Chapter XLIV: Appendix: I (7)
[270] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1002, fol. 2-4.--Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 66; Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 233, n. 108, fol. 90, 97, 140, 181.
[271] MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen 218^{b}, p. 264.--Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 2, fol. 38.
[272] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1002.
[273] Ibidem, Leg. 1465, fol. 16.
[274] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1465, fol. 16.--MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218^{b}, p. 265.
[275] Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 544^{3} (Lib. 4).
[276] A Cunha, Q. XXIV.--De Sousa, Tract. II, cap. 16, 18, 21.
[277] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 6, 22, 23, 29.
There was more wholesome severity in Rome. In 1626 the Congregation of the Inquisition reserved to itself the designation of the penalty (Collect. Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 397--MS. _penes me_). Some ten years later Trimarchus (_op. cit._, pp. 302, 304) after enumerating the punishments decreed by Gregory, adds that in practice, if the culprit has only once solicited an ordinary woman, deprivation of confessing suffices; if two, repeatedly, add suspension of priestly functions and, for a regular, especially if there has been scandal, perpetual reclusion in a convent or, for a secular, perpetual service in a hospital. If the penitent solicited is a nun or the wife of a magnate, or there are many women and much popular scandal, degradation or the galleys.
Although Gregory included relaxation, Benedict XIV (De Synodo Dioecesana, Lib. IX, cap. vi, n. 7) says that in no case, however aggravated, can it be found that relaxation had been inflicted, and this is repeated by Fray Manuel de Nájera in his _Enchiridion canonico-morale de Confess._ p. 161 (Mexico, 1764).
[278] Bibl. national, MSS., V, 377, cap. xx.
[279] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 290, fol. 80.
[280] Ibidem, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 229, n. 32.
[281] Ibidem, Leg. 1.
[282] Proceso contra Fray Estevan Ramoneda (MSS. of Am. Phil. Society).
[283] Quia ex sola publica effusione seminis aut sanguinis humani ecclesia polluitur.--Clericati de Virtute Pænitentice Decisiones, p. 214 (Vinetiis, 1706).
[284] MSS. of Trinity College, Dublin, Class II, Vol. IV, pp. 63, 294.--Berardi, _op. cit._, p. 129.--Cf. Benedicti PP. XIV de Synodo Dioecesana, Lib. VI, cap. xi, n. &.
[285] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.
[286] Ibidem, T. XI.
[287] Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. XX, § 8.
[288] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 876, fol. 32.
[289] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 231, n. 70.
[290] MSS. of David Fergusson Esq.
[291] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 365, n. 45, fol. 4-12.
[292] MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218^{b}, p. 387.
[293] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 2, fol. 79.
[294] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1006.
[295] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 227, n. 10; Leg. 228, n. 28.
[296] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.
[297] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 5.
[298] Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. XXVIII, art. 1, n. 17.
[299] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.
[300] The Dominican Maestro Alvarado, in his heated defence of the Inquisition, in 1811, calls attention to the fact that, in its later period, its penitents were largely ecclesiastics, because firstly their theology exposed them to uttering compromising propositions; secondly, "porque solos los clérigos y frailes son los que confiesan y todos saben muy bien lo peligroso de este materia y los muchos que en él han naufragado."--Cartas del Filosofo Rancio, I, 316 (Madrid, 1824).
[301] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.
[302] These statistics are compiled from various registers, covering respectively portions of the period. There are some minor breaks, which would increase the aggregate somewhat, but not materially. See Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 233, n. 108; Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 66.--Archivo de Simancas, Libros 1002, 1003, 1004.
There is perhaps some interest in recording the respective responsibilities of the various classes and orders of the clergy for these delinquents, as follows:
Secular priests, canons etc 981 Franciscans, Conventual and Barefooted 552 Observantines 506 Capuchins 183 Recollects 56 Carmelites 355 Dominicans 288 Augustinians 156 Trinitarians 144 Mercenarians 131 Jesuits 92 Minims 69 Benedictines 35 Geronimites 30 San Pedro de Alcántara 29 Clérigos Menores 20 Congr. of San Filippo Neri 20 Bernardines (Cistercians) 20 Escuelas Pias 16 Basilians 16 S. Francisco de Asis 5 N. Señora de la Vitoria 5 Order of Santiago 4 Order of Calatrava 3 Theatins 3 Servites 3 Misioneros 2 Agonizantes 2 Hermits of St. Paul 2 San Juan 2 Premonstratensians 2 Ex-Jesuits 2 Carthusians 1 St. Ursula 1 San Diego 1 Not specified 38
The comparatively small number of Jesuits, who devoted themselves so greatly to the confessional, is partly explicable by the expulsion of the Society in 1767.
[303] Puigblanch, La Inquisicion sin Mascara, pp. 422-5 (Cádiz, 1811).
[304] Instruct. S. Inquis. Roman. 20 Feb. 1867 (Collect. Concil. Lacens. III, 353).--Berardi, _op. cit._
[305] A priest, who could speak from experience, concisely described, in 1820, the conditions produced by the system "En donde la doctrina infernal de la delacion tenia en una habitual consternacion á las familias y á los individuos que se correspondian con la mutua desconfianza que inspiraba el continuo recelo de encontrar en amigo, en el padre, en el hijo, en la esposa, un verdugo que armado con el puñal del fanatismo religioso contribuyese á los asesinatos naturales que solo Dios conosce y a los civiles que no son tan desconocidos."--P Antonio Bernabeu, España venturosa, p. xvi (Madrid, 1820).
[306] Theologians had a storehouse of epithets with which to characterize the various classes of propositions. A few of the more usual, with their significance, are given by Alberghini (Man. Qualificator. cap. xii, n. 1-18) as follows:--
_Heretical_--one which is contrary to Catholic truth.
_Erroneous_--that which does not directly contradict the faith, but some conclusion evidently deducible from the faith.
_Savoring of heresy_--not contradicting the faith by evident consequence, but by very probable and morally certain consequence.
_Ill-sounding_--that which has a double sense, one Catholic and the other heretic, but usually accepted in the latter.
_Rash_--that which is not governed by reason and lacks all authority.
_Scandalous or offensive to pious ears_--that which gives occasion to another to err, such as "heretics are to be tolerated and not to be slain."
_Schismatic or seditious_--tending to disrupt the unity of the Church.
_Impious_--contrary to Catholic piety.
_Insulting_--defamatory of some Christian profession or illustrious person.
_Blasphemous_--insulting to God.
Simancas (Enchirid., Tit. xxiv) gives a similar list. Dandino (De Suspectis de Hæresi, pp. 477-512) a more elaborate exposition. There was no limit, however, to the vituperative vocabulary of the Church. A choice collection of additional ones will be found in the bull _Auctorem fidei_ of Pius VI (1794), condemning the Jansenist Council of Pistoja.
