Chapter XXI: Book IV (10)

In the afternoon, after making another attempt to weather the eastern extreme, which failed, I gave it up, and run down to the Discovery. Indeed, it was of no consequence to get round the island; for we had seen its extent to the south-east, which was the thing I aimed at; and according to the information which we had got from the natives, there is no other island to the windward of this. However, as we were so near the south end of it, and as the least shift of wind, in our favour, would serve to carry us round, I did not wholly give up the idea of weathering it; and therefore continued to ply.

On the 20th, at noon, this south-east point bore south, three leagues distant; the snowy hills west-north-west; and we were about four miles from the nearest shore. In the afternoon, some of the natives came in their canoes, bringing with them a few pigs and plantains. The latter were very acceptable, having had no vegetables for some days; but the supply we now received was so inconsiderable, being barely sufficient for one day, that I stood in again the next morning, till within three or four miles of the land, where we were met by a number of canoes, laden with provisions. We brought to, and continued trading with the people in them, till four in the afternoon; when, having got a pretty good supply, we made sail, and stretched off to the northward.

I had never met with a behaviour so free from reserve and suspicion, in my intercourse with any tribes of savages, as we experienced in the people of this island. It was very common for them to send up into the ship the several articles they brought off for barter; afterward, they would come in themselves, and make their bargains on the quarter-deck. The people of Otaheite, even after our repeated visits, do not care to put so much confidence in us. I infer from this, that those of Owhyhee must be more faithful in their dealings with one another, than the inhabitants of Otaheite are. For if little faith were observed amongst themselves, they would not be so ready to trust strangers. It is also to be observed, to their honour, that they had never once attempted to cheat us in exchanges, nor to commit a theft. They understand trading as well as most people; and seemed to comprehend clearly the reason of our plying upon the coast. For, though they brought of provisions in great plenty, particularly pigs, yet they kept up their price; and, rather than dispose of them for less than they thought they were worth, would take them ashore again.

On the 22d, at eight in the morning, we tacked to the southward, with a fresh breeze at east by north. At noon, the latitude was 20° 28ʹ 30ʺ; and the snowy peak bore south-west half south. We had a good view of it the preceding day, and the quantity of snow seemed to have increased, and to extend lower down the hill. I stood to the south-east till midnight, then tacked to the north till four in the morning, when we returned to the south-east tack; and, as the wind was at north-east by east, we had hopes of weathering the island. We should have succeeded, if the wind had not died away, and left us to the mercy of a great swell, which carried us fast toward the land, which was not two leagues distant. At length, we got our head off, and some light puffs of wind, which came with showers of rain, put us out of danger. While we lay, as it were, becalmed, several of the islanders came off with hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots. Out of one canoe we got a goose; which was about the size of a Muscovy duck. Its plumage was dark grey, and the bill and legs black.

At four in the afternoon, after purchasing every thing that the natives had brought off; which was full as much as we had occasion for, we made sail, and stretched to the north, with the wind at E. N. E. At midnight we tacked, and stood to the S. E. Upon a supposition that the Discovery would see us tack, the signal was omitted; but she did not see us, as we afterward found, and continued standing to the north; for, at day-light next morning, she was not in sight. At this time, the weather being hazy, we could not see far; so that it was possible the Discovery might be following us; and being past the north-east part of the island, I was tempted to stand on, till, by the wind veering to N. E., we could not weather the land upon the other tack. Consequently we could not stand to the north to join or look for the Discovery. At noon we were, by observation, in the latitude of 19° 55ʹ, and in the longitude of 205° 3ʹ; the S. E. point of the island bore S. by E. a quarter E., six leagues distant; the other extreme bore N., 60° W.; and we were two leagues from the nearest shore. At six in the evening, the southernmost extreme of the island bore S. W., the nearest shore seven or eight miles distant; so that we had now succeeded in getting to the windward of the island, which we had aimed at with so much perseverance.

The Discovery, however, was not yet to be seen. But the wind, as we had it, being very favourable for her to follow us, I concluded that it would not be long before she joined us. I therefore kept cruising off this south-east point of the island, which lies in the latitude of 19° 34ʹ, and in the longitude of 205° 6ʹ, till I was satisfied that Captain Clerke could not join me here. I now conjectured that he had not been able to weather the north-east part of the island, and had gone to leeward in order to meet me that way.

As I generally kept from five to ten leagues from the land, no canoes, except one, came off to us till the 28th, when we were visited by a dozen or fourteen. The people who conducted them brought, as usual, the produce of the island. I was very sorry that they had taken the trouble to come so far. For we could not trade with them, our old stock not being as yet consumed; and we had found, by late experience, that the hogs could not be kept alive, nor the roots preserved from putrefaction, many days. However, I intended not to leave this part of the island before I got a supply; as it would not be easy to return to it again, in case it should be found necessary.

We began to be in want on the 30th; and I would have stood in near the shore, but was prevented by a calm; but a breeze springing up, at midnight, from S. and S. W., we were enabled to stand in for the land at day-break. At ten o’clock in the morning, we were met by the islanders with fruit and roots; but in all the canoes were only three small pigs. Our not having bought those which had been lately brought off, may be supposed to be the reason of this very scanty supply. We brought to for the purposes of trade; but soon after our marketing was interrupted by a very hard rain; and, besides, we were rather too far from the shore. Nor durst I go nearer; for I could not depend upon the wind’s remaining where it was for a moment; the swell also being high, and setting obliquely upon the shore, against which it broke in a frightful surf. In the evening the weather mended; the night was clear, and it was spent in making short boards.

