Chapter XLV: Appendix: IV

In the following list I give the botanical names of the plants or kinds of wood used by the Todas in their ordinary life or in their ceremonial. I owe these names to the kindness of Mr. Thurston and Mr. K. Rangachari.

Änmul Rubus moluccanus, L. Âvelashki Hedyotis stylosa, Br. Kabûdri Euphorbia Rothiana, Sprengl. Kadak or kadakmul Rosa Leschenaultiana, W and A. Kâkâr Eragrostica nigra, Nees. Kâkhûdri Dregea volubilis, Benth. Kâkkûdri Gardneria ovata, Wall. Kâkûd Mappia foetida, Miers. Kârkekoi Rhamnus Wightii, W and A. Karneizi Acronychia laurifolia, Bl. Kêrs Eugenia Arnottiana, Wight. Kîâz Litsaea Wightiana, Benth. and Hk. f. Kid Probably Olea robusta. Kîri or Kîrsi Amaranthus (speciosus ?). Kudi Hydrocotyle asiatica, L. Kûrêrs Eugenia calophyllifolia, Wight. Kurskat Strobilanthes, ? species. Kwadiki or kwadriki Myrsine capitellata, Wall. var. lanceolata. Kwagal Polygonum rude, Meissn. and P. chinense, L. Kwatimali Coriandrum sativum, L. Main Cinnamomum Wightii, Meissn. Melkûdri Piper sp. Mòrs Michelia nilagirica, Zenk. Nârk Andropogon schoenanthus, L. Pârs (wood) ? Sideroxylon. Pârs (leaves) Pentapanax Leschenaultii, Seem. Parskuti Eleagnus latifolia, L. Pâsòr Dodonaea viscosa, L. Pathanmul Solanum indicum, L. Patm Panicum miliare, Lamk. Pelkkodsthmul Rubus ellipticus, Sm. Peshteinmul ? Phyllochlamys sp. Pôhvet Pavetta creniflora, DC. Pötûr Anaphalis oblonga, DC. Pûl Ilex Wightiana, Wall. Purs Rhododendron arboreum, Sm. and Elaeagnus latifolia. Pûtkimul Rubus lasiocarpus, Sm. Pûv or pûf Sophora glauca, Lesch. Püvkai Strobilanthes, ? species. Takmul Berberis aristata, DC. Tavat Rhodomyrtus tomentosus, Wight. Teinkûdri Senecio corymbosus, Wall. Tib Leucas zeylanica, Br., and L. aspera, Sprengl. Tirparikat Strobilanthes, ? species. Tiveri Atylosa candollei, W and A. Tôârsmitch Diospyros sp. Tòri or tòrimul Berberis nepalensis, Sprengl. Tûdr Meliosma pungens, Wall. and M. Wightii, Planch. Twadri Girardinia heterophylla DC. Wâdr Ochlandra sp.

GLOSSARY

Only the more important Toda words used in this book are included in the glossary. The words are arranged in alphabetical order, neglecting the quantity or other value of the first vowel. The numbers refer to the pages on which fuller descriptions of the terms are given.

Âḍrpârs, coagulated milk, curd, p. 64.

agâr, a stand in the dairy, p. 60.

al, the deposit after the clarification of butter used as food, pp. 50, 242.

alug, a vessel of the tî dairy, p. 90.

Amnòḍr, the world of the dead, p. 397.

an (anna), elder brother, p. 486.

än, ancient clothing of the Todas, pp. 196, 342, 572.

Anto, a dairy, p. 112;
also a god, p. 188.

ârpatznol or ârpasnol, a sacred day, p. 407.

ârs, house, p. 583.

ârsaiîr, buffaloes of the Kwòḍrdôni tî, p. 121.

ârsûp, a salt-giving ceremony, p. 175.

ashkkârtpimi, a food used on ceremonial occasions, p. 580.

âtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112.

âv (âvâ), mother, p. 485.

âzâram, the circle of stones in which the ashes are buried at a funeral, pp. 337, 379.

âzâramkêḍr, the last part of the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 378.

Epotirikhtârs, a double hut, p. 29.

êr, a male buffalo, p. 47.

êrkumptthpimi or êrkumptthiti, the ceremony of sacrificing a calf, p. 274.

êrnkâr, sacrificial place at the êrkumptthpimi ceremony, p. 276.

êrs, leaf.

êrsteiti, the act of making a leaf-cup, pp. 75, 148.

ertatpun, a dairy vessel, p. 60.

ertatmâr, part of the dairy where the less sacred vessels stand, p. 58.

ertatpur, the less sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58.

etûdpali, chief dairy, p. 40.

etûdmad, the chief village of a clan or other important village, pp. 24, 36, 419.

etvainolkêḍr, the first funeral ceremony, p. 337.

ichchil, a condition of impurity due to death or child-birth, pp. 102, 326, 368.

iḍith, “for the sake of,” p. 216.

îḍrkwoi, a vessel used at a tî dairy, p. 90.

îḍrtul, part of a hut containing the sleeping-places, p. 583.

îmûḍrikârs, stones at certain villages, p. 439.

in, father, p. 484.

îr, a female buffalo, p. 47.

îrkarmus or îrkarmüs, the milking-place, p. 53.

îrkârtpun (îrkârithtpun), milking-vessel, p. 58.

îrnörtiti, the offering of a buffalo calf to the tî, p. 293;
or to another division of the clan, p. 294.

îrnòḍrthnol, the day of migration, p. 124.

îrpâlvusthi, ceremony after the birth of a calf, p. 172.

îrsankâti, a funeral ceremony, p. 381.

îrskiḍithbûtnol, the day of migration, p. 124.

Kaban, iron.

kabkaḍiti, procedure in which the back is not turned to the contents of the dairy, p. 73.

kachütthti, the cloth-giving ceremony at a funeral, p. 358.

kaḍr, the calf-pen, p. 26.

kâfkati, knife burnt at the âzâramkêḍr, p. 381.

kagûrs, the tî name of the kûvn, p. 103.

kaimûkhti, a salutation, p. 31.

kaizhvatiti, the rite of pouring out buttermilk for the palol, p. 97.

kâkûdêrs, leaves of the kâkûd plant, p. 79.

kâkûl, stick used in the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.

kalkani, part of the dairy, p. 58.

kalmelpuḍithti, a salutation, pp. 34, 496.

kalolmad, villages where women may not live, p. 420.

kâltmokh, the attendant on a palol, pp. 42, 105.

kalvol, a path, p. 26.