[307] MS. Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 27, n. 10; Auto 37, n. 5 (See Appendix to Vol. I).
[308] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 112, n. 73.
[309] D. Manuel Serrano y Sanz (Revista de Archivos, Abril, 1902, pp. 260-80). This Alvaro de Montalvan was father-in-law of Francisco de Rojas, author of La Celestina, who was also a Converso.
[310] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Vistas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 9, 20.
The utterance of Clemenza Paresa seems to have been a popular saying. In 1572 Rodríguez Rúiz was penanced for it in the Canaries.--Ibidem, Canarias, Exp^{tes} de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. 3, fol. 8.
[311] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Canarias, Exp^{tes} de Visitas, Lib. 3, fol. 16-17.
[312] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 30.
[313] Rojas de Hæret. P. I, n. 2, 67, 96; P. II, n. 310-13.
[314] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 299, fol. 80.
[315] MSS. of the Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.
[316] Elucidationes S. Officii, § 36 (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 544^{2}, Lib. 4).
[317] C. Trident Sess. XXIV, De Statu Matrimonii, can. 10.--"Si quis dixerit statum conjugalem anteponendum esse statui virginitatis vel coelibatus et non esse melius ac beatius manere in virginitate aut coelibatu quam jungi matrimonio: anathema sit."
[318] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.
[319] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 299, fol. 80.
[320] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 926, fol. 25.
[321] Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. 2.
[322] S. Antonini Confessionale.
[323] Archivo de Simancas, Hacienda, Leg. 25, fol. 3.
[324] Ibidem, Inq., Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 264.
[325] Schäfer, Beiträge, II, 324.
[326] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 787.
[327] Ibidem, Lib. 82, fol. 228; Lib. 939, fol. 108; Lib. 942, fol. 38.--MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218^{b}, p. 168.
[328] Bibl. nacional, MSS., S, 121, fol. 54.--Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1157, fol. 155.
[329] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.
[330] Bibl. nacional, MSS., PV, 3, n. 20.--Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 99; Leg. 2, n. 10.
[331] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 342; Leg. 552, fol. 1.--MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218^{b}, p. 260.
[332] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 926, fol. 25; Lib. 1002.--Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.--MS. _penes me._
[333] Hurter, Nomenclator Theologiæ Catholicæ, I, 158.--Nic. Antonii Bibl nova, a.v. _Ludovicus de Leon._--Greg. Mayans y Siscar, Vida del M. Luis de Leon, n. 37.--Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, II, 87, 89 (Ed 1864).
There is considerable literature on the subject of Fray Luis's troubles with the Inquisition. The records of his first trial, omitting superfluities, occupy 925 pages in Vols. X and XI of the _Coleccion de Documentos inéditos_. His second trial has more recently seen the light, with an introduction by Padre Francisco Blanco García, Madrid, 1896. _Fray Luis de Leon. Eine Biographie aus der Geschichte der spanischen Inquisition u. Kirche_ (Halle, 1866) by Dr. C. A. Wilkens is an eloquent and sympathetic account of his career, while Dr. Fr. Heinrich Reusch's _Luis de Leon u. der spanische Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873) is a scholarly investigation of the case, in so far as documents accessible at the time would permit. The Lic. Arango y Escandon has contributed the _Proceso del P. M. Luis de Leon_ (Mexico, 1856, revised and enlarged in 1866), in which he justifies both the Inquisition and the sufferer. The latest contribution to the subject, based on additional documents, is by the Dominican Fray Luis G. Alonso Getino, in the _Revista de Archivos_ (1903-4) in justification of the Inquisition. Padre Blanco has also written an _Estúdio biográfico-critico de Fr. Luis de Leon_, which I have not had an opportunity of consulting. The old rivalry between Dominicans and Augustinians seems to be still alive.
[334] Azpilcueta Comment. Cap. _Si quis autem_, n. 44-47.--Coleccion de Documentos, X, 193; XI, 276.
[335] Coleccion, X, 261; XI, 256, 259.
[336] C. Trident. Sess. IV, De Edit. et Usu SS. Libb.
[337] Coleccion, X, 115, 129.
[338] Ibidem, X, 102, sqq.
[339] Coleccion, X, 96-110.
[340] Ibidem, X, 179.
[341] Ibidem, X, 206-8.
[342] Coleccion, X, 249; XI, 255-84.
[343] There is no record of this in the process, but Fray Luis refers to it repeatedly both to the tribunal and to the Suprema, and there is no disclaimer.--Coleccion, XI, 48, 190, 196.
[344] Coleccion, X, 562-7; XI, 7-18, 21-128.
[345] Ibidem, XI, 164-86.
[346] Coleccion, XI, 187-253.
[347] Ibidem, XI, 351-3.
[348] Coleccion, XI, 353-8.--Fray Luis attributed this unexpected mercy to the influence of Inquisitor-general Quiroga, to whom, in 1580, he dedicated his Exposition of the XXVI Psalm, with warm expressions of gratitude.--García, Segundo Proceso, p. 17.
[349] Coleccion, XI, 147.
[350] Coleccion, XI, 50, 52.
[351] Ibidem, XI, 188, 193-4.
[352] Ibidem, XI, 196-8.
[353] Reusch, 113-14.--Arango y Escandon, p. 91.--Padre Alonso Getino (Revista de Archivos, Agosto-Sept., 1903) promises to give us an account of the trial of Martínez who was obliged to abjure _de levi_ (Menéndez y Pelayo, II, 693).
Leon de Castro varied his persecution of Luis de Leon, Grajal and Martínez, by attacking the great Biblia Regia, which Arias Montano, the most learned Spaniard of the age, edited at the instance and with the support of Philip II. After its appearance with the approbation of the Holy See, de Castro, in 1575, in his zeal for the Vulgate, filled Spain, Flanders and Italy with denunciations of it and its editor. Montano, who was in Flanders, hastened to Spain by way of Italy to defend himself, but, finding much agitation on the subject in Rome, tarried there and wrote to Quiroga to protect him--an appeal which he repeated in 1579. He was not prosecuted, but the Inquisition fell foul of his biblical commentaries and placed on the Index a long list of expurgations, besides condemning some of his propositions--fortunately for him long after his death.--Coleccion de Documentos, XLI, 316, 321, 328, 387.--Index of Zapata, 1632, pp. 86-89.
[354] García, Segundo Proceso, pp. 20-23, 29-30.
[355] Ibidem, pp. 20-1, 26-7, 44.
[356] García, pp. 28-35.
[357] Ibidem, pp. 52-4.
[358] Ibidem, p. 53.
[359] The existing records of the trials of Sánchez are printed in Vol. II of the "Coleccion de Documentos inéditos."
The only one of his works which I have had an opportunity of examining is his "Minerva" (Salmanticæ, 1587), which sufficiently illustrates his capacity of enlivening the details of etymology and syntax with his caustic assertion of superior knowledge.