Before day-break, the atmosphere was again loaded with heavy clouds; and the new year was ushered in with very hard rain, which continued, at intervals, till past ten o’clock. The wind was southerly; a light breeze, with some calms. When the rain ceased the sky cleared, and the breeze freshened. Being at this time about five miles from the land, several canoes arrived with fruit and roots; and, at last, some hogs were brought off. We lay to, trading with them till three o’clock in the afternoon; when, having a tolerable supply, we made sail, with a view of proceeding to the N. W. or lee-side of the island, to look for the Discovery. It was necessary, however, the wind being at S., to stretch first to the eastward, till midnight, when the wind came more favourable, and we went upon the other tack. For several days past, both wind and weather had been exceedingly unsettled; and there fell a great deal of rain.

The three following days were spent in running down the south-east side of the island. For during the nights we stood off and on; and part of each day was employed in lying to, in order to furnish an opportunity to the natives of trading with us. They sometimes came on board, while we were five leagues from the shore. But whether from a fear of losing their goods in the sea, or from the uncertainty of a market, they never brought much with them. The principal article procured was salt, which was extremely good.

On the 5th in the morning, we passed the south point of the island, which lies in the latitude of 18° 54ʹ; and beyond it we found the coast to trend N. 60° W. On this point stands a pretty large village, the inhabitants of which thronged off to the ship with hogs and women. It was not possible to keep the latter from coming on board; and no women I ever met with were less reserved. Indeed it appeared to me that they visited us with no other view than to make a surrender of their persons. As I had now got a quantity of salt, I purchased no hogs but such as were fit for salting; refusing all that were under size. However we could seldom get any above fifty or sixty pounds’ weight. It was happy for us that we still had some vegetables on board; for we now received few such productions. Indeed this part of the country, from its appearance, did not seem capable of affording them. Marks of its having been laid waste by the explosion of a _volcano_, every where presented themselves; and though we had as yet seen nothing like one upon the island, the devastation that it had made, in this neighbourhood, was visible to the naked eye.

This part of the coast is sheltered from the reigning winds; but we could find no bottom to anchor upon; a line of an hundred and sixty fathoms not reaching it, within the distance of half a mile from the shore. The islanders having all left us toward the evening, we ran a few miles down the coast; and then spent the night standing off and on.

The next morning the natives visited us again, bringing with them the same articles of commerce as before. Being now near the shore, I sent Mr. Bligh, the master, in a boat, to sound the coast, with orders to land, and to look for fresh water. Upon his return, he reported that, at two cables lengths from the shore, he had found no soundings with a line of one hundred and sixty fathoms; that, when he landed, he found no stream or spring, but only rain-water, deposited in holes upon the rocks; and even that was brackish, from the spray of the sea; and that the surface of the country was entirely composed of slags and ashes, with a few plants here and there interspersed. Between ten and eleven we saw with pleasure the Discovery coming round the south point of the island; and, at one in the afternoon, she joined us. Captain Clerke then coming on board, informed me that he had cruised four or five days where we were separated, and then plied round the east side of the island; but that, meeting with unfavourable winds, he had been carried to some distance from the coast. He had one of the islanders on board all this time, who had remained there from choice, and had refused to quit the ship, though opportunities had offered.

Having spent the night standing off and on, we stood in again the next morning, and when we were about a league from the shore, many of the natives visited us. At noon the observed latitude was 19° 1ʹ, and the longitude, by the time-keeper, was 203° 26ʹ; the island extending from S. 74° E., to N. 13° W.; the nearest part two leagues distant.

At day-break, on the 8th, we found that the currents, during the night, which we spent in plying, had carried us back considerably to windward, so that we were now off the south-west point of the island. There we brought to, in order to give the natives an opportunity of trading with us. At noon our observed latitude was 19° 1ʹ, and our longitude, by the time-keeper, was 203° 13ʹ; the south-west point of the island bearing N. 30° E.; two miles distant.

We spent the night as usual, standing off and on. It happened that four men and ten women who had come on board the preceding day, still remained with us. As I did not like the company of the latter, I stood in shore toward noon, principally with a view to get them out of the ship; and some canoes coming off, I took that opportunity of sending away our guests.

We had light airs from N. W. and S. W., and calms, till eleven in the morning of the 10th, when the wind freshened at W. N. W., which, with a strong current setting to the S. E., so much retarded us, that in the evening, between seven and eight o’clock, the south point of the island bore N., 10-1/2° W., four leagues distant. The south snowy hill now bore N. 1-1/2° E.

At four in the morning of the 11th, the wind having fixed at W., I stood in for the land, in order to get some refreshments. As we drew near the shore, the natives began to come off. We lay to, or stood on and off, trading with them all the day; but got a very scanty supply at last. Many canoes visited us, whose people had not a single thing to barter; which convinced us that this part of the island must be very poor, and that we had already got all that they could spare. We spent the 12th plying off and on, with a fresh gale at west. A mile from the shore, and to the north-east of the south point of the island, having tried soundings, we found ground at fifty-five fathoms depth; the bottom a fine sand. At five in the evening we stood to the S. W., with the wind at W. N. W.; and soon after midnight we had a calm.