Kamasòḍrolam, legendary Todas, p. 195.

kanârvaznûḍr, the evil eye, p. 263.

kar, a young calf, p. 47.

karenpôh, the calf-house of a tî, p. 85.

kârpun, a milking-vessel of the tî, p. 90.

kârs, stone.

karûd, younger, p. 485.

karûvnòḍr, the mother’s village, p. 547.

kârvnol or kârivnol, the day after a ceremony, pp. 105, 333.

kâtû, the wall surrounding a house or dairy, p. 24.

kavulpûv, a flower, p. 111.

kêḍr, funeral, relics, etc., p. 368.

keitankursîr, the wûrsulîr of Niḍrsi and Kwòḍrdôni, p. 71.

kepun (kaipun), vessel to hold water, p. 57.

kerk, the name of the waist-string during the ordination ceremony, pp. 148, 572.

kêrtnòḍr, a funeral place, p. 338.

kevenârût, mode of baring the right arm, pp. 31, 571.

kîp, the broom, p. 32.

kîtün, bed on left-hand side of dairy, p. 57.

kô, stake used at the êrkumptthpimi sacrifice, p. 276.

kòghlag, the name of the churning-stick at the tî, p. 89.

kòrûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.

kubuntuni, the cloak of the palol, p. 103.

kudeipîr, the wûrsulîr of Pan, p. 71;
also the sacred buffaloes of Pieḍr, p. 81.

kudi, a measure used for liquids corresponding to about four pints, p. 588.

kûḍr, horn, a division of a clan, pp. 37, 295, 542.

kûḍrpali, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 66.

kûdrpalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the kûḍrpali, p. 66.

kûḍrs mani, the bells of the punîr of the tî, p. 91.

kûḍrvars, fireplace made of four stones, pp. 57, 583.

kudupel or kudubel, family, p. 545.

kûgh, daughter, p. 485.

kûghîr, a buffalo whose horns bend downwards, p. 47.

kugvali, a sacred dairy of Târâḍr, pp. 41, 76.

kugvalîr, the buffaloes of the kugvali, pp. 41, 77.

kugvalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the kugvali, pp. 41, 76.

kûlâtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 113.

Kûlinkârs, a god, p. 188.

kuneḍsti, funeral laments, etc., pp. 385, 600.

Kûrub, a Kurumba, p. 641.

kûrubûḍrchiti, Kurumba sorcery, p. 262.

kush (? kûḍsh), structure for young calves, p. 26.

kuter, floor, pp. 62, 583.

kûvn, the perineal band, p. 30.

kûvun or kûpun, a vessel used at the kugvali of Târâḍr, p. 79.

kwainûr (kwoinûr), the tî name of the pennâr, p. 103.

kwarkûl, stick used at the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.

kwarzam, name used in prayer, etc., pp. 216, 384, 614.

kwoi, the milking-vessel of the tî dairy, p. 89.

kwoinîr spring supplying water for a tî dairy, p. 85.

kwoinörtpet, a wand used by the palol when milking, p. 90.

kwotârs, the calf-house, p. 26.

Kwoten, a teu or god, p. 193.

Kwoto, a god, p. 203.

kwottün, seat, p. 29.

kwungg, the ordinary bell, p. 424.

Kwûrg, Coorg, p. 114.

Mad, village, pp. 24, 338;
head, p. 282.

madnol, sacred day of village, p. 405.

madol, village people or clan, p. 36.

madth, the churning-stick, p. 60.

maj, buttermilk.

majparîv, a dairy vessel, p. 60.

majvatitthkalvol, path reserved for women, p. 27.

majvatvaiîḍrn, spot on which women receive buttermilk, p. 28.

maiîr, a barren buffalo, p. 47.

mani, the sacred bell, pp. 40, 66, 424.

mankûgh, sister’s daughter, 488.

manmokh, sister’s son, pp. 484, 488.

martîr, the sacred buffaloes of the Kârs clan, p. 68.

mârûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.

mârvainolkêḍr, the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 372.

masth, axe, pp. 57, 585.

matchuni, children of brother and sister, pp. 488, 512.

Mâv, a Badaga, p. 630;
also sambhar.

meilkûḍr, extra share, 560.

meitün, bed on right-hand side of dairy, p. 57.

merkalârs, double hut, pp. 29, 318.

mersgûrsîr, the wûrsulîr of Nòḍrs, p. 71.

methkûdi, place of cremation, p. 343.

miniapîr, the wûrsulîr of Kerâḍr, pp. 71, 192.

mogâl, forearm, also segment of forelimb of calf corresponding to metacarpus, p. 281.

mogoi, a cubit, p. 588.

mokh, son, child, p. 485.

mokhthoditi (mokhthodvaiol), mode of union between the sexes, p. 526.

mokhûḍrtvaiol, man who gives away a wife, p. 494.

Mondârdsetipol, Toda name of a tribe living in the Wainad.

mòr, the name of buttermilk at the tî, p. 107.

mòrkuḍriki, a ladle of the tî dairy, p. 90.

mòrol, privileged visitors to a tî, p. 107.

mòrpun, a dairy vessel used to hold buttermilk at the tî, p. 90.

mòrûp, the ordinary salt-giving ceremony at the tî, p. 175.

mû, a name given to several kinds of dairy vessels, pp. 58, 422.

muli or mul, a name for various plants, p. 145;
also used for thorns, p. 194;
and for the quills of a porcupine, p. 267.

mulinîròditi, the ordination ceremony of the palikartmokh, p. 148.

mun, mother’s brother and wife’s father, pp. 487, 492.

mûrn, the sieve, p. 32.

mûrthvichi, anger, p. 260.

Naim or noim, the council, pp. 32, 550.

nâkh, a three-year-old calf, p. 47.

nan, a young shoot, p. 145.

nânmakud, a club, pp. 381, 586.

nârthpimi, a game, p. 596.

nâshperthîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Nòḍrs, p. 69.

nêḍrkursh, middle room of a three-roomed dairy, p. 57.

nêḍrvol, intermediary, pp. 258, 527.

nei, clarified butter or ghi, p. 50.

nersatiti, a salutation, p. 304.

neurzûtpol, name of the kâltmokh at the migration ceremony, p. 139.

neurzülnkârs, stones of ceremonial importance, pp. 129, 140, 438.

nîpâ, stream, p. 26.

nîr, water, spring.

nîròdibudnûḍr, the initial stages of the ordination of the kâltmokh, p. 153.

nîròditi, the ordination ceremony, pp. 144, 157.

nîrsi, the fire-stick, p. 60.

nòḍr, country, place;
sometimes used for ‘ceremony.’

nòḍrkûtchi, ancestors of buffaloes, p. 112.

nòḍrodchi, a ruler, pp. 183, 186.

nòḍrved, younger brother, p. 486.

Nòtîrzi, a goddess, p. 189.

Ol or òl, man, husband, p. 489.

oñ, a sacred syllable uttered in the dairy ceremonial, p. 65.