[360] Coleccion, II, 1-37.
[361] Ibidem, II, 40-45.
[362] Coleccion, II, 40-58.
[363] Coleccion, II, 57-88.
[364] Ibidem, II, 89-109.
[365] Coleccion, II, 109-26.
[366] Ibidem, II, 127-8.
[367] Ibidem, II 130-5.
[368] Coleccion, II, 136-65.
[369] Proceso contra Fray Joseph de Sigüenza (MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. IV).
[370] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 1.
[371] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.
[372] Modo de Proceder, fol. 67 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).
[373] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq., Leg. 1.
[374] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 45, fol. 13-33.
[375] MSS. of Am. Philosophical Society.
[376] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[377] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[378] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890; Lib. 435^{2}.
[379] Ibidem, Lib. 890.
[380] Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib. VI, n. 75.--José Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, XVII, 388).
[381] Flores de las Leyes (Memorial hist. español, II, 243).
[382] Partidas, P. VII, Tit. ix, ley 17; Tit. xxiii, leyes 1, 2, 3.
[383] Amador de los Rios, _op. cit._, XVII, 382, 384-5.
[384] Ibidem, XVIII, 14.
[385] Flores, España Sagrada, XLIX, 188, 504.
[386] Astesani de Ast Summa de Casibus Conscientiæ, P. I, Lib. i, Tit. 14.
[387] Raynald. Annal, ann. 1317, n. 52-4; ann. 1318, n. 57; ann. 1320, n. 51; ann. 1327, n. 43.--Bullar. Roman. I, 204.--Ripoll, Bullar. Ord. Prædic. II, 192.
[388] Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iv, 2.
[389] Ibidem, VIII, i, 9.
[390] Novis. Recop. Lib. XII, Tit. iv, ley 2.
[391] Tratados de Legislacion Muhamedana, pp. 143, 251 (Mem. hist. español, Tom. V).--Bleda, Corónica, p. 1025.
[392] Villanueva, Viage Literario, XX, 190.--Eymerici Director, p. 202 (Ed. Venet. 1607).
[393] Pulgar, Cronica, P. II, cap. iv.
[394] Nueva Recop., Lib. VIII, Tit. iii, ley 7.
[395] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 3, fol. 156, 158, 170, 186; Lib. 927, fol. 446.
The parties in this case were doubtless García de Gorualan and Martin de Sória relaxed in person, and Miguel Sánchez de Romeral in effigy, as _hérejes sortilegos_, June 16, 1511, at Saragossa.--Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 576, 581, 582). Prior to this several women had been burnt as witches, as we shall see hereafter.
[396] Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib. I, Tit. viii, cap. i, § 34; cap. 2.
[397] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 918, fol. 382.
[398] Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, pp. 575, 582).
[399] Llorente, Hist. crít. cap. XV, Art. 1, n. 21.
[400] Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P. I, cap. i, n. 14.
This book is the Spanish classic on the subject. Maestro Pedro Ciruelo served as inquisitor in Saragossa for thirty years and was professor at Alcalá. His work appeared in Salamanca, in 1539, where it was reprinted in 1540 and 1556 and again in Barcelona in 1628, with notes by the learned Doctor Pedro Antonio Jofreu, at the instance of Miguel Santos, Bishop of Solsona.
[401] Raynald. Annal., ann. 1258, n. 23.--Potthast, Regesta, n. 17,745, 18,396.--Lib. V in Sexto, Tit. ii, c. 8 § 4.
[402] D'Argentré, Collect. judic. de novis Erroribus, I, II, 154.
[403] Bernardi Basin Tract. de Artibus magicis, Concl. I-X.
[404] Repertor. Inquisit. s. v. _Sapere hæresim_ post v. _Hæresiarcha_--Pegnæ Comment. LXVII in Eymerici Director. P. II.
[405] Ripoll, Bullar. Ord. Prædic., III, 301.--Cf. Alph. de Castro de justa Hæreticor. Punitione, Lib. I, cap. 13.
[406] Simancæ de Cath. Institt., Tit. XXX, n. 20, 21; Tit. LXIII, n. 12.--Cf. Alphons. de Castro, _loc. cit._, cap. 14, 15.
[407] Bibl. pública de Toledo, Sala 5, Estante 11, Tab. 3.--Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.
[408] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 726.
[409] Bibl. nacional, MSS., PV, 3, n. 20.
[410] MSS. of Library of Univ of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.--Catálogo de las causas seguidas ante el tribunal de Toledo, pp. 84, 326 (Madrid, 1903).
Mendo tells us (Epitome Opinionum Moralium, Append. de Matrimonio, n. 4) of similar cases in which the unfortunates were burnt.
[411] Torreblanca, Epitome Delictorum sive de Magia, Lib. II, cap. ix.
The first edition of this work appeared in Seville, in 1618. My copy is of Lyons, 1678.
[412] Th. Sanchez in Præcepta Decalogi Lib. II, cap. xl, n. 13.
[413] Pegnæ Append. in Eymerici Director., p. 142.
[414] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. IV, fol. 118, 124, 137; Lib. V, _passim_.--Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 629.
The clause reads--"necnon de hæresi seu apostasia de fide suspectos, sortilegia manifestam hæresim sapientia, divinationes et incantationes aliaque diabolica maleficia et prestigia committentes, aut magicas et necromanticas artes exercentes, illorumque credentes, sequaces, defensores, fautores et receptatores.... per te vel alium seu alios prout juris fuerit inquirendi, procedendi et exequi seu inquiri, procedi et exequi faciendi."
[415] Torreblanca, Lib. III, cap. ix, Append.; Defensa, cap. ii, p. 536.--Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 299, fol. 80.
The bull, however, was not received in Valencia until 1616.--Ibidem, Leg. 6, n. 2, fol. 56.
[416] Torreblanca, cap. IX, n. 25-26.
[417] Nueva Recop., Lib. VIII, Tit. iii, ley 8.--Novís. Recop., Lib. XII, Tit. V, ley 2.
[418] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.
[419] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 37.
[420] Ibidem, Lib. 52, fol. 48.
[421] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 14-15.
[422] Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P. II, Cap. iii.
[423] De Cath. Institt. Tit. XXI, n. 9; Tit. LXIII, n. 7.
[424] Reusch, Die Indices, pp. 217, 225, 227, 236, 239.--The two prohibited books are _Arcandam de nativitatibus seu fatalis dies_ and _Johannes Schonerus de nativitatibus_.
[425] Córtes de Cordova del año de setenta, Peticion 71 (Alcalá, 1575).
[426] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1157, fol. 17-20.
[427] Index of Quiroga, Rule IX (Madriti, 1583, fol. 4).
[428] Zanctornato, Relatione della Corte di Spagna, pp. 6, 7 (Cosmopoli, 1678).
