Chapter CLII: Act 1875: , but, broadly speaking, they are divided into two (8)

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--in addition to the authorities cited above may be mentioned: G. A. Olivier, Voyage dans l'empire othoman, &c., iii. 450-459 (1807); Carl Ritter, Erdkunde von Asien, vii. b., pp. 716- 726 (1844); W. F. Ainsworth, Euphrates Expedition, i. 401-418 (1888). For a map see sheet 5 of the atlas accompanying Chesney's work. (H. W. H.)

1 Steph. Byz. (sub Turos) says that Arrian calls Anatha Turos.

2 Texeira (1610) says that ``Anna'' lay on both banks of the river, and so Della Valle (i. 671).

3 Ass. Deeds and Doc. nos. 23, 168, 228, 385.The characters used are DIS TU, which may mean Ana-tu.

ANAHEIM, a city of Orange county, California, U.S.A., about 14 m. S.E. of Los Angeles, about 12 m. from the Pacific Ocean, and about 3 m. from the Santa Ana river. (1900) 1456; (1910) 2628. It is served by the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe, and the Southern Pacific railways. It lies in a fine fruit region, in which oranges, lemons, apricots, grapes and walnuts are raised. The plain on which it is laid out, now fertile and well-watered, was originally an arid waste. Water for irrigation is obtained from the Santa Ana river, about 15 m. above the nearest point along the river to the city. The city itself has an area of only 1 1/2 sq. m., and in 1908 the population of the district, including that of the city, was estimated at 5000. The principal manufactures are dried and canned fruits, wine, beer, and agricultural implements. Anaheim is of particular interest as the earliest of various settlements in southern California in which co-operation has made possible the establishment of intensive fruit culture in semi-desert regions. In 1857 fifty Germans (mostly mechanics) organized in San Francisco the Los Angeles Vineyard Association and bought 1165 acres of land here which could be irrigated from the Santa Ana river; each member took possession of a 20 acre share only when gradual improvement had made everything ready for occupancy and the tracts had been distributed by lot, with bonuses or rebates to equalize them in value to the drawers. This ended the co-operative feature of the enterprise, which was never communistic except that its irrigating canal remained common property. The settlement was uninterruptedly successful, and was influential as a pioneer experiment. Anaheim was incorporated as a town in 1870; this incorporation was revoked in 1872; in 1878 the town was incorporated again; and in 1888 Anaheim received a city charter.

ANAHUAC, a geographical district of Mexico, limited by the traditional and vaguely defined boundaries of an ancient Indian empire or confederation of that name previous to the Spanish conquest. The word is said to signify ``country by the waters'' in the old Aztec language; hence the theory that Anahuac was located on the sea coast. One of the theories relating to the location of Anahuac describes it as all the plateau region of Mexico, with an area equal to three-fourths of the republic, and extending between the eastern and western coast ranges from Rio Grande to the isthmus of Tehuantepec. A more exact description, however, limits it to the great plateau valley in which the city of Mexico is located, between 18 deg. 40' and 20 deg. 30' N. lat., about 200 m. long by 75 m. wide, with an average elevation of 7500 ft., and a mean temperature of 62 deg. . The accepted meaning of the name fits this region as well as any on the sea coast, as the lakes of this valley formerly covered one-tenth of its area. The existence of the name in southern Utah, United States, and on the gulf coast of Mexico, has given rise to theories of other locations and wider bounds for the old Indian empire.

ANALCITE, a commonly occurring mineral of the zeolite group. It crystallizes in the cubic system, the common form being the icositetrahedron (211), either alone (fig. 1) or in combination with the cube (100); sometimes the faces of the cube predominate in size, and its corners are each replaced by three small triangular faces representing the icositetrahedron (fig. 2). Although cubic in form, analcite usually shows feeble double refraction, and is thus optically anomalous. This feature of analcite has been much studied, Sir David Brewster in 1826 being the earliest investigator. Crystals of analcite are often perfectly colourless and transparent with a brilliant glassy lustre, but some are opaque and white or pinkish-white. The hardness of the mineral is 5 to 5 1/2, and its specific gravity is 2.25. Chemically, analcite is a hydrated sodium and aluminium silicate, NaAlSi2O6 + H2O; small amounts of the sodium being sometimes replaced by calcium or by potassium. The water of crystallization is readily expelled by heat, with modification of the optical characters of the crystals. Before the blowpipe the mineral readily fuses with intumescence to a colourless glass. It is decomposed by acids with separation of gelatinous silica.

FIG. 1. FIG. 2.

Analcite usually occurs, associated with other zeolitic minerals, lining amygdaloidal cavities in basic volcanic rocks such as basalt and melaphyre, and especially in such as have undergone alteration by weathering; the Tertiary basalts of the north of Ireland frequently contain cavities lined with small brilliant crystals of analcite. Larger crystals of the same kind are found in the basalt of the Cyclopean Islands (Scogli de' Ciclopi or Faraglioni) N.E. of Catania, Sicily. Large opaque crystals of the pinkish-white colour are found in cavities in melaphyre at the Seisser Alpe near Schlern in southern Tirol. In all such cases the mineral is clearly of secondary origin, but of late years another mode of occurrence has been recognized, analcite having been found as a primary constituent of certain igneous rocks such as monchiquite and some basalts. The irregular grains, of which it has the form, had previously been mistaken for glass.

Owing to the fact that analcite often crystallizes in cubes, it was long known as cubic zeolite or as cuboite. The name now in use was proposed in 1797 in the form analcime, by R. J. Hauy, in allusion to the weak (analkis) electrification of the mineral produced by friction. Euthallite is a compact, greenish analcite, produced by the alteration of elaeolite at various localities in the Langesund-fjord in southern Norway. Eudnophite, from the same region, was originally described as an orthorhombic mineral dimorphous with analcite, but has since been found to be identical with it. Cluthalite, from the Clyde (Clutha) valley, is an altered form of the mineral. (L. J. S.)