At eight o’clock next morning, having got a small breeze at S. S. E., we steered to the N. N. W., in for the land. Soon after a few canoes came alongside with some hogs, but without any vegetables, which articles we most wanted. We had now made some progress; for, at noon, the south point of the island bore S. 86-1/2° E.; the S. W. point N. 13° W,; the nearest shore two leagues distant; latitude, by observation, 18° 56ʹ, and our longitude, by the time-keeper, 203° 40ʹ. We had got the length of the south-west point of the island in the evening; but the wind now veering to the westward and northward, during the night we lost all that we had gained. Next morning, being still off the south-west point of the island, some canoes came off; but they brought nothing that we were in want of. We had now neither fruit nor roots, and were under a necessity of making use of some of our sea-provisions. At length some canoes from the northward brought us a small supply of hogs and roots.

We had variable light airs, next to a calm, the following day, till five in the afternoon, when a small breeze at E. N. E. springing up, we were at last enabled to steer along shore to the northward. The weather being fine, we had plenty of company this day, and abundance of every thing. Many of our visitors remained with us on board all night, and we towed their canoes astern.

At day-break on the 16th, seeing the appearance of a bay, I sent Mr. Bligh, with a boat from each ship, to examine it, being at this time three leagues off. Canoes now began to arrive from all parts; so that before ten o’clock there were not fewer than a thousand about the two ships, most of them crowded with people, and well laden with hogs and other productions of the island. We had the most satisfying proof of their friendly intentions; for we did not see a single person who had with him a weapon of any sort. Trade and curiosity alone had brought them off. Among such numbers as we had, at times, on board, it is no wonder that some should betray a thievish disposition. One of our visitors took out of the ship a boat’s rudder. He was discovered; but too late to recover it. I thought this a good opportunity to show these people the use of fire-arms; and two or three muskets, and as many four-pounders, were fired over the canoe, which carried off the rudder. As it was not intended that any of the shot should take effect, the surrounding multitude of natives seemed rather more surprized than frightened.

In the evening Mr. Bligh returned, and reported that he had found a bay in which was good anchorage, and fresh water, in a situation tolerably easy to be come at. Into this bay I resolved to carry the ships, there to refit, and supply ourselves with every refreshment that the place could afford. As night approached, the greater part of our visitors retired to the shore; but numbers of them requested our permission to sleep on board. Curiosity was not the only motive, at least with some; for the next morning several things were missing, which determined me not to entertain so many another night.

At eleven o’clock in the forenoon we anchored in the bay (which is called by the natives _Karakakooa_), in thirteen fathoms’ water, over a sandy bottom, and about a quarter of a mile from the north-east shore. In this situation, the south point of the bay bore south by west, and the north point west half north. We moored with the stream-anchor and cable to the northward, unbent the sails, and struck the yards and top-masts. The ships continued to be much crowded with natives, and were surrounded by a multitude of canoes. I had no where, in the course of my voyages, seen so numerous a body of people assembled at one place. For besides those who had come off to us in canoes, all the shore of the bay was covered with spectators, and many hundreds were swimming round the ships like shoals of fish. We could not but be struck with the singularity of this scene; and perhaps there were few on board who now lamented our having failed in our endeavours to find a northern passage homeward, last summer. To this disappointment we owed our having it in our power to revisit the _Sandwich Islands_, and to enrich our voyage with a discovery which, though the last, seemed, in many respects, to be the most important that had hitherto been made by Europeans throughout the extent of the Pacific Ocean.

[ _Here Captain Cook’s journal ends. The remaining transactions of the voyage are related by Captain King, in the last volume._]

END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.

LONDON:

Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode,
New-Street-Square.

Footnotes

Footnote 1:

See the conclusion of chap. ix. book ii.

Footnote 2:

Friends.

Footnote 3:

See a plan of this bay, in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 248.

Footnote 4:

Morea, according to Dr. Forster, is a district in Eimeo. See his
_Observations_, p. 217.

Footnote 5:

See Cook’s Voyage, vol. iii. chap. 13.

Footnote 6:

See Captain Wallis’s account of the same operation performed on
himself, and his first lieutenant, in _Hawkesworth’s Collection_, vol.
i. p. 463. Lond. edit.

Footnote 7:

Terridiri is Oberea’s son. See an account of the royal family of
Otaheite in _Hawkesworth’s Collection_, vol. ii. p. 154.

Footnote 8:

See a plan of this harbour in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p.
248.

Footnote 9:

Cook and Clerke.

Footnote 10:

See a plan of this harbour, in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p.
248.

Footnote 11:

Perhaps they owed their safety principally to Captain Clerke’s walking
with a pistol in his hand, which he once fired. This circumstance is
omitted both in Captain Cook’s and in Mr. Anderson’s journal; but is
here mentioned on the authority of Captain King.

Footnote 12:

Captain Cook had seen Oree in 1769, when he commanded the Endeavour;
also twice during his second voyage in 1772.

Footnote 13:

See a chart of the island Bolabola in _Hawkesworth’s Collection_, vol.
ii. p. 249. Though we have no particular drawing of the harbour, its
situation is there distinctly represented.

Footnote 14:

For this, as for many other particulars about these people, we are
indebted to Mr. Anderson.

Footnote 15:

These are taken notice of in _Hawkesworth’s Collection_, vol. ii. p.
256, &c.

Footnote 16:

See this vocabulary, at the end of the second volume of Captain Cook’s
second voyage. Many corrections and additions to it were now made by
this indefatigable inquirer; but the specimens of the language of
Otaheite, already in the hands of the public, seem sufficient for
every useful purpose.

Footnote 17:

Mr. Anderson invariably, in his manuscript, writes _Eree de hoi_.
According to Captain Cook’s mode, it is _Eree rahie_. This is one of
the numerous instances that perpetually occur, of our people’s
representing the same word differently.

