurgronje (2), p. 186.) Id. (3) vol. ii. p. 372, etc.

[1340] J. G. F. Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162.

[1341] Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. p. 323.

[1342] Hauri, p. 313. Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 524.

[1343] Organisations based on the model of Christian missionary societies do not begin to make their appearance until the twentieth century; some account of these is given in Appendix III.

[1344] “À tout musulman, quelque mondain qu’il soit, le prosélytisme semble être en quelque sorte inné.” (Snouck Hurgronje, Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. p. 66.) “Der Muslim ist von Natur Missionär ... Er treibt Mission auf eigne Faust und Kosten.” (Munzinger, p. 411.) Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 8; Lüttke (2), p. 30; Julius Richter, p. 152; Merensky, p. 154.

[1345] Qurʼān, xvi. 126.

[1346] See the interesting letter addressed by Mawlāʼī Ismāʻīl, Sharīf of Morocco, in 1698 to King James II, inviting him to embrace Islam. (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. xlvii. p. 174 sqq.)

[1347] Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām kā māhwārī risālah, pp. 5–13. (Lahore, October 1889.)

[1348] Duveyrier, p. 17.

[1349] Klamroth, p. 12.

[1350] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 124–5.

[1351] Artin, p. 119.

[1352] R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 252.

[1353] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. ii. p. 407–8.

[1354] Goldziher, vol. ii. pp. 303–4.

[1355] The Pechenegs at that time occupied the country between the lower Danube and the Don, to which they had migrated from the banks of the Ural at the end of the ninth century. (Karamsin, vol. i. pp. 180–1.)

[1356] Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī (died 1094), pp. 467–8.

[1357] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. i. p. 613.

[1358] D. Crawford: Thinking Black, p. 202. (London, 1913.)

[1359] Doughty, vol. ii. p. 39.

[1360] This was emphasised by Marracci in the seventeenth century. “Si ethnicus mysteria humani intellectus captum excedentia, vel naturali conditioni et imbecillitati difficillima, si non impossibilia, cum Alcoranica doctrina comparaverit, statim ab his refugiet, et ad illa obviis ulnis accurret.” (Alcorani textus ... translatus, p. 9. Patavii, 1698.)

[1361] Edouard Montet: La propagande chrétienne et ses adversaires musulmans, pp. 17–18. (Paris, 1890.)

[1362] Mankind and the Church, p. 283–4. (London, 1907.)

[1363] Qurʼān, ii. 118–26.

[1364] Qurʼān, xlix. 10.

[1365] W. H. Macnaghten: Principles and Precedents of Moohummudan Law, p. 312. (Madras, 1882.)

[1366] Arabia Deserta, vol. i. pp. 554–5.

[1367] De l’Esprit des Lois, livre xxv. chap. 2.

[1368] Qur., chap. xvi. v. 92.

[1369] Goldziher, Saʻīd b. Ḥasan d’Alexandrie. (Revue des Études Juives, tome xxx. pp. 17–18.) (Paris, 1895.)

[1370] Ernest Renan: L’Islamisme et la Science, p. 19. (Paris, 1883.)

This has been emphasised by many observers, but it will be enough here to quote the words of an eminent Christian bishop. “No one who comes in contact for the first time with Mohammedans can fail to be struck by this aspect of their faith.... Wherever one may be, in open street, in railway station, in the field, it is the most ordinary thing to see a man, without the slightest touch of Pharisaism or parade, quietly and humbly leaving whatever pursuit he may be at the moment engaged in, in order to say his prayers at the appointed hour. On a larger scale, no one who has ever seen the courtyard of the Great Mosque at Delhi on the last Friday in the fast-month (Ramazan) filled to overflowing with, perhaps, 15,000 worshippers, all wholly absorbed in prayer, and manifesting the profoundest reverence and humility in every gesture, can fail to be deeply impressed by the sight, or to get a glimpse of the power which underlies such a system; while the very regularity of the daily call to prayer, as it rings out at earliest dawn, before light commences, or amid all the noise and bustle of the business hours, or again as the evening closes in, is fraught with the same message.” (Dr. G. A. Lefroy: Mankind and the Church, pp. 287–8. (London, 1907.))

[1371] “One may notice and admire the kind of chivalrous pride which the average Mohammedan takes in his faith.” (Bishop Lefroy: Mankind and the Church, p. 289.)

[1372] A. Kuenen: National Religions and Universal Religions, p. 35. (London, 1882.)