ANALOGY (Gr. analogia, proportion), a term signifying, (1) in general, resemblance which falls short of absolute similarity or identity. Thus by analogy, the word ``loud,'' originally applied to sounds, is used of garments which obtrude themselves on the attention; all metaphor is thus a kind of analogy. (2) Euclid used the term for proportionate equality; but in mathematics it is now obsolete except in the phrase, ``Napier's Analogies'' in spherical trigonometry (see NAPIER, JOHN.) (3) In grammar, it signifies similarity in the dominant characteristics of a language, derivation, orthography and so on. (4) In logic, it is used of arguments by inference from resemblances between known particulars to other particulars which are not observed. Under the name of ``example'' (paradeigma) the process is explained by Aristotle (Prior Anal. ii. 4) as an inference which differs from induction (q.v.) in havinga particular, not a general, conclusion; i.e. if A is demonstrably like B in certain respects, it may be assumed to be like it in another, though the latter is not demonstrated. Kant and his followers state the distinction otherwise, i.e. induction argues from the possession of an attribute by many members of a class that all members of the class possess it, while analogy argues that, because A has some of B's qualities, it must have them all (cf. Sir Wm. Hamilton, Lectures on Logic, ii. 165-174, for a slight modification of this view). J. S. Mill very properly rejects this artificial distinction, which is in practice no distinction at all; he regards induction and analogy as generically the same, though differing in the demonstrative validity of their evidence, i.e. induction proceeds on the basis of scientific, causal connexion, while analogy, in absence of proof, temporarily accepts a probable hypothesis. In this sense, analogy may obviously have a universal conclusion. This type of inference is of the greatest value in physical science, which has frequently and quite legitimately used such conclusions until a negative instance has disproved or further evidence confirmed them (for a list of typical cases see T. Fowler's edition of Bacon's Nov. Org. Aph. ii. 27 note). The value of such inferences depends on the nature of the resemblances on which they are based and on that of the differences which they disregard. If the resemblances are small and unimportant and the differences great and fundamental, the argument is known as ``False Analogy.'' The subject is dealt with in Francis Bacon's Novum Organum, especially ii. 27 (see T. H. Fowler's notes) under the head of Instantiae conformes sive proportionatae. Strictly the argument by analogy is based on similarity of relations between things, not on the similarity of things, though it is, in general, extended to cover the latter. See works on Logic, e.g. J. S. Mill, T. H. Fowler, W. S. Jevons. For Butler's Analogy and its method see BUTLER, JOSEPH.

The term was used in a special sense by Kant in his phrase, ``Analogies of Experience,'' the third and most important group in his classification of the a priori elements of knowledge. By it he understood the fundamental laws of pure natural science under the three heads, substantiality, causality, reciprocity (see F. Paulsen, I. Kant, Eng. trans. 1902, pp. 188 ff.).

ANALYSIS (Gr. ana and luein, to break up into parts), in general, the resolution of a whole into its component elements; opposed to synthesis, the combining of separate elements or minor wholes into an inclusive unity. It differs from mere ``disintegration', in proceeding on a definite scientific plan. In grammar, analysis is the breaking up of a sentence into subject, predicate, object, &c. (an exercise introduced into English schools by J. D. Morell about 1852); so the analysis of a book or a lecture is a synopsis of the main points. The chief technical uses of the word, which retains practically the same meaning in all the sciences, are in (1) philosophy, (2) mathematics, (3) chemistry.

(1) Logical analysis is the process of examining into the connotation of a concept or idea, and separating the attributes from the whole and each other. It, therefore, does not increase knowledge, but merely clarifies and tests it. In this sense Kant distinguished an analytic from a synthetic judgment, as one in which the predicate is involved in the essence of the subject. Such judgments are also known as verbal, as opposed to real or ampliative judgments. The processes of synthesis and analysis though formally contradictory are practically supplementary; thus to analyse the connotation is to synthesize the denotation of a term, and vice versa; the process of knowledge involves the two methods, analysis being the corrective of synthetic empiricism. In a wider sense the whole of formal logic is precisely the analysis of the laws of thought. Analytical psychology is distinguished from genetic and empirical psychology inasmuch as it proceeds by the method of introspective investigation of mental phenomena instead of by physiological or psycho-physical experiment. For the relation between analysis and synthesis on the one hand, and deduction and induction on the other, see INDUCTION.

(2) In mathematics, analysis has two distinct meanings, conveniently termed ancient and modern. Ancient analysis, as described by Pappus, related chiefly to geometrical problems, and is the method of reasoning from the solution, as taken for granted, to consequences which are known to be true, whereas synthesis reasons from known data to the solution. (See GEOMETRY.)

Modern analysis is practically coeval with Descartes, the founder of ``analytical geometry,'' although the calculus of general quantities had previously been termed analysis. Many mathematical subjects are now included under this name, and are treated in the following articles:--GEOMETRY, ANALYTICAL; INFINITESIMAL CALCULUS; DIFFERENTIAL EQUATION; VARIATIONS, CALCULUS OF; CURVE; SURFACE; FUNCTION; SPHERICAL HARMONICS; SERIES; FOURIER'S SERIES; GROUPS, THEORY OF; PROBABILITY.

(3) In Chemistry, the word analysis was introduced by Robert Boyle to denote the determination of the composition of substances. (See CHEMISTRY, Analytical.)