Ön, a god, p. 184.

Paiol, male relations-in-law, pp. 489, 492.

Pâkhwâr, a river, 418;
also a god.

pali or paḷthli, the dairy, p. 26.

palikârtmokh (? paḷḷikârithtmokh), the dairyman, p. 39.

palinol, sacred day of dairy, p. 405.

pâlmän, staff used in churning, p. 52.

palol, the dairyman of a ti, pp. 42, 98.

paniûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.

pâpun, a water-vessel at the tî, p. 92.

pârkûl, stick used at the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.

pârsêrs, milk-leaves, p. 317.

parsîr, buffaloes of the Kârs tî, p. 117.

pârskaḍrvenmû, vessel to hold butter, p. 58.

pasthîr, the sacred buffaloes of the Teivaliol, p. 39.

pâtat, vessel to hold milk, p. 58.

pâtatmâr, part of the dairy where the more sacred vessels stand, p. 58.

pâtatpur, the more sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58.

patcherski, the husked grain patm (samai), p. 580.

pâtol, one who has held the office palol, p. 104.

pâtun, screen separating the two rooms of a tî dairy, p. 86.

pâv, threshold.

pâvnersatiti, saluting the threshold, p. 65.

Peḍr, a Tamil.

pelk, the lamp, p. 60.

pelkkoḍichiti, the ordination ceremony, p. 144.

pelkkatitthwaskal, fireplace at a tî dairy used in lighting the lamp, p. 92.

pem, a plateau or a gradual slope of a hill.

pen, butter, p. 58.

pennâr, the string supporting the kûvn, pp. 30, 572.

pep, buttermilk used ceremonially, pp. 64, 166.

pepeirthti, a rite at the kûḍrpali, p. 67.

pepkarichâ or pepkarichti, the ceremony of making new pep, p. 166.

pepkarmus, the milking-place of a tî, p. 85.

peptòrzum, a dairy vessel of the tî, p. 89.

pepûti, the rite of drinking buttermilk at the ordinary dairy, p. 78;
also the ceremonial drinking of buttermilk by buffaloes, p. 135.

perithîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 113.

perkûrsol, the lower stage in the office of kâltmokh, p. 105.

perol, an ordinary person, not ordained to any dairy office, p. 39.

persâsîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Melgârs, p. 69.

persin, the vessel in which milk is churned at the tî, p. 89.

persinîr, the sacred buffaloes of a tî, p. 84.

perûd, elder, p. 485.

petuni, a piece of tuni, p. 105.

pîan, grandfather, p. 485.

pîâv, grandmother, p. 486.

pîlikòren, sorcerers, p. 255.

pîlinörtiti, offering of a ring, pp. 294, 306.

pîliûtpol, a sorcerer, p. 255.

pîliûtvichi, sorcery, p. 255.

pineipîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Pan, p. 69.

pöḍri, contributions from relatives by marriage, p. 396.

pòḍrshtuni, the loin-cloth of the palol, p. 103.

pôh, the conical and other sacred dairies, p. 45.

pôhkârtpol, the dairyman at Kanòḍrs, p. 79.

pôhvelkârs, seat on which the palol sits, pp. 87, 96.

pôhvet (pôhpet), a wand used by the palol when praying, pp. 89, 96.

pòl, a calf of one to two years, p. 47.

pòlm, a portion, a division of a clan pp. 37, 544.

pòlmachok, a dairy vessel, p. 60.

pon, festival, pp. 85, 161;
up, p. 383;
see also p. 496.

ponkârtvaimokh, boy who takes a leading part at the îrnörtiti ceremony, p. 302.

ponnol, festival day.

ponûp, a salt-giving ceremony at the tî, p. 177.

pòrmunkursh, outer room of dairy, p. 56.

püḍrshtipîr, the wûrsulîr of Kârs and Târâḍr, p. 71.

pûkûrûputkûli, the ornamented cloak, p. 572.

pül, surroundings or outskirts, p. 85.

püliol, relatives with whom marriage is prohibited, p. 509.

punetkalvol, path reserved for the dairyman, p. 27.

punîr, the ordinary buffaloes of a tî, p. 84.

punrs, a name for two days, p. 142.

pürsîr, buffaloes of the Kârs tî, p. 117.

pursütpimi, the ceremony of giving a bow and arrow during pregnancy, p. 319.

pût, a stirring-stick, p. 60.

pûthpep, the buttermilk obtained in the pepkarichâ ceremony, p. 169.

putiîr, ordinary buffaloes, p. 39.

putkûli, the cloak, pp. 30, 571.

puzhârs, seclusion-hut, p. 313.

puzhûlpimi, the ceremony of throwing earth at a funeral, p. 344.

Satimad, a village of especial sanctity, p. 421.

sedvaitazmokh, name of the woman in the mokhthoditi union, p. 526.

Taḍri, pole used in funeral ceremonies, p. 376.

taḍrp, the loin-cloth, p. 30.

tâf, fern.

tagârs, a chain.

tarsîr, buffaloes of the Pan tî, p. 119.

Târthârol, one of the two divisions of the Toda people, p. 34.

târûpunkudi, hole used at the salt-giving ceremony at a Tarthar village, p. 177.

târvali or târpali, the lowest grade of Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 61.

târvalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the târvali, p. 461.

tasth, the bars in the opening of a pen, p. 153.

tazmokh, woman, wife, p. 489.

teḍshk, a ring used in carrying dairy vessels, p. 60.

Teikîrzi, a goddess, p. 186.

teiks, stone or post at which a buffalo is killed at a funeral, p. 349.

Teipâkh, the Paikara river, p. 418;
also a god, p. 187.

teirtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs ti, p. 112.

Teivaliol, one of the chief divisions of the Toda people, p. 34.

tek (tekh?), basket, p. 57.

têrersthi, custom of transferring wives, p. 523

tersamptpimi, a ceremony of childhood, p. 333.

terzantirikiti, the rite of putting curd or milk on the bell, p. 66.

tesherst, a qualifying ceremony for the office palol, p. 154.

teshnîr, the first stage of the ordination ceremony of the palol, p. 157.

teu, god, p. 182.

teukwoi, clay vessel made at the ponûp ceremony, p. 179.

teuol, diviner, p. 249.

teutütusthchi, ceremony of lighting a fire on a hill, p. 290.

tî, the most sacred dairy institution of the Todas, pp. 42, 83.

tîîr, the buffaloes of the tî, p. 42;
also used of a special group of these buffaloes at the Nòḍrs tî, p.
112.

tîkelfmâv, Badaga associated with a tî, p. 98.

tî mad, a village or place belonging to a tî, p. 83.

tòratthwaskal, fireplace at a tî dairy used to cook food, p. 91.

tòrsum, the tî name of the mû, p. 89.

tû, the buffalo-pen, p. 26.

tûḍr, a sacred tree, pp. 67, 433.

tûkitthkârs, stone lifted as a sport, p. 597.

tûkulîr mani, a bell used in the funeral ceremonies, pp. 376, 424.

tün, a seat or bed, p. 30.

tuni, the grey garment used by many dairymen, pp. 72, 572.

tuninörtiti, offering of a tuni, pp. 294, 305.

tunitusthkâltmokh, the full kâltmokh, pp. 105, 152.

tûrâvali, the cooking-pot of a tî dairy, p. 90.

tûri, knife.

twaḍrinâr, material made by the Todas, p. 574.