Footnote 18:

That the Caroline Islands are inhabited by the same tribe or nation,
whom Captain Cook found, at such immense distances, spread throughout
the South Pacific Ocean, has been satisfactorily established in some
preceding notes. The situation of the Ladrones, or Marianne Islands,
still further north than the Carolines, but at no great distance from
them, is favourable, at first sight, to the conjecture, that the same
race also peopled that cluster; and on looking into Father Le Gobien’s
History of them, this conjecture appears to be actually confirmed by
direct evidence. One of the greatest singularities of the Otaheite
manners is the existence of the society of young men, called _Erroes_,
of whom some account is given in the preceding paragraph. Now we learn
from Father le Gobien, that such a society exists also amongst the
inhabitants of the Ladrones. His words are, _Les Urritoes sont parmi
eux les jeunes gens qui vivent avec des maitresses, sans vouloir
s’engager dans les liens du marriage_. That there should be young men
in the Ladrones, as well as in Otaheite, _who live with mistresses,
without being inclined to enter into the married state_, would not,
indeed, furnish the shadow of any peculiar resemblance between them.
But that the young men in the Ladrones and in Otaheite, whose manners
are thus licentious, should be considered as a distinct confraternity,
called by a particular name; and that this name should be the same in
both places: this singular coincidence of custom, confirmed by that of
language, seems to furnish an irrefragable proof of the inhabitants of
both places being the same nation. We know, that it is the general
property of the Otaheite dialect, to soften the pronunciation of its
words. And, it is observable, that, by the omission of one single
letter (the consonant _t_) our _Arreoys_ (as spelled in Hawkesworth’s
Collection), or _Erroes_ (according to Mr. Anderson’s orthography),
and the _Urritoes_ of the Ladrones, are brought to such a similitude
of sound (the only rule of comparing two unwritten languages), that we
may pronounce them to be the same word, without exposing ourselves to
the sneers of supercilious criticism.

One or two more such proofs, drawn from similarity of language, in
very significant words, may be assigned. Le Gobien tells us, that the
people of the Ladrones worship their dead, whom they call _Anitis_.
Here, again, by dropping the consonant _n_, we have a word that bears
a strong resemblance to that which so often occurs in Captain Cook’s
Voyages, when speaking of the divinities of his islands, whom he calls
_Eatooas_. And it may be matter of curiosity to remark, that what is
called an _Aniti_, at the Ladrones, is, as we learn from Cantova
[_Lettres Edifiantes & Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 309, 310.], at the
Caroline Islands, where dead chiefs are also worshipped, called a
_Tahutup_; and that, by softening or sinking the strong sounding
letters, at the beginning and at the end of this latter word, the
_Ahutu_ of the Carolines, the _Aiti_ of the Ladrones, and the _Eatooa_
of the South Pacific Islands, assume such a similarity in
pronunciation (for we can have no other guide), as strongly marks one
common original. Once more; we learn from Le Gobien, that the Marianne
people call their chiefs _Chamorris_, or _Chamoris_. And, by softening
the aspirate _Ch_ into _T_, and the harshness of _r_ into _l_ (of
which the vocabularies of the different islands give us repeated
instances), we have the _Tamole_ of the Caroline Islands, and the
_Tamolao_, or _Tamaha_, of the Friendly ones.