ANALYST, in modern times, a person professionally skilled in chemical analysis. He may be called upon, in the discharge of his profession, to analyse a wide range of substances. Apart from private practitioners and those engaged in large manufacturing concerns, analysts employed by public bodies are termed public analysts. In most large manufacturing establishments there is usually a staff of analysts, whose duty it is primarily to exercise constant watchfulness over the processes of manufacture, to test the purity of the substances used, as well as that of the final products. The services of analysts are constantly required in judicial enquiries, sometimes in purely criminal cases, sometimes in civil proceedings, such as offences against the customs or excise or under the various British Food and Drugs Acts. In the case of criminal proceedings, the services of the official analyst attached to the British Home Office are employed. The inland revenue department has a laboratory at Somerset House, with a staff of analysts, who are engaged in analysing for excise and other purposes. Under the Fertilizers and Feeding Stuffs Act 1893, the Board of Agriculture employs an agricultural chemist, whose duty is the analysis of fertilizers and feeding stuffs.

A ``public analyst'' is an analyst appointed by a local authority for the purposes of the Sale of Food and Drugs Acts. He must be possessed of competent medical, chemical and microscopical knowledge to analyse all articles of food and drink (see ADULTERATION).

ANALYTIC (the adjective of ``analysis''' q.v.), according with, or consisting in, the method of separating a whole into its parts, the opposite of synthetic. For analytic chemistry, analytic language, &c., see the articles under the noun-headings. The title of analutika or Analytics was given by Aristotle to his treatises on logic.

ANAMALAI HILLS, a range of mountains in southern India, in the Coimbatore district of Madras, lying between 10 deg. 13' and 10 deg. 31' N. lat., and between 76 deg. 52' and 77 deg. 23' E. long., forming a portion of the Western Ghats, after this range has been broken by the Palghat Pass, south of the Nilgiris. They really consist of a forest-clad and grassy tableland, with summits rising about 8000 ft.; the Anaimudi mountain, which is the highest in southern India, having an altitude of 8850 ft. Their geological formation is metamorphic gneiss, veined with felspar and quartz, and interspersed with reddish porphyrite. The lower slopes yield valuable teak and other timber; and some land has been taken up for coffee planting. The only inhabitants are a few wild tribes who live by hunting and collecting jungle produce.

ANAMORPHOSIS (a Gr. word, derived from ana, back, and morpe, form: the second o in the Greek is long, but in English the Pronunciation varies), a deformation or distortion of appearance; in drawing, the representation of an object as seen, for instance, altered by reflexion in a mirror; in botany, e.g. in the case of fungi or lichens, an abnormal change giving the appearance of a different species.

`ANAN BEN DAVID, a Persian Jew of the 8th century, and founder within Judaism of the sect of Qaraites (Karaites) which set itself in opposition to the rabbinic tradition. `Anan was an unsuccessful candidate for the dignity of Exilarch, and thus his opposition to the rabbanite Jews was political as well as theological. His secession occurred at a moment when the time was ripe for a reaction against rabbinism, and `Anan became the rallying point for many opponents of tradition. (See QARAITES.)

ANANDA, one of the principal disciples of the Buddha (q.v..) He has been called the beloved disciple of the Buddhist story. He was the first cousin of the Buddha, and was devotedly attached to him. Ananda entered the Order in the second year of the Buddha's ministry, and became one of his personal attendants, accompanying him on most of his wanderings and being the interlocutor in many of the recorded dialogues. He is the subject of a special panegyric delivered by the Buddha just before his death (Book of the Great Decease, v. 38); but it is the panegyric of an unselfish man, kindly, thoughtful for others and popular; not of the intellectual man, versed in the theory and practice of the Buddhist system of self-culture. So in the long list of the disciples given in the Anguttara (i. xiv.) where each of them is declared to be the chief in some gift, Ananda is mentioned five times (which is more often than any other), but it is as chief in conduct and in service to others and in power of memory, not in any of the intellectual powers so highly prized in the community. This explains why he had not attained to arahatship; and in the earliest account of the convocation said to have been held by five hundred of the principal disciples immediately after the Buddha's death, he was the only one who was not an arahat (Cullavagga, book xi.). In later accounts this incident is explained away. Thirty-three verses ascribed to Ananda are preserved in a collection of lyrics by the principal male and female members of the order (Thera Gatha, 1017-1050). They show a gentle and reverent but simple spirit. (T. W. R. D.)

ANANIAS, the Gr. form of Hananiah, or Ananiah, a name occurring several times in the Old Testament and Apocrypha (Neh. iii. 23, 1 Ch. xxv. 23, Tob. v. 12. &c.), and three times in the New Testament. Special mention need be made only of the bearers of the name in the New Testament. (1) A member of the first Christian community, who, with his wife Sapphira, was miraculously punished by Peter with sudden death for hypocrisy and falsehood (Acts v. 1-10; cf. Josh. vii. 1 ff.). (2) A disciple at Damascus who figures in the story of the conversion and baptism of Paul (Acts ix. 10-17, xxh. 12-16.) (3) Son of Nedebaios (Jos. Ant. xx. 5. 2), a high priest who presided during the trial of Paul at Jerusalem and Caesarea (Acts xxiii. 2, xxiv. 1-5). He officiated as high priest from about A.D. 47 to 59. Quadratus, governor of Syria, accused him of being responsible for acts of violence. He was sent to Rome for trial (A.D. 52), but was acquitted by the emperor Claudius. Being a friend of the Romans, he was murdered by the people at the beginning of the Jewish war.

ANANTAPUR, a town and district of India, in the Madras presidency. The town has a station on the Madras railway, 62 m. S.E. from Bellary. Pop. (1901) 7938.