Ulârwûrthkûrs, a wand, p. 60.

ulkkursh, inner room of dairy, p. 56.

unîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112.

ûppun, a vessel of the tî dairy, p. 90.

ûpunkudi (? ûppunkudi), hole used at the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 176.

ûrvatpimi, ceremony during pregnancy, p. 313.

ûtkòren, people who apply certain magical or medical remedies, p. 263.

ûtpol, medicine man, p. 263.

Wâk, vessels burnt at the âzâramkêḍr, p. 381.

warsîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112; and of the Pan tî, p. 119.

wask, grain-pounder, p. 32.

waskal, fireplace of three stones, pp. 57, 582.

wûrsol, the dairyman of the wûrsuli, pp. 40, 72, 74.

wûrsuli, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 71.

wûrsulîr, the buffaloes of a wûrsuli, p. 40.

NOTES

[1] One of the most frequent consonantal sounds in the Toda language is dr which in the text always stands for ḍr; when d comes before sh, it also represents the lingual sound. In both cases the ḍ was hardly appreciated by my ear, and the European will perhaps most nearly imitate the Toda sound if he pronounces dr and dsh as r and sh.

[2] The bibliography of this literature is given in Appendix II.

[3] See British Journal of Psychology, 1905, vol. i., p. 321.

[4] As we shall see later, this is only true of some parts of the hills and some institutions.

[5] With more exact knowledge of Indian customs and ceremonies which have lingered on side by side with, though often obscured by Brahmanism, it is possible that these differences would be found to be much slighter than the evidence at present available suggests.

[6] Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies, part ii., chap. v.

[7] See chapter XX and Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1900, vol. xxx., p. 74.

[8] Those who wish for information on this point should consult the articles by Mr. Edgar Thurston in the Bulletins of the Madras Museum, vol. i., pp. 148 and 207, and vol. iv., p. 2.

[9] The word marth is also occasionally used.

[10] Harkness and others have called this pen tuel, but repeated inquiry on my part failed to elicit this form of the word. Tuelu would mean “where is the tu?” and it is possible that Harkness heard the word in this form.

[11] For the purpose of photography, a hole was made outside the hut exactly like that within the hut. The picture must not be taken to indicate that pounding is ever normally performed out of doors.

[12] The old man on the right in this picture shows a very characteristic Toda attitude, in which a person crouches down completely enveloped in the cloak.

[13] This salutation has been previously known by its Badaga name, adabuddiken.

[14] In these names and throughout the text the signs to indicate long vowels are generally omitted. In order to ascertain the exact method of pronunciation, the map or the list of villages in Appendix III. should be consulted.

[15] This word should probably be paḷḷi and was usually pronounced paḷthḷi, but I have adopted the spelling of the text for the sake of simplicity.

[16] According to some Todas, kart was a shortened form of karitht, milking or milked.

[17] In previous accounts of the Todas, the place where these sacred herds are kept has always been called a tirieri. This is not properly a Toda term, but is that used by the Badagas.

[18] An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris, 1873, p. 14.

[19] This word, in the forms boa, boath, &c., has by previous writers been limited to dairies of the conical shape. There is no doubt that it has at present a far wider application.

[20] A Phrenologist among the Todas, 1873, p. 132.

[21] This is literally ‘cooked milk.’ It probably receives this name because the coagulation is often hastened by heating.

[22] About four pints.

[23] I am not sure whether this restriction does not also apply to the tarvalikartmokh.

[24] See Chapter XXIII.

[25] Probably a corruption of kaipun, hand vessel.

[26] This is done by folding a leaf in such a way that it forms a cup.

[27] The method of wearing the cloak adopted by the wursol is not unlike that shown in a picture at the Guimet Museum in Paris, which represents a Brahman engaged in prayer.

[28] The world of the dead.

[29] The proper name for the pen at the ti was mukadr, and for the calf-pen, tülkkadr, but my informants always used the ordinary words tu and kadr.

[30] These are the kwarzam, or prayer names (see Chapter X) of Teikirzi and Tirshti. They were used by Naburs (64) who had been palol at the Pan ti, but it is doubtful whether their use or the use of any other kwarzam on these occasions is an established custom.

[31] In the story of Kwoto and the Keradr ti (Chap. IX) the kaltmokh has to pour away buttermilk at an appointed spot. It is probable that this buttermilk is that unfinished by the palol, and possibly this custom is still followed but was not mentioned by my informants.

[32] According to Breeks (p. 14) these garments are made by the Badagas of Jakaneri. This may be correct, but it is much more probable that they are procured through the Badagas living in this village.

[33] It is possible that Finicio was told of this custom, and that his statement about the relations of the palol to women only refer to this ceremony.

[34] This legendary account probably preserves a tradition of a real invasion of the Nilgiri Hills by the people of Coorg. The Todas put the date of the occurrence at about seven or eight generations ago. In 1774 Linga Raja, with 3,000 Coorgs, invaded the Wainad and remained there for five years. During this time it is highly probable that the Coorgs would have explored the Nilgiri Hills. (See Mysore and Coorg, by Lewis Rice, Bangalore, 1878, vol. iii., p. 110.)

[35] In 1902.

[36] The buffaloes may also move from one village to another if sickness should break out among them, but I do not know whether this would become the same ceremonial occasion as in the other kinds of migration.

[37] The vessels used for the purposes of these photographs were not the real vessels of the dairy, but those of the house. The method of fastening the earthenware vessels does not correspond to that described for the ti dairy, and I am doubtful whether the method of fastening for real dairy vessels would not have corresponded to the procedure of the ti rather than to that shown in the figures.

[38] This is probably only true of Teivali dairies.

[39] This is a special food used on important ceremonial occasions, the mode of preparation of which is given in Chapter XXIV.

[40] The vessel derives its name from this ceremony.

[41] Palm juice sugar.

[42] At Anto, and probably at some other dairies, there is a special tu for use on this occasion.

[43] This word was translated “he prays for the calves.” One verb is used in naming the ceremony of praying for the calves and another in the case of praying for the adult buffaloes.