If these specimens of affinity of language should be thought too
scanty, some very remarkable instances of similarity of customs and
institutions will go far to remove every doubt. 1. A division into
three classes, of nobles, a middle rank, and the common people, or
servants, was found, by Captain Cook, to prevail both at the Friendly
and the Society Islands. Father Le Gobien expressly tells us, that the
same distinction prevails at the Ladrones: _Il y a trois états, parmi
les insulaires, la noblesse, le moyen, & le menu._ 2. Numberless
instances occur in Captain Cook’s voyage to prove the great subjection
under which the people of his islands are to their chiefs. We learn
from Le Gobien, that it is so also at the Ladrones. _La noblesse est
d’un fierté incroyable, & tient le peuple dans un abaisement qu’on ne
pourroit imaginer en Europe, &c._ 3. The diversions of the natives at
Wateeoo, the Friendly, and the Society Islands, have been copiously
described by Captain Cook. How similar are those which Le Gobien
mentions in the following words, as prevailing at the Ladrones? _Ils
se divertissent à danser, courir, sautir, lutter, pour s’exercer, &
éprouver leurs forces. Ils prennent grand plaisir à raconter les
avantures de leurs ancêtres, & à reciter des vers de leurs poëtes._ 4.
The principal share sustained by the women in the entertainments at
Captain Cook’s islands, appears sufficiently from a variety of
instances in this work; and we cannot read what Le Gobien says of the
practice at the Ladrones, without tracing the strongest resemblance.—
_Dans leurs assemblées elles se mettent douze ou treize femmes en
rond, débout, sans se remuer. Dans cette attitude elles chantent les
vers fabuleux de leurs poëtes avec un agrêment, & une justesse qui
plairoit en Europe. L’accord de leur voix est admirable, & ne cede en
rien à la musique concertée. Elles ont dans les mains de petits
coquilles, dont elles se servent avec beaucoup de precision. Elles
soutiennent leur voix, & animent leur chants, avec une action si vive,
& des gestes si expressives, qu’elles charment ceux qui les voient, &
qui les entendent._ 5. We read, in Hawkesworth’s account of Captain
Cook’s first voyage, vol. ii. p. 235. that garlands of the fruit of
the palm-tree and cocoa-leaves, with other things particularly
consecrated to funeral solemnities, are deposited about the places
where they lay their dead; and that provisions and water are also left
at a little distance. How conformable to this is the practice at the
Ladrones, as described by Le Gobien! _Ils font quelques repas autour
du tombeau; car on en éleve toujours un sur le lieu où le corps est
enterré, ou dans le voisinage; on le charge de fleurs, de branches de
palmiers, de coquillages, & de tout ce qu’ils ont de plus precieux._
6. It is the custom at Otaheite [See Hawkesworth, vol. ii. p. 236.]
not to bury the sculls of the chiefs with the rest of the bones, but
to put them into boxes made for that purpose. Here again, we find the
same strange custom prevailing at the Ladrones; for Le Gobien
expressly tells us, _qu’ils gardent les cranes en leur maisons_, that
they put these sculls into little baskets (_petites corbeilles_); and
that these dead chiefs are the _Anitis_ to whom their priests address
their invocations. 7. The people of Otaheite, as we learn from Captain
Cook, in his account of Tee’s embalmed corpse, make use of cocoa-nut
oil, and other ingredients, in rubbing the dead bodies. The people of
the Ladrones, Father Le Gobien tells us, sometimes do the same.—
_D’autres frottent les morts d’huile odoriferante._ 8. The inhabitants
of Otaheite [See Hawkesworth, vol. ii. p. 239, 240.] believe the
immortality of the soul; and that there are two situations after
death, somewhat analogous to our heaven and hell; but they do not
suppose, that their actions here in the least influence their future
state. And in the account given in this voyage [Vol. i. p. 403.] of
the religious opinions entertained at the Friendly Islands, we find
there exactly the same doctrine. It is very observable, how
conformable to this is the belief of the inhabitants of the Ladrones.—
_Ils sont persuadés_ (says Le Gobien) _de l’immortalité de l’âme. Ils
reconnoissent même un Paradis & un Enfer, dont ils se forment des
idées assez bizarres. Ce n’est point, selon eux, la vertu ni le crime,
qui conduit dans ces lieux là; les bonnes ou les mauvaises actions n’y
servent de rien._ 9. One more very singular instance of agreement
shall close this long list. In Captain Cook’s account of the New
Zealanders [Vol. i. p. 138.], we find, that, according to them, the
soul of the man that is killed, and whose flesh is devoured, is doomed
to a perpetual fire; while the souls of all who die a natural death
ascend to the habitations of the Gods. And from Le Gobien, we learn,
that this very notion is adopted by his islanders.—_Si on a le malheur
de mourir de mort violente, on a l’enfer pour leur partage._

Surely such a concurrence of very characteristic conformities cannot
be the result of mere accident; and, when combined with the specimens
of affinity of language mentioned at the beginning of this note, it
should seem, that we are fully warranted, from premises thus
unexceptionable, to draw a certain conclusion, that the inhabitants of
the various islands discovered or visited by Captain Cook, in the
South Pacific Ocean, and those whom the Spaniards found settled upon
the Ladrones or Mariannes, in the northern hemisphere, carried the
same language, customs, and opinions, from one common centre, from
which they had emigrated; and that, therefore, they may be considered
as scattered members of the same nation.

See Pere le Gobien’s _Histoire des Isles Mariannes_, book ii. or the
summary of it in _Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes_, t.
ii. p. 492—512, from which the materials for this note have been
extracted.

Footnote 19:

We have here another instance of the same word being differently
pronounced by the people. Captain Cook, as appears above, speaks of
_Olla_, as the Bolabola god.

Footnote 20:

See _Bougainville’s Voyage autour du Monde_, p. 228., where we are
told that these people sometimes navigate at the distance of more than
three hundred leagues.

Footnote 21:

Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 278.

Footnote 22:

See Dalrymple’s Collection, vol. i. b. 45.

Footnote 23:

See the description of the _morai_, in Otaheite, where the human
sacrifice was offered, at which Captain Cook was present.

Footnote 24:

It is a matter of real curiosity to observe how very extensively the
predilection for red feathers is spread throughout all the islands of
the Pacific Ocean: and the additional circumstance mentioned in this
paragraph will probably be looked upon, by those who amuse themselves
in tracing the wonderful migrations of the same family or tribe, as a
confirmation of that hypothesis (built, indeed, on other instances of
resemblance), which considers New Guinea, and its neighbouring East
India islands, from whence the Dutch bring their birds of paradise, as
originally peopled by the same race, which Captain Cook found at every
island from New Zealand to this new group, to which Atooi belongs.

What Mr. Sonnerat tells us about the bird of paradise, agrees
perfectly with the account here given of the preserved red-birds.
Speaking of the _Papous_, he proceeds thus: “Ils nous presenterent
plusieurs especes d’oiseaux, aussi élégants par leur forme, que
brillants par le éclat de leur couleurs. La dépouille des oiseaux,
sert à la parure des Chefs, qui la portent attachée à leurs bonnets en
forme d’aigrettes. _Mais en préparant les peaux, ils coupent les
pieds._ Les Hollandois, qui trafiquent sur ces cotes, y achetent de
ces peaux ainsi préparées, les transportent en Perse, à Surate, dans
les Indes, où ils les vendent fort chère aux habitans riches, qui en
font des aigrettes pour leurs turbans, et pour le casque des
guerriers, et qui en parent leur chevaux. C’est de là qu’est venue
l’opinion, qu’une de ces especes d’oiseaux (l’oiseau de paradis) _n’a
point de pattes_. Les Hollandois out accrédité ces fables, qui, en
jetant du merveilleux sur l’objet dont ils traffiquoient, étoient
propres à le rendre plus précieux, et à en rechausser lavaleur.”—
_Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée_, p. 154.