The district of Anantapur was constituted in 1882 out of the unwieldy district of Bellary. It has an area of 5557 sq. m., and in its northern and central portions is a high plateau, generally undulating, with large granite rocks or low hill ranges rising here and there above its surface. In the southern portion of the district the surface is more hilly, the plateau there rising to 2600 ft. above the sea. There is a remarkable fortress rock at Gooty, 2171 ft. above the sea, and a similar but larger rock at Penukonda, with an elevation equal to that of Bangalore, about 3100 ft. Gooty fortress was a stronghold of the Mahrattas, but was taken from them by Hyder Ali. In 1789 it was ceded by Tippoo to the nizam, and in 1800 the nizam ceded the district of Anantapur with others to the British in payment for a subsidiary British force. The population in 1901 was 788,254, showing an increase of 8% in the decade. The principal crops are millet, rice, other food grains, pulse, oil seeds and cotton. There are several steam factories for pressing cotton. Two railways traverse the district.

ANAPA, a seaport town of Russia, in the government of Kuban, on the N. coast of the Black Sea, 45 m. S.E. from the Strait of Yenikale or Kerch, giving access to the Sea of Azov. It was originally built in 1781 as a frontier fortress of the Turks against Russia. Three times captured by the Russians, in 1791, 1807 and 1828, and twice restored by them, in 1792 and 1812, it was finally left in their hands by the treaty of Adrianople in 1829. During the Crimean War its fortifications were destroyed (1855) by the Russians themselves. Pop. (1897) 6676.

ANAPAEST (from Gr. anapaistos, reversed), a metrical foot consisting of three syllables, the first two short and the third long and accented; so called as the reverse of a dactyl, which has the first a long syllable, followed by two short ones. An anapaestic verse is one which only contains, or is mostly made up of, anapaestic feet.

ANARCHISM (from the Gr. an-, and arche, contrary to authority), the name given to a principle or theory of life and conduct under which society is conceived without government --harmony in such a society being obtained, not by submission to law, or by obedience to any authority, but by free agreements concluded between the various groups, territorial and professional, freely constituted for the sake of production and consumption, as also for the satisfaction of the infinite variety of needs and aspirations of a civilized being. In a society developed on these lines, the voluntary associations which already now begin to cover all the fields of human activity would take a still greater extension so as to substitute themselves for the state in all its functions. They would represent an interwoven network, composed of an infinite variety of groups and federations of all sizes and degrees, local, regional, national and international-- temporary or more or less permanent--for all possible purposes: production, consumption and exchange, communications, sanitary arrangements, education, mutual protection, defence of the territory, and so on; and, on the other side, for the satisfaction of an ever-increasing number of scientific, artistic, literary and sociable needs. Moreover, such a society would represent nothing immutable. On the contrary--as is seen in organic life at large--harmony would (it is contended) result from an ever-changing adjustment and readjustment of equilibrium between the multitudes of forces and influences, and this adjustment would be the easier to obtain as none of the forces would enjoy a special protection from the state.

If, it is contended, society were organized on these principles, man would not be limited in the free exercise of his powers in productive work by a capitalist monopoly, maintained by the state; nor would he be limited in the exercise of his will by a fear of punishment, or by obedience towards individuals or metaphysical entities, which both lead to depression of initiative and servility of mind. He would be guided in his actions by his own understanding, which necessarily would bear the impression of a free action and reaction between his own self and the ethical conceptions of his surroundings. Man would thus be enabled to obtain the full development of all his faculties, intellectual, artistic and moral, without being hampered by overwork for the monopolists, or by the servility and inertia of mind of the great number. He would thus be able to reach full individualization, which is not possible either under the present system of individualism, or under any system of state- socialism in the so-called Volkstaat (popular state).

The Anarchist writers consider, moreover, that their conception is not a Utopia, constructed on the a priori method, after a few desiderata have been taken as postulates. It is derived, they maintain, from an analysis of tendencies that are at work already, even though state socialism may find a temporary favour with the reformers. The progress of modern technics, which wonderfully simplifies the production of all the necessaries of life; the growing spirit of independence, and the rapid spread of free initiative and free understanding in all branches of activity--including those which formerly were considered as the proper attribution of church and state--are steadily reinforcing the no-government tendency.

As to their economical conceptions, the Anarchists, in common with all Socialists, of whom they constitute the left wing, maintain that the now prevailing system of private ownership in land, and our capitalist production for the sake of profits, represent a monopoly which runs against both the principles of justice and the dictates of utility. They are the main obstacle which prevents the successes of modern technics from being brought into the service of all, so as to produce general well-being. The Anarchists consider the wage-system and capitalist production altogether as an obstacle to progress. But they point out also that the state was, and continues to be, the chief instrument for permitting the few to monopolize the land, and the capitalists to appropriate for themselves a quite disproportionate share of the yearly accumulated surplus of production. Consequently, while combating the present monopolization of land, and capitalism altogether, the Anarchists combat with the same energy the state, as the main support of that system. Not this or that special form, but the state altogether, whether it be a monarchy or even a republic governed by means of the referendum.

The state organization, having always been, both in ancient and modern history (Macedonian empire, Roman empire, modern European states grown up on the ruins of the autonomous cities), the instrument for establishing monopolies in favour of the ruling minorities, cannot be made to work for the destruction of these monopolies. The Anarchists consider, therefore, that to hand over to the state all the main sources of economical life--the land, the mines, the railways, banking, insurance, and so on--as also the management of all the main branches of industry, in addition to all the functions already accumulated in its hands (education, state-supported religions, defence of the territory, &c.), would mean to create a new instrument of tyranny. State capitalism would only increase the powers of bureaucracy and capitalism. True progress lies in the direction of decentralization, both territorial and functional, in the development of the spirit of local and personal initiative, and of free federation from the simple to the compound, in lieu of the present hierarchy from the centre to the periphery.