[44] Probably this should be translated “may the river (when in flood) swallow him.”

[45] This is the ordinary muli used in the ordination of the palikartmokh.

[46] This is inconsistent with the statement made on p. 73 that the wursol never prepares food except at the irpalvusthi ceremony. It is possible that the food is only given to the candidate by the wursol and is not prepared by him.

[47] This has not the same form as the word uttered by the wursol and kaltmokh in the corresponding ceremony. In some cases different verbal forms are used at the ti, and this may be an instance.

[48] It has been stated by Harkness, Marshall and others that when the palol is entering on his office he has to sleep in the wood completely naked. This is not strictly correct, though the covering afforded by the tuni is so meagre that the statement is almost justified.

[49] The ti name of the kuvn.

[50] This is the only occasion on which this cream is used by the Todas. It is used because there are now neither butter nor ghi at the dairy. Its use here is an indication that the process of coagulation is less rapid than usual.

[51] See p. 222.

[52] I am doubtful whether a special wand is also used in other dairies.

[53] Eleven ak = one kwa (see p. 588).

[54] When there is only one palol for both kinds of buffaloes, as at the Pan ti, he only digs one hole.

[55] See Chapter XVII.

[56] This hole at an ordinary village is sometimes known as a tarupunkudi.

[57] This account of the creation of men and buffaloes was obtained from Arsolv (27) of Kanòdrs, one of the oldest living Todas. It agrees very closely with the story as related to Mr. Breeks.

[58] According to another account, Püv died from trying to catch the image of a white calf in the water. At that time, it was the custom to kill and bury any calf of a white colour, and one had been buried close to the spring.

[59] Usually called petkuter.

[60] These are quite unlike Toda names, nor is the name of the village, Mîtâhârzti, like a Toda name.

[61] ? Pòdrâni or pudrâni.

[62] I do not know exactly to which ceremonies tatòtiti and muòtiti refer. The words mean “he takes the tat” and “he takes the mu,” and evidently refer to some dairy ceremonial. Ponkastiti probably means that he kept pon throughout the year—i.e., gave or sold nothing from his dairy during the year.

[63] A spirit which brings death (see p. 403).

[64] When Keikarskutan shot the bow and arrow he lay down. According to my informants, Keikarskutan lay down to shoot the bow and arrow because he was lame, but shot it in the ordinary way and did not use his legs in doing so. Breeks, who gives a brief version of this legend, was told that the arrow was shot by means of the legs and refers to this method as the ancient Indian custom.

[65] I give this as it was told.

[66] To meet this bird going from right to left is a bad omen; if going from left to right, it is a good omen.

[67] I could not find out the exact meaning of this word, but it appeared to be a name for the blood-stained froth which may come from the mouth of a dying man. In a sentence which occurs later the word appears as pògh (blood), but my informants were certain that pug itself is not blood.

[68] See p. 616.

[69] This is a creeper used in the funeral ceremonies.

[70] Probably the tree or bush from which the material called twadrinar is manufactured by the Todas.

[71] My informants could not say whether the boy went away in the air as a child or as a kite. The boy often assumed the form of a kite later, and it is tempting to suppose that the assumption of this form by the child was connected with the death of the kite, i.e., that it was a case of transmigration. The fact that the child went away in the air and was found sitting on a tree makes it highly probable that it flew in the form of a kite, but my informants could not say that this was definitely part of the legend.

[72] The kwarzam is the name used in prayer (see Chap. X).

[73] This place is close to the spot at which the path from Pishkwosht (Bikkapatimand) to Kodanad crosses a stream soon after leaving the former village.

[74] This pool has been converted into the Marlimand reservoir, the source of the water-supply of Ootacamund.

[75] The Hindu god who sends smallpox is Mari or Mariaman. The Toda name for buttermilk is mòr.

[76] P. 142.

[77] Erd means two, and this translation is a free rendering of the Toda words, though it probably conveys the proper meaning.

[78] I am doubtful about this point at the poh of Kanòdrs.

[79] It is in favour of this supposition that in the legend Kwoten wore the tuni when acting as palikartmokh although he was one of the Tartharol.

[80] It is an Indian practice to add sour buttermilk to the milk to promote coagulation, but this is usually done after heating the milk. It is possible that in some parts of India it may be added to the milk before or immediately after it is drawn.

[81] From the account of Finicio (Appendix I), it would seem that at one time the palol and wursol possessed the power of divination.

[82] For an account of what Midjkudr seems to have said and the consequent proceedings, see p. 392.

[83] I am very doubtful whether the meaning of this and the preceding clause is correctly given in these words.

[84] The middle room of a three-roomed dairy is the nedrkursh.

[85] For the meaning of this see above.

[86] Bulletin, i. p. 182.

[87] The leaves of this plant, Solanum indicum, are used in the ordination of the kugvalikartmokh.

[88] For the meaning of these kinship-terms, see Chap. XXI.

[89] It is noteworthy that the Kotas are not included.

[90] This is the plant, Euphorbia Rothiana, used at the purification of the ti dairy (p. 136).

[91] I think it is probable that all the incantations are said in this manner, but I only had it specifically mentioned in this case.

[92] This distinction was pointed out to me by my informant.

[93] I did not obtain this formula.

[94] Mul, which means bramble and thorn, is here used for the porcupine’s quills.

[95] Pûdrt is probably the Toda form of the word bhût.

[96] Our final difficulty, the laughter over which seemed to overcome Teitnir’s scruples, was in the identification of the spleen, which was described as “a little tongue.”

[97] This and the succeeding photographs were taken in a badly lighted wood, and represent the actual ceremony.

[98] The importance of the omentum in Indian animal sacrifices suggests that the tütmîis might have been the omentum, or have included part of the omentum. At this stage of the proceedings, so many operations were going on simultaneously that exact observation became very difficult.

[99] Andropogon Schœnanthus, a strongly-scented grass.

[100] ? Kiaz.

[101] This estimate included the value of the calf four years hence!

[102] Haug’s Aitareya Brahmanam, Bombay, 1863, vol. ii., p. 85, note II.

[103] I have some reason to think, however, that er may be used as a term for ‘buffalo’ in general, whether male or female.

[104] From the nature of this formula it might be expected that the ceremony would only be performed if the man’s wishes are fulfilled, but, in practice, I think it is clear that the performance is not conditional on the recovery of himself or his buffaloes.

[105] The special mention of uncut ears and tail in this and the erkumptthpimi ceremony suggests that the widely spread practice of cutting the ears of animals may occur among the Todas, but I have no other notes on the subject.

[106] Or irnörtpuspimi, “buffalo giving have we come.” The whole formula runs, “Swami, Teikirzi, the kudrpali, the wursuli, the buffalo pen, may it be well; may it be well with the buffaloes and calves; buffalo giving have we come, may it be well.”