[429] Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xiv, § 1.
[430] Ibidem, D, 118, p. 148.
[431] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.
[432] Ibidem, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.--Cf. Bedæ Opera, Ed. Migne, I, 963-66.
[433] Praxis procedendi, cap. xviii, n. 3 (Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia).--Bibl. nacional, MSS., S, 294, fol. 116.
[434] Proceso contra Isabel de Montoya (MS. _penes me_).
[435] Praxis procedendi, cap. VIII, n. 5 (Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia).
[436] MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218^{b}, p. 382.
[437] Matute y Luquin, pp. 84-105.
[438] Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.
[439] Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P. I, cap. ii; P. II, cap. i; P. III, cap. v.
[440] Epitome Delictorum, Lib. III, cap. i, n. 1-6.
[441] Miguel Calvo (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 544^{2}, Lib. 4).--Elucidationes Sancti Officii, §§ 40, 43 (Ibidem).
[442] Archivo hist. nacional., Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 7, fol. 4, 7;n. 10, fol. 10-13.
[443] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 11, 13.
[444] Ibidem, fol. 26, 28, 29.
[445] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 2.
[446] MSS. of Bibl. nacional de Lima.
[447] MSS. of David Fergusson Esq.
[448] Regimento do Santo Officio da Inquisição pelo Cardeal da Cunha, pp. 118-20, 123-7.
[449] Llorente, Anales, II, 270.
[450] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[451] Proceso contra Rosa Conejos (MS. _penes me_).
[452] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.
[453] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq., de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[454] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890; Lib. 559.
[455] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.--Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.
[456] Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.--Matute y Luquin, pp. 278-92.
[457] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[458] Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, XVIII, 338-40). See also Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I, 237.
[459] P. Ricardo Cappa, La Inquisicion española, p. 242 (Madrid, 1888).
Father Cappa only enunciates the belief still taught by the Church. See S. Alph. Liguori, _Theol. Moralis_, Lib. III, Dub. V, and Marc, _Institutiones Morales Alphonsianæ_, I, 396-7 (Romæ, 1893).
[460] The earliest appearance of the Sabbat in inquisitorial records would seem to be in some trials, between 1330 and 1340 in Carcassonne and Toulouse, where it connects itself curiously with remnants of the Dualism of the Cathari.--Hansen, Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, p. 315 (München, 1900).
[461] Raynald. Annal., ann. 1437, n. 27; ann. 1457, n. 90; ann. 1459, n. 30.--Ripoll, Bullar. Ord. Prædic. III, 193.--Bullar. Roman. I, 429.--Septimi Decretal, Lib. V, Tit. xii, cap. 1, 3, 6.--Bart. Spinæi de Strigibus, p. 14(Romæ, 1576).
[462] Frag. Capitular. cap. 13 (Baluze, II, 365).--Reginon. de Eccles. Discip. II, 364.--Burchard. Decret. XI, i; XIX, 5.--Ivon. Decret., XI, 30.--Gratian. Decret. II, XXVI, V, 12.
[463] S. Antonini Confessionale.--Angeli de Clavasio Summa Angelica, s. v. _Interrogationes_.--Bart. de Chaimis Interrogatorium, fol. 22 (Venetiis, 1480).
[464] Hansen, Quellen und Untersuchungen, zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter, pp. 105-9 (Bonn, 1901).
[465] Fortalicium Fidei, Lib. V, Consid. X.--Hansen, _op. cit._, pp. 113-17.
[466] Martini de Arles, Tractatus de Superstitionibus, pp. 362-5, 413-15 (Francofurti ad Moenam, 1581).
Hansen (_op. cit._, p. 308) says that Martin of Aries is known only through this tract, of which the first edition is of 1517. Martin cites no authority later than John Nider, who died in 1438, and makes no allusion to the Inquisition, which he could scarce have failed to do had it been in existence when he wrote. His work may probably be assigned to the third quarter of the fifteenth century.
[467] Bernardi Basin, Tract. de Magicis Artibus, Prop. IX.
[468] Repert, Inquisitor, s. v. _Xorguinæ_.
[469] Alonso de Spina, however (_loc. cit._), knows of no gatherings at the Sabbat nearer than Dauphiny and Gascony, and these he learned from paintings of them in the Inquisition at Toulouse, which had burnt many of those concerned.
[470] Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 573-6, 581-3).
[471] Llorente, Añales, I, 340; Hist. crít., cap. XXXVII, art. ii, n. 41.
[472] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 72, P. I, fol. 120; P. II, fol. 50.
[473] Arn. Albertini de agnoscendis Assertionibus, Q. XXIV, n. 13 (Romæ, 1572, fol. 114).
[474] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 73, fol. 215.
[475] MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.
[476] For the inhuman methods employed to secure confession and conviction, on the flimsiest evidence, see the very instructive essay "The Fate of Dietrich Flade" by Professor George Burr (New York, 1891), reprinted from the Transactions of the American Historical Association.
[477] Mallei Malificar, P. I, Q. xiv; P. II, Q. i, C. 3, 16.--Prieriat. de Strigimagarum Lib. III, cap. 3.
The rule that the heretic or apostate who confessed and recanted was to be admitted to reconciliation was at the bottom of the anxiety of the secular magistrates to maintain their jurisdiction over witchcraft, and the relations between them and the Inquisition were the subject of much debate. Arn. Albertino argues that the Inquisition can make no distinction between witches who have and who have not committed murder; they must all be reconciled, but can again be accused of homicide before a competent judge; yet the inquisitor, to escape irregularity, must not transmit to the secular court the confessions and evidence, nor must he, in the sentences, mention these crimes, as that would be setting the judge on the track.--De agnosc. Assertionibus, Q. XXIV, n. 28, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 75.
[478] MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.--Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 78, fol. 216.
[479] Bibl. national, MSS., II, 88.--MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.
This document may safely be assumed as the source from which Prudencio de Sandoval, himself Bishop of Pampeluna and historiographer of Charles V, drew his account of the persecution of 1527 (Hist. del Emp. Carlos V, Lib. XVI, § 15) copied by Llorente (Hist. crít., cap. XV, art. 1, n. 6-9).
[480] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 76, fol. 51, 53.
There seems to have been a somewhat earlier persecution of the witches of Biscay by Fray Juan de Zumarraga, a native of Durango. At the suggestion of Charles V, who greatly admired him, he was sent there for that purpose as commissioner of the Inquisition, being specially qualified by his knowledge of the language. After discharging this duty with much ability, Charles, in 1528, sent him to Mexico as its first bishop. He took with him Fray Andrés de Olmos, who had been his assistant in Biscay. In 1548, at the age of 80 he died in the odor of sanctity and his death was miraculously known the same day over all Mexico.--Mendieta, Hist. ecles. Indiana, pp. 629, 636, 644 (Mexico, 1870)
[481] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 108.