In common with most Socialists, the Anarchists recognize that, like all evolution in nature, the slow evolution of society is followed from time to time by periods of accelerated evolution which are called revolutions; and they think that the era of revolutions is not yet closed. Periods of rapid changes will follow the periods of slow evolution, and these periods must be taken advantage of--not for increasing and widening the powers of the state, but for reducing them, through the organization in every township or commune of the local groups of producers and consumers, as also the regional, and eventually the international, federations of these groups.

In virtue of the above principles the Anarchists refuse to be party to the present state organization and to support it by infusing fresh blood into it. They do not seek to constitute, and invite the working men not to constitute, political parties in the parliaments. Accordingly, since the foundation of the International Working Men's Association in 1864-1866, they have endeavoured to promote their ideas directly amongst the labour organizations and to induce those unions to a direct struggle against capital, without placing their faith in parliamentary legislation.

The Historical Development of Anarchism.--The conception of society just sketched, and the tendency which is its dynamic expression, have always existed in mankind, in opposition to the governing hierarchic conception and tendency--now the one and now the other taking the upper hand at different periods of history. To the former tendency we owe the evolution, by the masses themselves, of those institutions--the clan, the village community, the gild, the free medieval city--by means of which the masses resisted the encroachments of the conquerors and the power-seeking minorities. The same tendency asserted itself with great energy in the great religious movements of medieval times, especially in the early movements of the reform and its forerunners. At the same time it evidently found its expression in the writings of some thinkers, since the times of Lao-tsze, although, owing to its non-scholastic and popular origin, it obviously found less sympathy among the scholars than the opposed tendency.

As has been pointed out by Prof. Adler in his Geschichte der Sozialismus und Kommunismus, Aristippus (b. c. 430 B.C.), one of the founders of the Cyrenaic school, already taught that the wise must not give up their liberty to the state, and in reply to a question by Socrates he said that he did not desire to belong either to the governing or the governed class. Such an attitude, however, seems to have been dictated merely by an Epicurean attitude towards the life of the masses.

The best exponent of Anarchist philosophy in ancient Greece was Zeno (342-267 or 270 B.C.), from Crete, the founder of the Stoic philosophy, who distinctly opposed his conception of a free community without government to the state-Utopia of Plato. He repudiated the omnipotence of the state, its intervention and regimentation, and proclaimed the sovereignty of the moral law of the individual--remarking already that, while the necessary instinct of self-preservation leads man to egotism, nature has supplied a corrective to it by providing man with another instinct--that of sociability. When men are reasonable enough to follow their natural instincts, they will unite across the frontiers and constitute the Cosmos. They will have no need of law-courts or police, will have no temples and no public worship, and use no money--free gifts taking the place of the exchanges. Unfortunately, the writings of Zeno have not reached us and are only known through fragmentary quotations. However, the fact that his very wording is similar to the wording now in use, shows how deeply is laid the tendency of human nature of which he was the mouth-piece.

In medieval times we find the same views on the state expressed by the illustrious bishop of Alba, Marco Girolamo Vida, in his first dialogue De dignitate reipublicae (Ferd. Cavalli, in Mem. dell' Istituto Veneto, xiii.; Dr E. Nys, Researches in the History of Economics.) But it is especially in several early Christian movements, beginning with the 9th century in Armenia, and in the preachings of the early Hussites, particularly Chojecki, and the early Anabaptists, especially Hans Denk (cf. Keller, Ein Apostel der Wiedertaufer), that one finds the same ideas forcibly expressed--special stress being laid of course on their moral aspects.

Rabelais and Fenelon, in their Utopias, have also expressed similar ideas, and they were also current in the 18th century amongst the French Encyclopaedists, as may be concluded from separate expressions occasionally met with in the writings of Rousseau, from Diderot's Preface to the Voyage of Bougainville, and so on. However, in all probability such ideas could not be developed then, owing to the rigorous censorship of the Roman Catholic Church.

These ideas found their expression later during the great French Revolution. While the Jacobins did all in their power to centralize everything in the hands of the government, it appears now, from recently published documents, that the masses of the people, in their municipalities and ``sections,'' accomplished a considerable constructive work. They appropriated for themselves the election of the judges, the organization of supplies and equipment for the army, as also for the large cities, work for the unemployed, the management of charities, and so on. They even tried to establish a direct correspondence between the 36,000 communes of France through the intermediary of a special board, outside the National Assembly (cf. Sigismund Lacroix, Actes de la commune de Paris.)

It was Godwin, in his Enquiry concerning Political Justice (2 vols., 1793), who was the first to formulate the political and economical conceptions of Anarchism, even though he did not give that name to the ideas developed in his remarkable work. Laws, he wrote, are not a product of the wisdom of our ancestors: they are the product of their passions, their timidity, their jealousies and their ambition. The remedy they offer is worse than the evils they pretend to cure. If and only if all laws and courts were abolished, and the decisions in the arising contests were left to reasonable men chosen for that purpose, real justice would gradually be evolved. As to the state, Godwin frankly claimed its abolition. A society, he wrote, can perfectly well exist without any government: only the communities should be small and perfectly autonomous. Speaking of property, he stated that the rights of every one ``to every substance capable of contributing to the benefit of a human being'' must be regulated by justice alone: the substance must go ``to him who most wants it.'' His conclusion was Communism. Godwin, however, had not the courage to maintain his opinions. He entirely rewrote later on his chapter on property and mitigated his Communist views in the second edition of Political Justice (8vo, 1796).