[107] This is mentioned in the prayer of the Kiudr dairy (see p. 220).

[108] According to a later finding of the teuol, the death of Tersveli was due to sorcery (see p. 261).

[109] It will be noticed that the patatpun are placed in the inner room and the ertatpun in the outer room. In the ordinary dairy both would be placed in the inner room, though in different places. The procedure of this ceremony seems, therefore, to resemble that of the ti rather than of the ordinary dairy. It suggests that we have here a relic of a time when every dairy had at least two rooms, one for the things of the patatmar and another for the things of the ertatmar.

[110] I was told at first that it might be done by her husband, but this appeared to be a mistake.

[111] The fact that the people of Melgars and Kwòdrdoni are not allowed to intermarry suggests, however, that there is some relation between these clans which is the cause of the exception.

[112] This may possibly be a corruption of perithtòr.

[113] Eugenia Arnottiana.

[114] Sophora glauca.

[115] Andropogon schœnanthus.

[116] See the bow in the hand of the boy in Fig. 57. This bow is the same as that used in the pursütpimi ceremony.

[117] The buffalo given in this way is called pulkwadr, or bow and arrow gift.

[118] My notes do not make it absolutely clear as to whether he may not also salute the female relatives of his wife, but I do not think that he does so.

[119] According to a recent account given to me by Mr. Thurston, the people leave the spot about six o’clock in the evening. The time is determined by the opening of the flowers of Ænothera tetraptera which is called by the Todas âr mani pûv, or six o’clock flower. This flower is a garden escape, so that this special practice must be recent, but it suggests that the general practice of telling the time of day by means of flowers may be an old Toda custom.

[120] Mr. Natesa Sastri (Madras Mail, August 28th, 1894) states that the bow and arrow are tied round the neck of the woman, so that they definitely take the place of the tali.

[121] This seems to have occurred in a similar ceremony practised by the Badagas, among whom it is said that a woman is not fully considered a wife till about the seventh month of the first pregnancy, when a cord is put round her neck by the husband and the legal marriage becomes complete. (See Thurston, Bull. IV., p. 167.)

[122] Called by the Todas tòri or tòrimul (Berberis nepalensis); its leaves are used in the ordination of the kugvalikartmokh.

[123] Possibly this means “calf of tuni.”

[124] It will be noticed that the woman puts the fragments of tuni in her waist-string on the right side, while the various dairymen who wear petuni put it on the left side.

[125] I am doubtful whether this is essential.

[126] Fawcett, Bull. Madras Museum, vol. iii. p. 242.

[127] According to one account the ceremony takes place on the fortieth day after birth.

[128] For the nature of the name see Chapter XXVI.

[129] Rosa Leschenaultiana.

[130] Lit. ‘eye arrow.’

[131] Probably here pei = demon (see p. 180).

[132] Loc. cit.

[133] The madnol and the palinol are sacred days on which certain activities are prohibited (see Chap. XVII).

[134] Eugenia Arnottiana. This is the tree in which the hole is cut at the pursütpimi ceremony.

[135] This was a marvainolkedr, but the rules for the earth-throwing are the same at the first funeral.

[136] Ind. Antiq., 1874, vol. iii., p. 274.

[137] Bull., 1901, iv., p. 12.

[138] These photographs were obtained from Messrs. Wiele and Klein, and I do not know the place or nature of the funeral which they illustrate, but there is no indication of a pen in the picture; they probably represent throwing earth at the entrance of a former pen. There is such a place at Taradrkirsi, the male funeral place of the Kars clan. Here earth is thrown by the side of a wood where the forest has grown over the site of an old tu.

[139] Atylosia Candollei.

[140] If the word teiks is the same as that of teak wood it would make it probable that the buffalo was formerly killed by the side of a wooden post and that the use of a stone is secondary.

[141] Owing to the fact that the Nòdrs people do not kill both of these kinds of buffalo at one funeral at the present time, they now only bring one of the two bells from Òdr.

[142] Some observers have stated that the feet of the corpse are placed within the mouth of the buffalo, but I could not confirm this.

[143] More elaborate laments are given on pp. 385–8.

[144] This ceremony is also called kachpùtchpimi.

[145] Natesa Sastri, Madras Mail, Aug. 28th, 1894.

[146] The matchuni of a person is the child of his mother’s brother, or of his father’s sister (see Chapter XXI).

[147] At the azaramkedr (see p. 381) these boxes are only burnt at a woman’s funeral, their place at a man’s funeral being taken by bamboo vessels called wak. This is probably also true of the etvainolkedr.

[148] Loc. cit., p. 176.

[149] Ind. Antiq., 1874, iii. 274.

[150] P. 21.

[151] Letters on the Neilgherries, 1829, p. 81.

[152] This experience gave me a very striking object-lesson, showing how easy it is to make mistakes in anthropological investigation. The first account given to me seemed to make it absolutely clear that the removal of the relics was made the occasion of a feast.

[153] Kûdri is the generic word for creeper.

[154] See Thurston, Bull., ii. p. 4.

[155] See Chap. XXV.

[156] Probably Olea robusta.

[157] Bull., i. 176.

[158] As I have already pointed out, this would only happen if the people were of the same clan and sex.

[159] My notes do not make it absolutely clear who lights the fire at the funeral of a male. The puntüt is lighted by a man of the same clan, and this is probably also the case with the azaramtüt. Owing to the fact that a woman becomes a member of her husband’s clan, the daughter-in-law who lights the fire at a woman’s funeral will also be of the same clan as the deceased.

[160] There was some question as to whether the ceremony did not begin as soon as the fire was lighted.

[161] This would seem to indicate that when the fire is extinguished, the objects burnt with the relics are far from being consumed by the fire.

[162] See p. 365.

[163] Ind. Antiq., 1874, vol. iii. p 35.

[164] This is also the usual vocative termination.

[165] Kakoji is the Kota name for a toe-ring worn on the second toe of the right foot by Kota women (see Breeks, p. 123). A similar word is used for bracelets of vine made by the Todas as a game.

[166] In some cases Samuel could not give the literal meanings, and has only given the general sense of the kwarzam.

[167] A play on Pidrvan’s name.

[168] As both these funeral laments were obtained from Samuel, I cannot guarantee that the method of spelling adopted is the same as that used elsewhere in the book; this is especially the case with the sign ‘th,’ which, in agreement with the practice customary in South India, was used by Samuel for the lingual ‘ṭ,’ and sometimes for a sound for which I have used the letter d.

[169] For the story to which this refers, see Chapter XXVIII.

[170] This may possibly be the world of Yama, the Todas rarely, if ever, using the letter y. The word was often pronounced Amanòdr.