[1373] e.g. The persecution, under al-Mutawakkil, by the orthodox reaction against all forms of deviation from the popular creed: in Persia and other parts of Asia about the end of the thirteenth century in revenge for the domineering and insulting behaviour of the Christians in the hour of their advancement and power under the early Mongols. (Maqrīzī (2), Tome i. Première Partie, pp. 98, 106.) Assemani (tom. iii. pars. ii. p.c.), speaking of the causes that have excited the persecution of the Christians under Muhammadan rule, says:—“Non raro persecutionis procellam excitarunt mutuae Christianorum ipsorum simultates, sacerdotum licentia, praesulum fastus, tyrannica magnatum potestas, et medicorum praesertim scribarumque de supremo in gentem suam imperio altercationes.” During the crusades the Christians of the East frequently fell under the suspicion of favouring the invasions of their co-religionists from the West, and in modern Turkey the movement for Greek Independence and the religious sympathies it excited in Christian Europe contributed to make the lot of the subject Christian races harder than it would have been, had they not been suspected of disloyalty and disaffection towards their Muhammadan ruler. De Gobineau has expressed himself very strongly on this question of the toleration of Islam: “Si l’on sépare la doctrine religieuse de la nécessité politique qui souvent a parlé et agi en son nom, il n’est pas de religion plus tolérante, on pourrait presque dire plus indifférente sur la foi des hommes que l’Islam. Cette disposition organique est si forte qu’en dehors des cas où la raison d’État mise en jeu a porté les gouvernements musulmans à se faire arme de tout pour tendre à l’unité de foi, la tolérance la plus complète a été la règle fournie par le dogme.... Qu’on ne s’arrête pas aux violences, aux cruautés commises dans une occasion ou dans une autre. Si on y regarde de près, on ne tardera pas à y découvrir des causes toutes politiques ou toutes de passion humaine et de tempérament chez le souverain ou dans les populations. Le fait religieux n’y est invoqué que comme prétexte et, en réalité, il reste en dehors.” (A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 24–5.)

[1374] For a biography of him, see Ibn Khallikān, vol. ii. pp. 111–15.

[1375] Barhebræus (2), pp. 417–18.

[1376] C. d’Ohsson, vol. iv. p. 281.

[1377] Tavernier (1), p. 160.

[1378] Viaggio di Iosafa Barbero nella Persia. (Ramusio, vol. ii. p. 111.)

[1379] If indeed by Azi is meant Ḥājī.

[1380] Makīn, p. 260. Similarly, about a century before, al-Muqtadir (A.D. 908–932) gave orders for the rebuilding of some churches at Ramlah in Palestine which had been destroyed by Muhammadans during a riot, the cause of which is not recorded. (Eutychius, ii. p. 82.) Abū Ṣāliḥ makes mention of the rebuilding of a great many churches and monasteries in Egypt which had either been destroyed in time of war (e.g. during the invasion of the Ghuzz and the Kurds in 1164) (pp. 91, 96, 112, 120), been wrecked by fanatics (pp. 85–6, 182, and Maqrīzī quoted in the Appendix pp. 327–8), or fallen into decay (pp. 5, 87, 103–4).

[1381] A. de la Jonquière, pp. 203, 213, 312.

[1382] E. Charvériat: Histoire de la Guerre de Trente Ans, tome ii. pp. 615, 625. (Paris, 1878.)

[1383] In Ioannis Evangelium Tractatus, xxv. § 10.

[1384] C. Merivale: The Conversion of the Northern Nations, p. 102. (London, 1866.)

[1385] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 62 (ll. 4, 6, 13). The learned Maronite, Yūsuf Simʻān al-Simʻānī, in the eighteenth century, thus expressed his horror at such a concession to Muslim sentiment: “Mahometi eiusque sectariorum laudes persequitur, et quod sine horrore dici nequit, illius pseudo-prophetae nomen es adiuncto praeconio memorat, quo Mahometani solent, nimirum عليه السّلام.” (Assemani, tom. iii, pars. i. p. 585.)

[1386] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 65 (l. 16).

[1387] Methods of Mission Work among Moslems, p. 62.

[1388] Id. pp. 61–4.

[1389] Laurent, p. 131.

[1390] Historia Rerum Anglicarum Willelmi Parvi de Newburgh, ed. Hans Claude Hamilton, vol. ii. p. 158. (London, 1856.)

[1391] Frederick Denison Maurice was giving expression to one of the most commonly received opinions regarding this faith when he said, “It has been proved that Mahometanism can only thrive while it is aiming at conquest.” (The Religions of the World, p. 28.) (Cambridge, 1852.)

[1392] Similarly, the Spanish editor of the controversial letters that passed between Alvar and “the transgressor” (a Christian convert to Judaism), adds the following note after Epist. xv.: “Quatuordecim in hac pagina ita abrasae sunt liniae, ut nec verbum unum legi possit. Folium subsequens exsecuit possessor codicis, ne transgressoris deliramenta legerentur.” (Migne, Patr. Lat., tom. cxxi. p. 483.)

[1393] Richter, pp. 164–5.

[1394] Artin, p. 35.

[1395] The Moslem World, vol. i. p. 441.

R. du M. M., vol. xv. p. 374; vol. xviii. pp. 216, 224.

[1396] Rajputana Herald, April 17, 1889.

[1397] Mohammedan World of To-day, p. 183.

[1398] A list of these is given on p. 19 of the Annual Report for the year 1328 H.