Proudhon was the first to use, in 1840 (Qu'est-ce que la propriete? first memoir), the name of Anarchy with application to the no-government state of society. The name of ``Anarchists'' had been freely applied during the French Revolution by the Girondists to those revolutionaries who did not consider that the task of the Revolution was accomplished with the overthrow of Louis XVI., and insisted upon a series of economical measures being taken (the abolition of feudal rights without redemption, the return to the village communities of the communal lands enclosed since 1669, the limitation of landed property to 120 acres, progressive income-tax, the national organization of exchanges on a just value basis, which already received a beginning of practical realization, and so on).

Now Proudhon advocated a society without government, and used the word Anarchy to describe it. Proudhon repudiated, as is known, all schemes of Communism, according to which mankind would be driven into communistic monasteries or barracks, as also all the schemes of state or state-aided Socialism which were advocated by Louis Blanc and the Collectivists. When he proclaimed in his first memoir on property that ``Property is theft,'' he meant only property in its present, Roman-law, sense of ``right of use and abuse''; in property-rights, on the other hand, understood in the limited sense of possession, he saw the best protection against the encroachments of the state. At the same time he did not want violently to dispossess the present owners of land, dwelling-houses, mines, factories and so on. He preferred to attain the same end by rendering capital incapable of earning interest; and this he proposed to obtain by means of a national bank, based on the mutual confidence of all those who are engaged in production, who would agree to exchange among themselves their produces at cost-value, by means of labour cheques representing the hours of labour required to produce every given commodity. Under such a system, which Proudhon described as ``Mutuellisme,'' all the exchanges of services would be strictly equivalent. Besides, such a bank would be enabled to lend money without interest, levying only something like 1%, or even less, for covering the cost of administration. Every one being thus enabled to borrow the money that would be required to buy a house, nobody would agree to pay any more a yearly rent for the use of it. A general ``social liquidation'' would thus be rendered easy, without violent expropriation. The same applied to mines, railways, factories and so on.

In a society of this type the state would be useless. The chief relations between citizens would be based on free agreement and regulated by mere account keeping. The contests might be settled by arbitration. A penetrating criticism of the state and all possible forms of government, and a deep insight into all economic problems, were well-known characteristics of Proudhon's work.

It is worth noticing that French mutualism had its precursor in England, in William Thompson, who began by mutualism before he became a Communist, and in his followers John Gray (A Lecture on Human Happiness, 1825; The Social System, 1831) and J. F. Bray (Labour's Wrongs and Labour's Remedy, 1839). It had also its precursor in America. Josiah Warren, who was born in 1708 (cf. W. Bailie, Josiah Warren, the First American Anarchist, Boston, 1900), and belonged to Owen's ``New Harmony,'' considered that the failure of this enterprise was chiefly due to the suppression of individuality and the lack of initiative and responsibility. These defects, he taught, were inherent to every scheme based upon authority and the community of goods. He advocated, therefore, complete individual liberty. In 1827 he opened in Cincinnati a little country store which was the first ``Equity Store,'' and which the people called ``Time Store,'' because it was based on labour being exchanged hour for hour in all sorts of produce. ``Cost--the limit of price,'' and consequently ``no interest,'' was the motto of his store, and later on of his ``Equity Village,'' near New York, which was still in existence in 1865. Mr Keith's ``House of Equity'' at Boston, founded in 1855, is also worthy of notice.

While the economical, and especially the mutual-banking, ideas of Proudhon found supporters and even a practical application in the United States, his political conception of Anarchy found but little echo in France, where the Christian Socialism of Lamennais and the Fourierists, and the State Socialism of Louis Blanc and the followers of Saint-Simon, were dominating. These ideas found, however, some temporary support among the left-wing Hegelians in Germany, Moses Hess in 1843, and Karl Grun in 1845, who advocated Anarchism. Besides, the authoritarian Communism of Wilhelm Weitling having given origin to opposition amongst the Swiss working men, Wilhelm Marr gave expression to it in the 'forties.

On the other side, Individualist Anarchism found, also in Germany, its fullest expression in Max Stirner (Kaspar Schmidt), whose remarkable works (Der Einzige und sein Eigenthum and articles contributed to the Rheinische Zeitung) remained quite overlooked until they were brought into prominence by John Henry Mackay.

Prof. V. Basch, in a very able introduction to his interesting book, L'Individualisme anarchiste: Max Stirner (1904), has shown how the development of the German philosophy from Kant to Hegel, and ``the absolute'' of Schelling and the Geist of Hegel, necessarily provoked, when the anti-Hegelian revolt began, the preaching of the same ``absolute'' in the camp of the rebels. This was done by Stirner, who advocated, not only a complete revolt against the state and against the servitude which authoritarian Communism would impose upon men, but also the full liberation of the individual from all social and moral bonds--the rehabilitation of the ``I,'' the supremacy of the individual, complete ``a-moralism,'' and the ``association of the egotists.'' The final conclusion of that sort of Individual Anarchism has been indicated by Prof. Basch. It maintains that the aim of all superior civilization is, not to permit all members of the community to develop in a normal way, but to permit certain better endowed individuals ``fully to develop,'' even at the cost of the happiness and the very existence of the mass of mankind. It is thus a return towards the most common individualism, advocated by all the would-be superior minorities, to which indeed man owes in his history precisely the state and the rest, which these individualists combat. Their individualism goes so far as to end in a negation of their own starting-point,--to say nothing of the impossibility for the individual to attain a really full development in the conditions of oppression of the masses by the ``beautiful aristocracies.'' His development would remain uni-lateral. This is why this direction of thought, notwithstanding its undoubtedly correct and useful advocacy of the full development of each individuality, finds a hearing only in limited artistic and literary circles.