[171] This is one of several instances in which the initial t of a word is omitted in compound forms.

[172] Möditi is the name applied to all the women of other tribes. It is perhaps suggestive that this name should be used for a stone connected with the goddess Teikirzi.

[173] Several of those who have witnessed Toda funerals have noticed that barren buffaloes are killed on these occasions, and I believe that it is a recognised custom to use such animals. Pidrvan’s funeral lament begins with a reference to barren buffaloes, and the clause, “in the midst of barren buffaloes you went,” evidently refers to Pidrvan’s skill in catching buffaloes at the funeral ceremonies.

[174] See Fawcett, Journ. Anthrop. Soc. Bombay, 1890, vol. ii., p. 146.

[175] In Teitnir’s lament for Pidrvan (see p. 387) he speaks of a Kars kazun, which suggests that each clan has its own kazun.

[176] At this place there is now only a dairy.

[177] Pp. 18 and 67.

[178] According to another account, these bells are kept at the wursuli of Nasmiòdr, and the wursuli of Kars has three mani in addition to these.

[179] As we have already seen (p. 243) there is some reason to think that there has been example of such transference of sanctity to an object in the case of the mu or buried dairy vessel.

[180] Falls of the Cavery, 1834, p. 49.

[181] For the special method employed see p. 581.

[182] Burton (Goa and the Blue Mountains, p. 316) brands the Todas as inveterate liars, because, evidently owing to some misunderstanding, he was told that a “putting stone” was the “grandfather of the gods.”

[183] It will be remembered that at the azaramkedr of a woman, two women stand at the entrance of the azaram one of whom holds a pounder in her hands.

[184] I do not intend by this to indicate my belief that these cairns are ancient Toda monuments. I only wish to point out that one of the arguments which has been directed against this view is probably not valid. I shall return to this point in a future chapter.

[185] I had no Toda with me when I visited the place, so cannot speak with absolute certainty on the point.

[186] I do not wish to lay any stress on this argument, for, as I have already indicated, it is possible that the eating of sambhar is a recent innovation, which has arisen since the advent of Europeans to the Nilgiris. Also I do not wish to indicate by the above that I commit myself to a belief in the universality of totemism as a stage in religious development. I only wish to point out that if this has been so, the Todas furnish a good case in which we might expect all traces of this descent to have disappeared or to have become so blurred and scanty as to be of little value.

[187] These were the names given to me by the Todas, and their spelling may not correspond with that in ordinary use.

[188] See Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, vol. v, p. 122.

[189] For a few cases in which an individual is entered as the child of a man who is known not to be his real father, see p. 534. In such a case I have assigned the child to the parent who is regarded as the legal father by the Todas.

[190] Grigg’s Manual of the Nilagiri District, 1880, Appendix No. 17, p. xlviii.

[191] Ibid. App. No. 20, p. lx.

[192] Letters on the Neilgherries, London, 1829, p. 75.

[193] Madras Journ. of Lit. and Science, 1836, vol. viii, p. 86.

[194] Ibid., 1848, vol. xv, p. 1.

[195] Manual, p. 27.

[196] Proc. Camb. Philos. Soc., 1904, vol. xii, p. 481.

[197] Specimens of South Indian Dialects, Mangalore, 1873.

[198] Pp. 194–5.

[199] See Marshall, p. 213.

[200] Properly the river should not be crossed at all on these days (see p. 418).

[201] The probable rule is that the day must not be a madnol or palinol.

[202] In cases of polyandry the names of the husbands are enclosed in square brackets.

[203] See his account at the end of this chapter.

[204] I use the term ‘fatherhood’ instead of ‘paternity’ because the latter term seems to imply a meaning which does not belong to the Toda notion of ‘father.’

[205] For an instance, see p. 535.

[206] It will be noticed that I am using the term ‘Levirate’ in a wider sense than that in which it is sometimes employed, for Sargveli was not a childless widow.

[207] In 1902.

[208] Ter is also used in the sense of ‘fine,’ but is only used when the fine takes the form of a buffalo or buffaloes. A money fine is called saver.

[209] For an instance in the past see p. 538.

[210] For an instance see p. 535.

[211] Mokh here means ‘child’ in general, not son.

[212] For a full account see p. 366.

[213] Grigg’s Nilgiri Manual, Appendix, p. lxxiv.

[214] The definite appearance of jealousy in the history of Kwoten must, however, be noted in this connexion.

[215] Loc. cit.

[216] This is evidently the same word as marth, which occurs in Chapter XIV as a word for village.

[217] This is the kach. Harkness states that it was generally a piece of dyed or printed cotton as at present.

[218] This is a custom of which I failed to obtain any account.

[219] This is evidently due to misunderstanding of the pursütpimi ceremony. The Tamil word for ‘bow’ is vil.

[220] Probably Keradr.

[221] Badagas and Kotas.

[222] A full account of the two divisions and of their relation to one another will be given in Chapter XXIX.

[223] Another name for a man of no clan is pazuli, but I do not know whether this is merely a synonym of padmokh or whether a man can lose the right of belonging to a clan for any other reason than that described above.

[224] P. 132.

[225] A meeting of the council is often spoken of as kûtkûdriti, “the assembly assembles,” or kûtpuniti, “the assembly makes.”

[226] It seemed clear that the term naim is also applied to these clan councils.

[227] For a full account of this controversy see the Manual of the Nilagiri District, by H. B. Grigg, Madras, 1880. See also Thurston, Bull. i. 182.

[228] I am not clear on whom the expense of rebuilding and repairing a dairy would fall when the dairy is situated at a village occupied by one family only, and used exclusively for buffaloes which are the private property of that family.

[229] On p. 70 I have given an example of the ownership of sacred buffaloes in the Kars clan.

[230] Some patterns are given by Mr. Thurston, Bulletin, i. 1896, pl. xii.

[231] This is the fruit of one of the plants (Rubus lasiocarpus) of which the leaves are used in the ordination ceremonies of the dairymen of Taradr and Kanòdrs.

[232] Bulletin, vol. iv., p. 16.

[233] Ashk is one of the Toda words for rice, and the name of the food is therefore derived from this substance.

[234] It might have been expected that the part of the floor near the door used for the dairy operations would be the meilkuter, but it is not so. Meil also means ‘west’ and the explanation may be connected with this.

[235] See Crooke’s Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India, 1896, vol. ii pp. 187–191.

[236] In India the marks on the moon are frequently supposed to represent a hare.

[237] For another version of this story obtained by Mr. Thurston, see Bulletin, iv. p. 1.

[238] The game is described by Breeks and Thurston under the name of ilata, but this again is certainly not Toda.

[239] Bull. iv. p. 7.

[240] Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1837, vol. v. p. 155.