[482] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 76, fol. 369.
[483] Ibidem, fol. 388.
[484] Arn. Albertini de agnosc. Assertionibus, Q. XXIV.--Alph. de Castro de justa hæreticor. Punitione, Lib. I, cap. xvi.
[485] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 78, fol. 144.
[486] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 191-5.
[487] Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 215-17, 226, 258.
[488] Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P. I, cap. ii, n. 6; P. II, cap. i, n. 5-7.
[489] De Cath. Institt., Tit. XXXVII, n. 6-12.
On the other hand Azpilcueta adheres to the theory of illusion and asserts it to be a mortal sin to believe that witches are transported to the Sabbat.--Manuale Confessariorum, cap. XI, n. 38.
Cardinal Toletus asserts the bodily transport of witches and all the horrors of the Sabbat, but adds that sometimes it is imaginary. Demons have power to introduce witches into houses through closed doors, where they slay infants.--Summæ Casuum Conscientiæ, Lib. IV, cap. XV.
[490] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.--This case is not unexampled. In 1686, Sor Teresa Gabriel de Vargas, a Bernardine Recollect, charged herself with the same crime before the Madrid tribunal, but, as she added the denial of the power of God, she was reconciled for the heresy.--Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1024, fol. 31.
Even more significant is the case of Sor Rosa de San Joseph Barrios, a Clare of the convent of San Diego, Garachico, Canaries, a woman of 25 who, in July 1773, in sacramental confession to Fray Nicolás Peraza, related how, through desire to gratify her lust, she had given herself to Satan, in a writing which disappeared from her hand, and at his command had renounced God and the Virgin and had treated the consecrated host and a crucifix with the foulest indignities. In reward for this during four years he had served her as an incubus, coming at her call about twice a month. Fray Peraza applied to the tribunal for a commission to absolve her which was granted and, on August 15th, he reported having done so, with fuller details as to her apostasy. The tribunal then decided that he had exceeded his powers; it evidently did not regard the case as hallucination for it required her to be formally reconciled and prescribed a course of life-long spiritual penance, which she gratefully accepted. An incident not readily explicable is that the bishop deprived Fray Peraza of the faculty of hearing confessions.--Birch, Catalogue of MSS. of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands, I, p. 21; II, pp. 922-30.
[491] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 927, fol. 462.
[492] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 79, fol. 226; Inq. de Logroño, Procesos de fe, Leg. 1, n. 8; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 221.
[493] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Leg. único, fol. 86, 87; Inq., Lib. 83, fol. 7.
[494] Ibidem, Lib. 83, fol. 1.
[495] MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.--Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 111, fol. 127.--See Appendix.
[496] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 5.
[497] Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.
[498] Ibidem, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8; Lib. 19, fol. 85.
[499] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 19, fol. 85.
[500] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 564, fol. 341, 343.
[501] A narrative, not an official report, of this auto was printed in Logroño in 1611, a copy of which is in the Bibl. nacional, D, 118, p. 271. It was reprinted in Cádiz in 1812 and again in Madrid, in 1820, with notes by Moratin el hijo under the pseudonym of the Bachiller Gines de Posadilla (Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 281). There is another abstract of the auto, compiled from various relations by Pedro of Valencia, in the MSS. of the Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A, Subt. 10.
Pierre de Lancre of Bordeaux, in his contemporary book on witchcraft, assumes that the outbreak in Navarre was caused by the flight of witches from the Pays de Labour, which he and his colleague had purified with merciless severity. He comments on the difference shown, in the auto of Logroño, between inquisitorial practice in Spain, where the offence was treated as spiritual and those who confessed and professed repentance were admitted to reconciliation, and that of France where it was a crime and those who confessed were burnt by the secular authorities.--Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l'Inconstance des mauvais Angels et Demons, pp. 391, 561-2 (Paris, 1613).
[502] Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.
[503] This discourse was not printed but was circulated in MS. Nicholas Antonio had two copies (Bib. nova, II, 244). There is one in the Simancas archives, Lib. 939, fol. 608, and another in the Bodleian Library. Arch Seld. A, Subt. 10.
[504] The most prolific source of evidence against individuals was that obtained by requiring those who confessed to enumerate the persons whom they had seen in the aquelarres. This explains the enormous numbers of the accused during epidemics of the witchcraft craze. The value of such evidence was a disputed question, as it was argued that the demon frequently caused deception by making spectres appear in the guise of absent persons.
[505] Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.
In the Royal Library of Copenhagen (MS. 218^{b}, p. 379) there is a printed four-page set of instructions to commissioners on receiving confession and testimony as to witchcraft. It is in conformity with the above, but goes into much detail as to the interrogatories to be put, after carefully writing down the confession or deposition--a kind of cross-examination evidently suggestive of complete incredulity. It is without date, but the typography seems to be that of the seventeenth century.
[506] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 30, fol. 1.
[507] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol 1.
[508] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 26, 28.
[509] Epitome Delictorum, Lib. II, cap. xxviii, xxxix, xl; Lib. III, cap. xiii.
[510] Ibidem, Defensa, p. 517; cap. ii, n. 4, 7.
[511] Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, pp. 251-63 (Ed. 1628).
[512] Manuale Qualificatorum, cap. xviii, Sect 3, § 9.
[513] Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xiii, §§ 1, 2.
[514] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.
[515] Elucidationes S. Officii, § 42 (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 544^{2}, Lib. 4).
[516] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552.
[517] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.--Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.
[518] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 390.
[519] Ibidem, Leg. 365, n. 45, fol. 34.
[520] Ibidem, Leg. 100.
It is asserted by some writers that a woman was burnt as a witch at Seville in 1780, but this is an erroneous reference to María de Dolores, relaxed there in 1780 for Molinism (_supra_, p. 89).
[521] Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 493.
[522] The sentence is printed by Frère Michaelis, at the end of his _Pneumatologie_ (Paris, 1587).
[523] Ragguaglio su la Sentenza di Morte in Salesburgo, p. 173(Venezia, 1751).
[524] Collect. Decret. S. Congr. S^{ti} Inquisit., p. 333 (MS. _penes me_).--Decret. S. Congr. S. Inquisit. pp. 385-88 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Officio, Vol. 3).
The inquisitor of Milan took no part in the trials of those accused of causing and spreading the terrible pestilence of 1630, by the use of unguents and powders furnished by the demon. His only act was to return a negative answer to the question whether it was licit to employ diabolic arts to save the city. The reckless prosecutions and savage punishments were wholly the work of the civil magistracy.--Processo originale degli Untori (Milano, 1839).
The pestilence did not extend to Spain, but the panic did, leading to the most extravagant precautions against all foreigners.--MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A, Subt. 11.