Anarchism in the International Working Men's Association.--A general depression in the propaganda of all fractions of Socialism followed, as is known, after the defeat of the uprising of the Paris working men in June 1848 and the fall of the Republic. All the Socialist press was gagged during the reaction period, which lasted fully twenty years. Nevertheless, even Anarchist thought began to make some progress, namely in the writings of Bellegarrique (Coeurderoy), and especially Joseph Dejacque (Les Lazareennes, L'Humanisphere, an Anarchist-Communist Utopia, lately discovered and reprinted). The Socialist movement revived only after 1864, when some French working men, all ``mutualists,'' meeting in London during the Universal Exhibition with English followers of Robert Owen, founded the International Working Men's Association. This association developed very rapidly and adopted a policy of direct economical struggle against capitalism, without interfering in the political parliamentary agitation, and this policy was followed until 1871. However, after the Franco-German War, when the International Association was prohibited in France after the uprising of the Commune, the German working men, who had received manhood suffrage for elections to the newly constituted imperial parliament, insisted upon modifying the tactics of the International, and began to build up a Social-Democratic political party. This soon led to a division in the Working Men's Association, and the Latin federations, Spanish, Italian, Belgian and Jurassic (France could not be represented), constituted among themselves a Federal union which broke entirely with the Marxist general council of the International. Within these federations developed now what may be described as modern Anarchism. After the names of ``Federalists'' and ``Anti-authoritarians'' had been used for some time by these federations the name of ``Anarchists,'' which their adversaries insisted upon applying to them, prevailed, and finally it was revindicated.

Bakunin (q.v.) soon became the leading spirit among these Latin federations for the development of the principles of Anarchism, which he did in a number of writings, pamphlets and letters. He demanded the complete abolition of the state, which--he wrote--is a product of religion, belongs to a lower state of civilization, represents the negation of liberty, and spoils even that which it undertakes to do for the sake of general well-being. The state was an historically necessary evil, but its complete extinction will be, sooner or later, equally necessary. Repudiating all legislation, even when issuing from universal suffrage, Bakunin claimed for each nation, each region and each commune, full autonomy, so long as it is not a menace to its neighbours, and full independence for the individual, adding that one becomes really free only when, and in proportion as, all others are free. Free federations of the communes would constitute free nations.

As to his economical conceptions, Bakunin described himself, in common with his Federalist comrades of the International (Cesar De Paepe, James Guillaume Schwitzguebel), a ``Collectivist Anarchist''--not in the sense of Vidal and Pecqueur in the 'forties, or of their modern Social-Democratic followers, but to express a state of things in which all necessaries for production are owned in common by the Labour groups and the free communes, while the ways of retribution of labour, Communist or otherwise, would be settled by each group for itself. Social revolution, the near approach of which was foretold at that time by all Socialists, would be the means of bringing into life the new conditions.

The Jurassic, the Spanish, and the Italian federations and sections of the International Working Men's Association, as also the French, the German and the American Anarchist groups, were for the next years the chief centres of Anarchist thought and propaganda. They refrained from any participation in parliamentary politics, and always kept in close contact with the Labour organizations. However, in the second half of the 'eighties and the early 'nineties of the 19th century, when the influence of the Anarchists began to be felt in strikes, in the 1st of May demonstrations, where they promoted the idea of a general strike for an eight hours' day, and in the anti-militarist propaganda in the army, violent prosecutions were directed against them, especially in the Latin countries (including physical torture in the Barcelona Castle) and the United States (the execution of five Chicago Anarchists in 1887). Against these prosecutions the Anarchists retaliated by acts of violence which in their turn were followed by more executions from above, and new acts of revenge from below. This created in the general public the impression that violence is the substance of Anarchism, a view repudiated by its supporters, who hold that in reality violence is resorted to by all parties in proportion as their open action is obstructed by repression, and exceptional laws render them outlaws. (Cf. Anarchism and Outrage, by C. M. Wilson, and Report of the Spanish Atrocities Committee, in ``Freedom Pamphlets''; A Concise History of the Great Trial of the Chicago Anarchists, by Dyer Lum (New York, 1886); The Chicago Martyrs: Speeches, &c.).1

Anarchism continued to develop, partly in the direction of Proudhonian ``Mutuellisme,'' but chiefly as Communist- Anarchism, to which a third direction, Christian-Anarchism, was added by Leo Tolstoy, and a fourth, which might be ascribed as literary-Anarchism, began amongst some prominent modern writers.

The ideas of Proudhon, especially as regards mutual banking, corresponding with those of Josiah Warren, found a considerable following in the United States, creating quite a school, of which the main writers are Stephen Pearl Andrews, William Grene, Lysander Spooner (who began to write in 1850, and whose unfinished work, Natural Law, was full of promise), and several others, whose names will be found in Dr Nettlan's Bibliographie de l'anarchie.

A prominent position among the Individualist Anarchists in America has been occupied by Benjamin R. Tucker, whose journal Liberty was started in 1881 and whose conceptions are a combination of those of Proudhon with those of Herbert Spencer. Starting from the statement that Anarchists are egotists, strictly speaking, and that every group of individuals, be it a secret league of a few persons, or the Congress of the United States, has the right to oppress all mankind, provided it has the power to do so, that equal liberty for all and absolute equality ought to be the law, and ``mind every one your own business'' is the unique moral law of Anarchism, Tucker goes on to prove that a general and thorough application of these principles would be beneficial and would offer no danger, because the powers of every individual would be limited by the exercise of the equal rights of all others.