[241] A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, 2nd ed., London, 1875, p. 557.

[242] Outlines of the Tuḍa Grammar appended to Marshall’s Phrenologist among the Todas.

[243] London, 1868.

[244] Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1857, N.S., vol. i., p. 104.

[245] These sounds have usually been omitted in the Toda words as written in this book.

[246] For equivalents of these signs in English words see the Phonetic System at the beginning of the book.

[247] Mad, or more usually madth, is also the Toda word for churn, and this word is probably derived indirectly from the Sanscrit mantha.

[248] See story of Kwoto.

[249] The last syllable of the name Meilitars given to Kwoto is probably this word so that the name means ‘superior man.’

[250] This name also occurs in the story of Kwoten.

[251] Mopuvan is named after the hill Mopuvthut, which is mentioned in the legend of Puzi (193).

[252] It will be noticed that, in these two cases, the old names are those which occur in the genealogies. My informant probably remembered these better than the new names, which had been assumed only late in life.

[253] Mav is also the Toda word for sambhar.

[254] According to Harkness, “each burgher, hamlet, or village” gives about two quarts (p. 108), or (p. 135) half a bushel to the ti and half a bushel to the other Todas. According to Breeks (p. 9), the gudu is about one-tenth, one-eighth, or one-fifth of the gross produce.

[255] It is possible that the elucidation of this point might also help towards the explanation of the Badaga account of the Toda clans.

[256] P. 136.

[257] P. 4.

[258] According to Breeks, the Kotas who supply the Todas are known as muḷḷu Kotas.

[259] The Kotas are agriculturists as well as mechanics, and, according to Breeks, they are quite as efficient as the Badagas in this occupation. They also keep buffaloes, though chiefly or entirely for their own use.

[260] It is perhaps noteworthy that some of the Kurumbas of Malabar are still noted for their cleverness in collecting honey, and are known as Tên or honey Kurumbas (Fawcett, Bull. Madras Museum, iii, p. 9).

[261] By this I mean that there are now living thirty females who were born members of the Nòdrsol, but since a woman becomes a member of her husband’s clan, most of these are now members of other clans. I give the numbers of each clan in this form because it brings out several features of interest in relation to the relative fertility of different clans, the proportions of the sexes, &c.

[262] Pidrvan died soon after my visit.

[263] For the story how the Kuudr people came to lose the right of providing the palol for the Nòdrs ti, see p. 114.

[264] This was evidently a council consisting of the members of the clan only.

[265] There is also a place called Devali in the Wainad which may possibly be connected in some way with the Teivaliol.

[266] Grigg (Manual, p. 187) derives the word from tasan, a servant. S or sh is sometimes inserted into the word Tartharol, but it is purely euphonic, and I do not think that this derivation is at all probable.

[267] Proc. Camb. Philos. Soc., 1904, vol. xii, p. 481.

[268] I neglect the first generation on account of the small number of families for which there are data.

[269] Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, London, 1896.

[270] Cf. Crooke, loc. cit., vol. ii. pp. 187–191.

[271] Dalton, Trans. Ethnol. Soc., London, N.S., 1868, vol. vi, p. 37.

[272] Fawcett, Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, 1888, vol. i. p. 249.

[273] Loc. cit.

[274] Cain, Ind. Antiq., 1876, vol. v, p. 357.

[275] Kearns, Tribes of South India, p. 51.

[276] The Hindu at Home, Madras, p. 234.

[277] IV. 240.

[278] Crooke, loc. cit., vol. i. p. 269.

[279] Logan’s Malabar Manual, vol. i. p. 141.

[280] See Malabar Marriage Commission and Wigram’s Malabar Law and Custom, 2nd ed., Madras, 1900.

[281] Census of India, 1901, vol. i., Eth. App., p. 136.

[282] Ibid., p. 142.

[283] Madras Gov. Museum Bull., iii. p. 247.

[284] Ibid., p. 70.

[285] Ibid., p. 61. See also Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies, Oxford, 1899, p. 17.

[286] Madras Museum Bull., iii. p. 242.

[287] Cf. Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South-Indian Family of Languages, 2nd ed., London, 1875, p. 23.

[288] It is perhaps worth noting that at present only Teivali diviners are reputed to speak Malayalam.

[289] Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, 1889, vol. i. p. 535.

[290] Mysore Census Report, 1901, Pt. i. p. 521.

[291] Histoire générale des Races Humaines, Paris, 1889, Introduction, p. 469.

[292] Ethnology, Cambridge, 1896, p. 418.

[293] The Races of Man, London, 1900, p. 412.

[294] In a paper which I have only seen since the above was written (C. R. de la Soc. de Biol., 1905, t. lix, p. 123) M. Louis Lapicque has called attention to the resemblance between Todas and Nairs. He regards the Todas as pure or almost pure examples of one of the two races of which he believes the Dravidian population of India to be composed, the Nairs being more mixed with the negroid element, which forms the other component of the population according to M. Lapicque.

[295] It must also be borne in mind that the figures of the Nambutiris and those of some of the Todas are based on the measurement of twenty-five individuals only in each case.

[296] Some of these measurements are based on the examination of eighty-two men, others are derived from twenty-five men only.

[297] The relations existing between Nair women and Nambutiri men must have brought about an approximation of the two Malabar castes in physical characters, even if they were originally of different ethnical origin.

[298] It is worth noting that they practise male descent, while the Nairs follow the Marumakkattayam system of inheritance.

[299] I should much like to know the ratios between the lengths of different limb bones, such as those shown by the radio-humeral or tibio-femoral indices. The observations on the cubit and the distance from the middle finger to the patella suggest that considerable differences might be found between the Todas and the Malabar castes in these ratios, which do not seem to me to have yet received from the physical anthropologist the attention they deserve.

[300] It will be remembered that the Todas claim to have once possessed a spear which had belonged to their god, Kwoten.

[301] See p. 445.

[302] The argument will hold equally well if the Todas in their previous home had been accustomed to procure their pottery from others, but had when they reached the Nilgiris to rely solely on the Kotas for help in this direction.

[303] See p. 402.

[304] Loc. cit.

[305] Add. MS. 9853, pp. 464–5, MS. 25–26 vol. [Translation].

[306] Or Cattanar, a native priest of the Syrian Church.

[307] Add. MS. 9853, p. 479, MS. 40 vol. [Translation].

[308] In the translation given by Whitehouse the name of this priest is given as Ferreira.

[309] A member of the Errari or cowherd caste.

[310] ? Vaishya.

[311] Whitehouse suggests that this is Melur.

[312] I do not know the meaning of this. One caste of the Badagas is called Torya.

[313] Seventh?

[314] By the context this should be 100 buffalo cows.

[315] Evidently the wursol.