[525] Decret. S. Congr. S. Inquis., _ubi sup._
[526] Decret. S. Congr. S. Inquis., _ubi sup._
[527] Gregor. PP. XV, Const. _Omnipotentis Dei_, 20 Mart. 1623 (Bullar. Roman., III, 498).
Urban VIII was equally savage in 1631, in ordering relaxation for any one who should consult diviners or astrologers about the state of the Christian Republic, or the life of the pope or of any of his kindred to the third degree (Bullar. IV, 184).
It was probably under this that the Inquisition, in 1634, relaxed Giacinto Centini and two of his accomplices and condemned four others to the galleys. He was nephew of the Cardinal of Ascoli, and procured from a diviner a forecast that Urban would die in a few years and would be succeeded by his uncle. To hasten accomplishment, figurines of wax were made representing Urban and were melted. Centini, as a noble, was beheaded and his two most guilty accomplices were hanged, before being burnt.--Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 29, fol. 104-18.
[528] Instructio pro formandis processibus in causis Strygum, cum Carenæ Annotationibus (Carenæ Tract. de Off. SS. Inquisit., Lugduni, 1669, pp. 487 sqq). Carena's comments show how differently these cases were treated in Italy from the practice beyond the Alps.
See also Masini's rule forbidding action on the denunciation of those seen in the Sabbat.--Sacro Arsenale, Decima Parte, n. 141.
[529] Ristretto circa li Delitti più frequenti nel S. Offizio, pp. 57-9 (MS. _penes me_).
[530] Casus Conscientiæ Benedicti XIV, Dec. 1743, Cas. iii (Ferrariæ, 1764, p. 155).--De Servorum Dei Beatificatione, Lib. IV, P. i, cap. 3, n. 3.
[531] S. Alphonsi Liguori Theol. Moralis, Lib. III, n. 26.
[532] Nic. Remigii Demonolatreiæ Libri Tres. Colon. Agrip. 1596.
[533] G. Plitt Henke in Realencyclopädie, VI, 97.
[534] Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l'inconstance des mauvais Anges, pp. 114, 119 (Paris, 1613).
De Lancre was a learned conseiller of the Parlement of Bordeaux and his colleague on the commission was the President d' Espaignet. It is instructive to observe that while he was drawing up his terrific relation of the manner in which they had intensified the witchcraft craze, until the churches at night would be filled with children brought there by their mothers to prevent their being carried off to the aquellares (p. 193), Inquisitor Salazar, on the other side of the Pyrenees, was extinguishing it by simple rational treatment.
[535] Rogers, Scotland, Social and Domestic, p. 302. (London, 1869).
[536] Commentaries, IV, 60 (Oxford, 1775).
[537] Lettres à un Gentilhomme Russe, Let. I.--"L'Inquisition est un instrument purement royal; it est tout entier en la main du roi, et jamais il ne peut nuire que par la faute des ministres du prince."
[538] "Sie ist kein kirchliches, sondern ein Staats institut, theilweise mit kirchlichen Formen." (Gams, Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, Buch XIII, Kap. 1, § 3.) "Das neue Herrscherpaar ... gestaltete die Inquisition zu einem wichtigen Staatsinstitut." (Hergenrother, Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte, II, 765. Freiburg, 1885).
[539] Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, XVIII, p. 265 (Tübingen, 1851).
The most recent apologist, who assures us that the Church never used other than moral force, displays his accuracy by telling us that, in 1521, Leo X excommunicated Torquemada on account of his cruelty, against the protests of Charles V, and also that in England Henry VIII executed 70,000 victims and Queen Elizabeth 43,000.--G. Romain, L'Inquisition, son rôle religieux, politique et social, pp. 10, 11, 2^{e} Edition, Paris, 1900.
[540] Ranke, Die Osmanen und die Spanische Monarchie, pp. 195-8 (Leipzig, 1877).--Maurenbrecher, Geschichte der Katholischen Reformation, I, 45 (Nördlingen, 1880).
[541] Rodrigo, Historia verdadera, I, 264; II, 87; III, 363.--Ortí y Lara, La Inquisicion, p. 2 (Madrid, 1877).--Cappa, S. J., La Inquisicion española, p. 28 (Madrid, 1888).--Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 584.
[542] Llorente, Añales, II, 209, 229.--Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib. I, cap. 27.
[543] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 43, fol. 297.--Críticos Documentos que sirven como de segunda Parte al Proceso de Fr. Froilan Diaz, pp. 7-8 (Madrid, 1788).
[544] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 270.
At the same time there is no doubt that contemporary statesmen, disposed to regard with cynical incredulity the fervor of Philip's fanaticism, were apt to look upon the Inquisition as an artful instrumentality to keep the people in subjection. See the remarks of Giovanni Soranzo in Vol. I, p. 442.
[545] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1.
[546] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1; Lib. 2, fol. 4.
[547] Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. XXVII, art. iii.
[548] Danvila y Collado, La Germanía de Valencia, pp. 178, 492.
[549] Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. XXVII, art. iv, n. 5-10.
[550] Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 279.--Miscelanea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, XI, 244).
[551] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 19, fol. 48.
[552] Few episodes in Spanish history have been more exhaustively investigated than the career of Antonio Pérez and its consequences. Ample materials for its elucidation exist in the Spanish archives, in the Llorente collections preserved in the Bibliothèque nationale of France, at The Hague and in the British Museum, and these have been industriously utilized by modern writers. The contemporary sources are--
Las Obras y Relaciones de Antonio Pérez, Paris, 1654.
Proceso criminel que se fulminó contra Antonio Pérez, Madrid, 1788.
Argensola, Informacion de los sucesos del Reino de Aragon en los años de 1590 y 1591. Madrid, 1808.
Coleccion de Documentos inéditos, Vols. XII, XV, LVI.
Giambattista Confalonieri, in Spicilegio Vaticano, Vol. I, P. II, pp. 226 sqq.
Tommaso Contarini, in Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 401.
Cabrera, Historia de Felipe II, T. II, pp. 448, 540; T. III, pp. 529 sqq (Ed. 1876-77).
Lanuza, Historias eclesiasticas y seculares de Aragon, T. II, Lib. II, III. (Zaragoza, 1622).
The principal modern authorities are--
Llorente, Historia crítica, cap. XXXV, XXXVI.
Mignet, Antonio Pérez et Philippe II, Paris, 1854.
Pidal, Historia de las Alteraciones de Aragon en el Reinado de Felipe II, 3 vols, Madrid, 1862-3.
Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli, Madrid, 1877.
Philippson (Ein Ministerium unter Philipp II, Berlin, 1895) and Major Hume (Españoles é Ingleses, Madrid, 1903) give interesting details as to the earlier events.
[553] Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 485.
The assertion of the co-operation of the Inquisition and the Royal Council, which were habitually antagonistic, shows how little the envoy knew of the inner working of Spanish administration.
[554] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.