He further indicated (following H. Spencer) the difference which exists between the encroachment on somebody's rights and resistance to such an encroachment; between domination and defence: the former being equally condemnable, whether it be encroachment of a criminal upon an individual, or the encroachment of one upon all others, or of all others upon one; while resistance to encroachment is defensible and necessary. For their self-defence, both the citizen and the group have the right to any violence, including capital punishment. Violence is also justified for enforcing the duty of keeping an agreement. Tucker thus follows Spencer, and, like him, opens (in the present writer's opinion) the way for reconstituting under the heading of ``defence'' all the functions of the state. His criticism of the present state is very searching, and his defence of the rights of the individual very powerful. As regards his economical views B. R. Tucker follows Proudhon.

The Individualist Anarchism of the American Proudhonians finds, however, but little sympathy amongst the working masses. Those who profess it--they are chiefly ``intellectuals''--soon realize that the individualization they so highly praise is not attainable by individual efforts, and either abandon the ranks of the Anarchists, and are driven into the Liberal individualism of the classical economists, or they retire into a sort of Epicurean a-moralism, or super-man-theory, similar to that of Stirner and Nietzsche. The great bulk of the Anarchist working men prefer the Anarchist-Communist ideas which have gradually evolved out of the Anarchist Collectivism of the International Working Men's Association. To this direction belong--to name only the better known exponents of Anarchism--Elisee Reclus, Jean Grave, Sebastien Faure, Emile Pouget in France; Enrico Malatesta and Covelli in Italy; R. Mella, A. Lorenzo, and the mostly unknown authors of many excellent manifestos in Spain; John Most amongst the Germans; Spies, Parsons and their followers in the United States, and so on; while Domela Nieuwenhuis occupies an intermediate position in Holland. The chief Anarchist papers which have been published since 1880 also belong to that direction; while a number of Anarchists of this direction have joined the so-called Syndicalist movement--the French name for the non-political Labour movement, devoted to direct struggle with capitalism, which has lately become so prominent in Europe.

As one of the Anarchist-Communist direction, the present writer for many years endeavoured to develop the following ideas: to show the intimate, logical connexion which exists between the modern philosophy of natural sciences and anarchism; to put Anarchism on a scientific basis by the study of the tendencies that are apparent now in society and may indicate its further evolution; and to work out the basis of Anarchist ethics. As regards the substance of Anarchism itself, it was Kropotkin's aim to prove that Communism--at least partial--has more chances of being established than Collectivism, especially in communes taking the lead, and that Free, or Anarchist- Communism is the only form of Communism that has any chance of being accepted in civilized societies; Communism and Anarchy are therefore two terms of evolution which complete each other, the one rendering the other possible and acceptable. He has tried, moreover, to indicate how, during a revolutionary period, a large city--if its inhabitants have accepted the idea--could organize itself on the lines of Free Communism; the city guaranteeing to every inhabitant dwelling, food and clothing to an extent corresponding to the comfort now available to the middle classes only, in exchange for a half-day's, or a five-hours' work; and how all those things which would be considered as luxuries might be obtained by every one if he joins for the other half of the day all sorts of free associations pursuing all possible aims--educational, literary, scientific, artistic, sports and so on. In order to prove the first of these assertions he has analysed the possibilities of agriculture and industrial work, both being combined with brain work. And in order to elucidate the main factors of human evolution, he has analysed the part played in history by the popular constructive agencies of mutual aid and the historical role of the state.

Without naming himself an Anarchist, Leo Tolstoy, like his predecessors in the popular religious movements of the 15th and 16th centuries, Chojecki, Denk and many others, took the Anarchist position as regards the state and property rights, deducing his conclusions from the general spirit of the teachings of the Christ and from the necessary dictates of reason. With all the might of his talent he made (especially in The Kingdom of God in Yourselves) a powerful criticism of the church, the state and law altogether, and especially of the present property laws. He describes the state as the domination of the wicked ones, supported by brutal force. Robbers, he says, are far less dangerous than a well-organized government. He makes a searching criticism of the prejudices which are current now concerning the benefits conferred upon men by the church, the state and the existing distribution of property, and from the teachings of the Christ he deduces the rule of non-resistance and the absolute condemnation of all wars. His religious arguments are, however, so well combined with arguments borrowed from a dispassionate observation of the present evils, that the anarchist portions of his works appeal to the religious and the non-religious reader alike.

It would be impossible to represent here, in a short sketch, the penetration, on the one hand, of Anarchist ideas into modern literature, and the influence, on the other hand, which the libertarian ideas of the best comtemporary writers have exercised upon the development of Anarchism. One ought to consult the ten big volumes of the Supplement litteraire to the paper La revolte and later the Temps nouveaux, which contain reproductions from the works of hundreds of modern authors expressing Anarchist ideas, in order to realize how closely Anarchism is connected with all the intellectual movement of our own times. J. S. Mill's Liberty, Spencer's Individual versus The State, Marc Guyau's Morality without Obligation or Sanction, and Fouillee's La morale, l'art et la religion, the works of Multatuli (E. Douwes Dekker), Richard Wagner's Art and Revolution, the works of Nietzsche, Emerson, W. Lloyd Garrison, Thoreau, Alexander Herzen, Edward Carpenter and so on; and in the domain of fiction, the dramas of Ibsen, the poetry of Walt Whitman, Tolstoy's War and Peace, Zola's Paris and Le travail, the latest works of Merezhkovsky, and an infinity of works of less known authors,--are full of ideas which show how closely Anarchism is interwoven with the work that is going on in modern thought in the same direction of enfranchisement of man from the bonds of the state as well as from those of capitalism.