Footnote 25:

It is very remarkable, that, in this custom, which one would think is
so unnatural, as not to be adopted by two different tribes, originally
unconnected, the people of this island, and Dampier’s natives on the
west side of New Holland, at such an immense distance, should be found
to agree.

Footnote 26:

The print of Horn Island, which we meet with in Mr. Dalrymple’s
account of Le Maire and Schouten’s voyages, represents some of the
natives of that island with such long tails, hanging from their heads
as are here described. See _Dalrymple’s Voyages to the South Pacific_,
vol. ii. p. 58.

Footnote 27:

Captain King purchased this, and has it now in his possession.

Footnote 28:

See Vol. V. chap. x.

Footnote 29:

A similar instance of profitable revenue, drawn from the use of nails
by the chiefs of the Caroline Islands, is mentioned by father Cantova:
“Si, par hazard, un vaisseau étranger laisse dans leurs isles quelques
vieux morceaux de fer, ils appartiennent de droit aux Tamoles, qui en
font faire des outils, le mieux qu’il est possible. Ces outils sont un
fond dont le Tamole tire un revenu considérable, car il les donne à
louage, et ce louage se paye assez cher,” p. 314.

Footnote 30:

See more about the great extent of the colonies of this nation, in the
Introductory Preface.

Footnote 31:

See the account of Sir Francis’s voyage, in Campbell’s edition of
Harris, vol. i. p. 18, and other collections.

Footnote 32:

See Torquemada’s Narrative of Viscaino’s Expedition, in 1602 and 1603,
in the second volume of Vanegas’s History of California, English
translation, from p. 229, to p. 308.

Footnote 33:

This part of the west side of North America was so named by Sir
Francis Drake.

Footnote 34:

In our calendar, the 7th of March is distinguished by the name of
Perpetua M. and the 12th by that of Gregory B.

Footnote 35:

See the History of California. Eng. Trans. vol. ii. p. 292.

Footnote 36:

See Michael Locke’s apocryphal account of Juan de Fuca, and his
pretended strait, in Purchas, vol. iii. p. 849-852., and many later
collections.

Footnote 37:

The natives of this coast, twelve degrees farther south, also brought
feathers as presents to Sir Francis Drake on his arrival. See an
account of his voyage in _Campbell’s edit. of Harris_, vol. i. p. 18.

Footnote 38:

Viscaino met with natives on the coast of California, while he was in
the harbour of San Diego, _who were painted or besmeared with black
and white, and had their heads loaded with feathers_. _History of
California_, vol. ii. p. 272.

Footnote 39:

Similar to the behaviour of the natives of Nootka on this occasion,
was that of another tribe of Indians farther north, in latitude 57°
18ʹ, to the Spaniards, who had preceded Captain Cook only three years
in a voyage to explore the coast of America, northward of California.
See the journal of that voyage, writ by the second pilot of the fleet,
and published by the Honourable Mr. Daines Barrington, to whom the
literary world owes so many obligations. _Miscellanies_, p. 505, 506.

Footnote 40:

See _Virginian deer_: Pennant’s Hist. Quad. vol. i. N^o. 46; and
Arctic Zool. N^o. 6.

Footnote 41:

Mr. Coxe, on the authority of Mr. Pallas, informs us that the old and
middle-aged sea-otter skins are sold at Kiachta, by the Russians to
the Chinese, from 80 to 100 rubles a skin; that is, from 16l. to 20l.
each. See _Coxe’s Russian Discoveries_, p. 13.

Footnote 42:

One of the most curious singularities observable in the natural
history of the human species, is the supposed defect in the habit and
temperature of the bodies of the American Indians, exemplified in
their having no beards, while they are furnished with a profusion of
hair on their heads. M. de Paw, the ingenious author of _Récherches
sur les Américains_, Dr. Robertson, in his _History of America_, and,
in general, the writers for whose authority we ought to have the
highest deference, adopt this as an indisputable matter of fact. May
we not be permitted to request those who espouse their sentiments, to
reconsider the question, when we can produce Captain Cook’s evidence
on the opposite side, at least so far as relates to the American
tribe, whom he had intercourse with at Nootka? Nor is Captain Cook
singular in his report. What he saw on the sea-coast, Captain Carver
also met with among the American Indians far up in the country. His
words are as follow: “From minute inquiries and a curious inspection,
I am able to declare (however respectable I may hold the authority of
these historians in other points), that their assertions are
erroneous, and proceeding from a want of a thorough knowledge of the
customs of the Indians. After the age of puberty, their bodies, in
their natural state, are covered in the same manner as those of the
Europeans. The men, indeed, esteem a beard very unbecoming, and take
great pains to get rid of it; nor is there any ever to be perceived on
their faces, except when they grow old, and become inattentive to
appearances.—The Naudowesses, and the remote nations, pluck them out
with bent pieces of hard wood formed into a kind of nippers; whilst
those who have communication with Europeans, procure from them wire,
which they twist into a screw or worm; applying this to the part, they
press the rings together, and with a sudden twitch, draw out all the
hairs that are inclosed in them.” _Carver’s Travels_, p. 224, 225. The
remark made by Mr. Marsden, who also quotes Carver, is worth attending
to, that the vizor or mask of Montezuma’s armour, preserved at
Brussels, has remarkably large whiskers; and that those Americans
could not have imitated this ornament, unless nature had presented
them with the model. From Captain Cook’s observation on the west coast
of North America, combined with Carver’s in the inland parts of that
continent, and confirmed by the Mexican vizor as above, there seems
abundant reason to agree with M. Marsden, who thus modestly expresses
himself: “Were it not for the numerous and very respectable
authorities, from which we are assured that the natives of America are
naturally beardless, I should think that the common opinion on that
subject had been hastily adopted; and that their appearing thus at a
mature age, was only the consequence of an early practice, similar to
that observed among the Sumatrans. Even now, I must confess, that it
would remove some small degree of doubt from my mind, could it be
ascertained that no such custom prevails.” _Marsden’s History of
Sumatra_, p. 39, 40.