[555] Vida y Escritos del P. Juan de Mariana, pp. lxix-lxxviii (Historia de España, Valencia, 1783, T. I).--Alegambe, Scriptt. Soc. Jesu, p. 258.--De Backer, V, 518.
The "Tratado y Discurso sobre la Moneda de Vellon" of course was suppressed and became scarce. My copy is in MS., transcribed in 1799.
Mariana did not conceal from himself the danger to be incurred. In his address to the Reader he says--"Bien veo que algunos me tendrian por atrevido, otros por inconsiderado, pues no advierto el riesgo que corro."
[556] Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9.--Libro XIII de Cartas, fol. 195 (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).
[557] Llorente, Hist. crítica, cap. XXXVIII, n. 17, 19.
[558] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 153.
[559] Bibl. nacional, MSS., H, 177, fol. 251.
[560] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 56, fol. 605.
[561] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 383.
[562] Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 130.
[563] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[564] Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 496.
[565] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.
[566] MS. penes me.
[567] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.
[568] Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, p. 49 (Sevilla, 1849).
[569] Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, I, 450.--Nueva Recop., Lib. VI, Tit. xviii, ley 12.
[570] Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib. II, cap. xli.
[571] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 79, fol. 75.
[572] Fueros y Observancias del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 215. Cf. fol. 194 (Zaragoza, 1624).
[573] Lib. V in Sexto, Tit. vi, cap. 6.--Digard, Registres de Boniface VIII, n. 2354.--Bullar. Roman. I, 507, 718; II, 496.
[574] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 16, fol. 272.--Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 82, fol. 130; Lib. 939, fol. 115.
[575] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 83, fol. 26.
[576] Argensola, op. cit., p. 199.
[577] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 8.
[578] Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xxv, xxvi.
[579] Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, T. 85, fol. 7.
[580] Libro XIII de Cartas (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).
[581] MSS. of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218^{b}, p. 259.--Novís. Recop., Lib. IX, Tit. xii, ley 11.
[582] Urbani PP. VIII Bull. _In eminenti_, 6 Mart. 1641.--Innocent PP X. Bull. _Cum occasione_, 31 Maii, 1653 (Bullar. V, 369, 486).
A precursor of Jansen was Michel de Bay or Baius, a theologian of Louvain, whose seventy-nine propositions were condemned by Pius V and Gregory XIII and were publicly abjured by him before the University, May 24, 1580. His name does not occur in the Spanish Indexes before that of 1632, (p. 761) where he is spoken of as a man of high reputation who abandoned his errors.
[583] Letter of Benedict XIV to Inquisitor-general Prado y Cuesta (Semanário erúdito, XXX, 53).
[584] Indice de 1707, I, 19, 28, 231-2, 478.
[585] Nic. Anton. Biblioth. Vet. Lib. VI, cap. xi, n. 268.
[586] Memorial espagnol presenté á sa Majesté Catholique contre les pretendus Jansenistes du Pays-Bas, p. 45 (s. 1. 1699).
This is a memorial drawn up by Juan de Palazol, S. J., in the name and by order of Tirso González, the Jesuit General. To it I am indebted for the details that follow.
In January 1691 a congregation of the Flemish bishops addressed to the Roman Inquisition an urgent appeal for help in their struggle with the Jansenists, whose missionary and controversial efforts were incessant and successful. It illustrates the elusory character of the theological subtilties involved that the bishops sent, as a specially successful exposure of Jansenist devices, a little book under the name of Cornelis van Cranebergh, but Rome thought differently of it and condemned it by decree of March 19, 1692. Its real author was the Jesuit Jacques de la Fontaine, who was one of the most zealous champions against Jansenism.--Collectio Synodorum Archiep. Mechliniensis, I, 575.--Reusch, Der Index, II, 645.--De Backer, IV, 230.
[587] Le Tellier, Recueil des Bulles et Constitutions etc. p. 125 (Mons, 1697).
[588] These details are not without interest as indicating the causes which led to the establishment of the still existing schismatic see of Utrecht.
[589] Suplemento á el Indice, 1739, p. 36.--Manuel F. Miguélez, Jansenismo y Regalismo en España, pp. 98 sqq. (Valladolid, 1895). Fray Miguélez is an Augustinian, seeking to vindicate St. Augustin and his Order from Jesuit attacks. His work is based on inedited documentary material.
[590] Miguélez, _op. cit._, pp. 90-5.--Semanário erúdito, XXX, 53.
[591] Miguélez, _op. cit._--In connection with Padre Rábago it may be mentioned that, in 1747, when already royal confessor, he was denounced to the Santiago tribunal for solicitation, but escaped trial under the rule requiring two denunciations. Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 233, n. 108, fol. 60.
The Indice Ultimo of 1790 (p. 192) records the removal of Noris's books and prohibits all writings on both sides of the affair.
[592] Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 484.
[593] Jo. Nic. von Hontheim, De Statu Ecclesiæ et legitima Potestate Romani Pontificis. Bullioni, 1763.
[594] Miguélez, _op. cit._, pp. 274, 364, 366, 380.
[595] Rafael de Vélez, Apología del Altar y del Trono, I, 442 (Madrid, 1825).-Clément, Journal de Correspondances et de Voyages pour la Paix de l'Eglise, II, 31 (Paris, 1802).
Clément, then canon and treasurer of Auxerre, and subsequently Bishop of Versailles, was a self-appointed negotiator in 1768 to prevent the schism, which he thought was impending, and to unite all the courts in opposition to Ultramontanism. His candid self-complacency and belief in his own importance give a certain life to his otherwise formless account of his mission, while his dread lest the Inquisition should obtain knowledge of what he was doing shows how thoroughly it was on the Ultramontane side.
[596] Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 32.
[597] Muriel, Historia de Carlos IV (Mem. hist. español, XXXIV, 119).
[598] Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 245.
[599] Clément, II, 102.
[600] Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. xxix, art. iii, n. 1, 2; cap. XLIII, art. iii, n. 1.
[601] Clément, _op. cit._, II, 44, 83-5, 296-7.
[602] Ferrer del Rio, Historia de Carlos III, Lib. II, cap. ii, iv.
The trial of Dr. Benito Navarro, a Jesuit Tertiary, was printed at the time and indicates the participation of the Jesuits in the troubles, with the object of forcing the restoration to power of the Marquis of la Ensenada. Incidentally the evidence shows the enormous influence wielded by the Jesuits through having their creatures in governmental positions, where they could mislead and betray their superiors. To statesmen like Aranda, Campomanes, Roda and Floridablanca, the continued existence of the Jesuits in Spain was a manifest impossibility.
The documents connected with the expulsion are printed by Miraflores in his "Documentos á los qué se hace referencia en los apuntes historico-críticos sobre la Revolucion de España," II, 38-71 (Londres, 1834).
[603] Novís. Recop., Lib. viii, Tit. i-ix.--Carta de Josef Clíment, Obispo de Barcelona, 26 de Junio, 1767.
[604] MSS of Am. Philos. Society.
[605] Art de Vérifier les Dates depuis l'année 1770, III, 358. A subsequent decree of March 11, 1798, permitted the ex-Jesuits to live with their kindred or in convents, provided that this was not in any royal residence (Original _penes me_).
[606] Muriel, Hist. de Carlos IV, _loc. cit._--Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 34.--Vélez, Apología, I, 44-6.
Yet the _Acta et Decreta Synodi Dioecesance Pistoriensis anni 1786_, against which the bull _Auctorem fidei_ was directed, were not prohibited until March 18, 1801.--Suplemento al Indice Expurgatorio, p. 1 (Madrid, 1805).
On May 18, 1801, the Commissioners of the Canary tribunal at Orotava report to it that the edict has been duly read and affixed to the doors of the parish churches.--Birch, Catalogue of the MSS. of the Inq. in the Canary Islands, II, 1008.
[607] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 16.
[608] Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. XXV, n. 33, 34; cap. XXIX, art. iii, n. 5; cap. XLIII, art. iii, n. 5.
[609] Se vió á todos los jansenistas, impios y hombres desmoralizados ponerse del lado de los invasores.--Vic. de la Fuente, Hist. eclesiastica, III, 463.--Cf. Cartas del Filósofo rancio, _passim_.
[610] Vélez. Apología del Altar y del Trono, I, 391-2.
[611] G. de Castro, Il Monde Segreto, IV, 59 (Milano, 1864).--Précis historique de l'Ordre de la Franc-Maçonnerie, par J. C. B.... (Paris, 1829).--Luigi Parascandalo, La Frammassoneria figlia e erede del Manicheismo, 4 vols, 8vo (Napoli, 1865).--Ch. Van Dusen, S. J., Rome et la Franc-Maçonnerie (1896).--L'Abbé V. Davin, Les Jansénistes politiques et la Franc-Maçonnerie, p. 5 (Paris, s. d.).
[612] Mariano Tirado y Rojas, La Masonería en España, I, 241-3, 252, 255-6 (Madrid, 1893).
[613] [Thory] Acta Latomorum, I, 35 (Paris, 1815).
[614] Bullar. Roman., XV, 184.
[615] Acta Latomorum, I, 43-44.
[616] Compendio della vita di Giuseppe Balsamo, denominato il Conte Cagliostro, che si è estratto dal Processo contra di lui formato in Roma l'anno 1790 (Roma, 1791).
The importance attached to the case is indicated by the formal removal of the seal of secrecy and the semi-official publication of the volume. The edict imposing the death-penalty is quoted on p. 80.
[617] Bullar. Bened. PP. XIV, III, 167 (Romæ, 1761).
[618] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. V, fol. 280.
[619] Acta Latomorum, I, 47.
[620] Fray Joseph Torrubia, Centinela contra Francs Massones, Segunda Edicion, Madrid, 1754. From the dates of the approbations it would appear that the first edition was issued in 1751 or 1752.
[621] Feyjoo, Cartas, T. IV, Cart. xvi. This letter must have been written between 1751 and 1754, as it alludes to the _Centinelo_, while the second edition of the latter alludes to the letter. Feyjoo refers to another recent book on the subject by Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, which I have not seen.
[622] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 879, fol. 301 B; Lib. 1024, fol 10.--Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. XLI, art. ii, n. 10-16.
[623] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 108, n. 1.
The Portuguese Inquisition was as prompt as the Spanish. See "The Sufferings of John Coustos for Free-masonry," London, 1740, and it continued after the reforms of Pombal, as appears from "A Narrative of the Persecution of Hippolyto Joseph da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendoza ... for the pretended crime of Free-masonry," 2 vols., London, 1811.
[624] Tirado y Rojas, I, 269-73, 354.
[625] Ibidem, I, 274-8, 289-99, 355.
[626] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1473; Lib. 559.
[627] Acta Latomorum, I, 265.
[628] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.
[629] Ibidem, Lib. 435^{2}; Lib. 890.
[630] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.
[631] Ibidem.
[632] Archive hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.
In this list is not included the curious case of the Bishop of Havana, Juan José Díaz de la Espada y Landa, accused of Free-Masonry in Cuba by the zealous inquisitor Elosua in 1815. The matter was transferred to Spain and was suspended November 11, 1819 (J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias, p. 416). It does not seem to have interfered with the position of the good bishop, who retained his see until his death, Sept. 12, 1832 (Gams, Series Episcopp., p. 152).
[633] Tirado y Rojas, II, 46, 72-3, 81-88.--Miraflores, Apuntes historico-críticos, p. 28.--Modesto Lafuente, Hist. de España, XXIX, 213-15, 333-4.
The "Memoirs of Don Juan van Halen" (London, 1830) which had an extensive circulation in many languages, are of no historical value. He was a real personage however, whose dextrous treachery in deserting the French, in 1814, is described by Toreno (Historia del Llevamiento etc., III, 323). In 1822 he was on the staff of Gen. Mina in Catalonia (Memorias del Gen. Espoz y Mina, III, 7) and, in 1838, was in high command in Valencia (Manifestacion del Gen. Córdova, p. 13).
In 1818 his name occurs as on trial in Toledo (not in Madrid, as he represents) and the charge was impeding the Inquisition, not Masonry and conspiracy--Catálogo de las causas etc., p. 131 (Madrid, 1903).
[634] [Martinez de la Rosa] Examen crítico de las Revoluciones de España, I, 417-18 (Paris, 1837).
[635] Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.
[636] Vélez, Apología del Altar y del Trono, I, 41.
[637] Clément, Journal, II, 89.
[638] Archivo municipal de Sevilla, Seccion especial, Siglo XVIII, Letra A, Tomo 4, n. 55.
[639] In this celebrated case I have relied chiefly on Ferrer del Rio, _Hist. del Reinado de Carlos III_, Lib. IV, cap. i, and on Menéndez y Pelayo, _Heterodoxos_, III, 205 sqq. See also Llorente, _Hist. crít._, cap. XXVI, art. iii, n. 13, 35, and Puigblanch, _La Inquisicion sin Máscara_, p. 295.
Frequent reference was made to Olavide in the debates of the Córtes of Cádiz on the suppression of the Inquisition. Señor Mexia stated that he had visited him at Baeza; that the _Triunfo_ was merely a translation of the Abbé Lamourettes _Délices de la Religion_ (Paris, 1788) somewhat enlarged, with the addition of a politico-economical portion, derived from the _Ami des Hommes_ of the Marquis of Mirabeau,--Discusion del Proyecto sobre la Inquisicion, pp. 254-5. (Cádiz, 1813).
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A History of the Inquisition of Spain; vol. 4Chapter XLIV: Appendix: I (7)
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