Footnote 43:

The reflection in the text may furnish the admirers of Herodotus, in
particular, with an excellent apology for some of his wonderful tales
of this sort.

Footnote 44:

The habitations of the natives, more to the north upon this coast,
where Behring’s people landed in 1741, seem to resemble those of
Nootka. Muller describes them thus: “Ces cabanes étoient de bois
revetu de planches bien unies, et même enchainées en quelques
endroits.” Muller, _Decouvertes_, p. 255.

Footnote 45:

It should seem that Mr. Webber was obliged to repeat his offerings
pretty frequently, before he could be permitted to finish his drawing
of these images. The following account is in his own words: “After
having made a general view of their habitations, I sought for an
inside, which might furnish me with sufficient matter to convey a
perfect idea of the mode in which these people live. Such was soon
found. While I was employed, a man approached me with a large knife in
his hand, seemingly displeased, when he observed that my eyes were
fixed on two representations of human figures, which were placed at
one end of the apartment, carved on planks, of a gigantic proportion,
and painted after their custom. However, I took as little notice of
him as possible, and proceeded, to prevent which, he soon provided
himself with a mat, and placed it in such a manner as to hinder my
having any longer a sight of them. Being pretty certain that I could
have no future opportunity to finish my drawing, and the object being
too interesting to be omitted, I considered that a little bribery
might probably have some effect. Accordingly I made an offer of a
button from my coat, which, being of metal, I thought they would be
pleased with. This instantly produced the desired effect; for the mat
was removed, and I was left at liberty to proceed as before. Scarcely
had I seated myself and made a beginning, when he returned and renewed
his former practice, continuing it till I parted with every single
button, and when he saw that he had completely stripped me, I met with
no farther obstruction.”

Footnote 46:

This operation is represented by Mr. Webber, in his drawing of the
inside of a Nootka house.

Footnote 47:

One of the methods of catching the sea-otter, when ashore, in
Kamtschatka, is with nets. See _Cox’s Russian Discoveries_, p. 13.
4to. Edition.

Footnote 48:

We now know that Captain Cook’s conjecture was well founded. It
appears, from the Journal of this Voyage, already referred to, that
the Spaniards had intercourse with the natives of this coast, only in
three places, in latitude 41° 7ʹ; in latitude 47° 21ʹ; and in latitude
57° 18ʹ. So that they were not within two degrees of Nootka; and it is
most probable, that the people there never heard of these Spanish
ships.

Footnote 49:

Though the two silver table-spoons, found at Nootka Sound, most
probably came from the Spaniards in the south, there seem to be
sufficient grounds for believing, that the regular supply of iron
comes from a different quarter. It is remarkable, that the Spaniards,
in 1775, found at _Puerto de la Trinidad_, in latitude 41° 7ʹ, _arrows
pointed with copper or iron, which they understood were procured from
the north_. Mr. Daines Barrington, in a note at this part of the
Spanish Journal, p. 20. says, “I should conceive that the copper and
iron, here mentioned, must have originally been bartered at our forts
in Hudson’s bay.”

Footnote 50:

May we not, in confirmation of Mr. Anderson’s remark, observe, that
_Opulszthl_, the Nootka name of the sun; and _Vitziputzli_, the name
of the Mexican divinity, have no very distant affinity in sound?

Footnote 51:

It will be found at the end of the last volume.

Footnote 52:

As in the remaining part of this volume, the latitude and longitude
are very frequently set down; the former being invariably _north_ and
the latter _east_, the constant repetition of the two words _north_
and _east_, has been omitted, to avoid unnecessary precision.

Footnote 53:

See De Lisle’s _Carte Générale des Découvertes de l’Amiral de Fonte_,
&c. Paris, 1752; and many other maps.

Footnote 54:

This must be very near that part of the American coast, where
Tscherikow anchored in 1741. For Muller places its latitude in 56°.
Had this Russian navigator been so fortunate as to proceed a little
farther northward along the coast, he would have found, as we now
learn from Captain Cook, bays, and harbours, and islands, where his
ship might have been sheltered, and his people protected in landing.
For the particulars of the misfortunes he met with here, two boats
crews, which he sent ashore, having never returned, probably cut off
by the natives, see _Muller’s Découvertes des Russes_, p. 248, 254.
The Spaniards, in 1775, found two good harbours on this part of the
coast; that called _Gualoupe_, in latitude 57° 11ʹ, and the other, _De
los Remedios_, in latitude 57° 18ʹ.

Footnote 55:

It should seem that in this very bay, the Spaniards, in 1775, found
their port which they call _De los Remedios_. The latitude is exactly
the same; and their journal mentions its _being protected by a long
ridge of high islands_. See _Miscellanies by the Honourable Daines
Barrington_, p. 503, 504.

Footnote 56:

According to Muller, Beering fell in with the coast of North America
in latitude 58° 28ʹ; and he describes its aspect thus: “_L’aspect du
pays étoit affrayant par ses hautes montagnes couvertes de neige._”
The chain, or ridge of mountains, covered with snow, mentioned here by
Captain Cook, in the same latitude, exactly agrees with what Beering
met with. See Muller’s _Voyages et Découvertes des Russes_, p.
248-254.

Footnote 57:

Probably Captain Cook means Muller’s map, prefixed to his History of
the Russian Discoveries.

Footnote 58:

Then Sub-almoner, and Chaplain to his Majesty, afterwards Dean of
Lincoln.

Footnote 59:

See Muller, p. 256.

Footnote 60:

Exactly corresponding to this, was the manner of receiving Beering’s
people, at the Schumagin Islands, on this coast, in 1741. Muller’s
words are—“On sait ce que c’est que le _calumet_, que les Américains
septentrionaux présentent en signe de paix. Ceux-ci en tenoient de
pareils en main. C’étoient des bâtons avec _ailes de faucon_ attachés
au boul.” _Découvertes_, p. 268.

Footnote 61:

Captain Cook seems to take his ideas of these from Mr. Stæhlin’s map,
prefixed to the account of the Northern Archipelago; published by Dr.
Maty, London, 1774.

Footnote 62:

On what evidence Captain Cook formed his judgment as to this, is
mentioned in the Introduction.

Footnote 63:

Crantz’s History of Greenland, vol. i. p. 136-138. The reader will
find in Crantz many striking instances, in which the Greenlanders and
Americans of Prince William’s Sound resemble each other, besides those
mentioned in this chapter by Captain Cook. The dress of the people of
Prince William’s Sound, as described by Captain Cook, also agrees with
that of the inhabitants of Schumagin’s Islands, discovered by Beering
in 1741. Muller’s words are, “Leur habillement étoit de boyaux de
baleines pour le haut du corps, et de peaux de chiens-marins pour le
bas.” _Découvertes des Russes_, p. 274.

Footnote 64:

Vol. i. p. 138.

Footnote 65:

See Crantz, vol. i. p. 150.

Footnote 66:

Vol. i. p. 146. He has also given a representation of them on a plate
there inserted.

Footnote 67:

The rattling-ball found by Steller, who attended Beering in 1741, at
no great distance from this Sound, seems to be for a similar use. See
Muller, p. 256.

Footnote 68:

We are also indebted to him for many remarks in this chapter,
interwoven with those of Captain Cook, as throwing considerable light
on many parts of his journal.

Footnote 69:

With regard to these numerals, Mr. Anderson observes, that the words
corresponding to ours, are not certain after passing _three_; and
therefore he marks those, about whose position he is doubtful, with a
point of interrogation.

Footnote 70:

In his Account of Kodjak, p. 32, 34.

Footnote 71:

There is a circumstance mentioned by Muller, in his account of
Beering’s voyage to the coast of America in 1741, which seems to
decide this question. His people found iron at the Schumagin Islands,
as may be fairly presumed from the following quotation. “Un seul homme
avoit un couteau pendu à sa ceinture, qui parut fort singulier à nos
gens par sa figure. Il étoit long de huit pouces, et fort épais, et
large à l’endroit où devoit être la pointe. On ne peut savoir quel
étoit l’usage de cet outil.” _Découvertes des Russes_, p. 274.

If there was iron amongst the natives on this part of the American
coast, prior to the discovery of it by the Russians, and before there
was any traffic with them carried on from Kamtschatka, what reason can
there be to make the least doubt of the people of Prince William’s
Sound, as well as those of Schumagin’s Islands, having got this metal
from the only probable source, the European settlements on the
north-east coast of this continent?

Footnote 72:

Captain Cook means Muller’s; of which a translation had been published
in London, some time before he sailed.

Footnote 73:

In naming this and Mount St. Augustin, Captain Cook was directed by
our Calendar.

Footnote 74:

Captain Cook having here left a blank which he had not filled up with
any particular name, Lord Sandwich directed, with the greatest
propriety, that it should be called _Cook’s River_.

Footnote 75:

_Tamannoi-ostrow_, c’est-à-dire, _L’isle Nebuleuse_. Muller, p. 261.

Footnote 76:

P. 153. Eng. Trans.

Footnote 77:

See an account of Kodiak, in Stæhlin’s New Northern Archipelago, p.
30. 39.

Footnote 78:

See Muller’s _Decouvertes des Russes_, p. 262. 277.

Footnote 79:

Mr. Anderson’s Journal seems to have been discontinued for about two
months before his death; the last date in his M. S. being of the third
of June.

Footnote 80:

Mr. Pennant, since Captain Cook wrote this, has described this animal
in a new work, which he calls _Arctic Zoology_, now ready for
publication. We have been favoured with his obliging communications on
this, and other particulars; and, therefore, refer the reader to the
_Arctic Zoology_, N^o. 72.

Footnote 81:

Avec le vent le plus favorable, on peut aller par mer de cette pointe
(des Tschuktschis) jusqu’à l’Anadir en trois fois 24 heures; & par
terre le chemin ne peut guère être plus long. Muller, p. 13.

Footnote 82:

Captain Cook gives it this name, having anchored in it on St.
Laurence’s day, August 10. It is remarkable, that Beering sailed past
this very place on the 10th of August, 1728; on which account, the
neighbouring island was named by him after the same Saint.

Footnote 83:

Vol. ii. p. 1016, &c.

Footnote 84: