Chapter XXXVI: Appendix: I (2)

[8] P. Cantor. Verb, abbrev. cap. 71.--S. Bernardi Tract, de Mor. et Offic. Episc. c. vii. No. 25.--Gesta Treviror. Archiep. cap. 92.--Prutz, Malteser Urkunden und Registen, München, 1883, p. 38.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1305.--Hist. Prior. Grandimont. (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VI. 122, 135-137).--Matt. Paris Hist. Angl. ann. 1245, 1248, 1250, 1252, 1255, 1256.--Hincmari Epist. xxxii. 20.--Hildeberti Cenoman. Epist. Lib. ii. No. 41, 47.--S. Bernard. de Consideratione Lib. i. cap. 4.--Innocent. PP. III. Gesta xli.--Ejusd. Regest. I. 330; II. 265; v. 33, 34; X. 188.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. _Desiderantes plurimum_ (Potthast Regesta, I. 673).--Chron. Augustan, ann. 1260.--Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 43.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. II. cap. VII.

[9] Can. 43, Extra Lib. I. tit. iii.--Petri Exoniens. Summula Exigendi Confessionis (Harduin. VII. 1126).--Concil. Herbipolens. ann. 1187 c. 37.--Concil. apud Campinacum ann. 1238 c. 1, 2, 7.--Concil. apud Castrum Gonterii ann. 1253 can. unic.--C. Nugariolens. ann. 1290 c. 3.--C. Avenionens. ann. 1326 c. 49; ann. 1337 c. 59.--C. Bituricens. ann. 1336 c. 5.--C. Vaurens. ann. 1368 c. 10, 11.--Lucii. PP. III. Epist. 252.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. Lib. I. Epist. 235, 349, 405, 456, 536, 540; II. 29; III. 37; VI. 120, 233, 234; VII. 26; X. 15, 79, 93; XI. 144, 161, 275; XV. 218, 223; Supplem. 234.--Berger, Registre d'Innocent. IV. pp. lxxvi-lxxvii., No. 2591, 3214, 3812, 4086.--Theiner Vet. Monument. Hibern. et Scotor. No. 196, p. 75.--De Reiffenberg, Chron. de Ph. Mouskes, I. ccxxv.

When the comprehensive annual curse, known as the Bull in Cæna Domini, came in fashion, falsifiers of papal letters were included in its anathemas, until the abrogation of the custom in 1773.

[10] Fascic. Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum II. 7, 254-255 (Ed. 1690).

[11] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 24.--Cf. Petri. Blesensis Epist. 23; Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. Lib. VII. cap. 21, Lib. VIII. cap. 17.

[12] Concil. Juliobonens. ann. 1080 c. 3, 5.--Concil. Bremens. ann. 1266.--Eadmer. Hist. Novor. Lib. IV.--Concil. Melfitan. ann. 1284 c. 5.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 24, 79.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. X. 85; XII. 37.--Pet. Blesensis Epist. 209.

[13] Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231 c. 48.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 23.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 376.--Chron. Andres. Monast.--Narrat. Restaur. Abbat. S. Mart. Tornacens. cap. 113, 114.--Joann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. Lib. v. cap. 15. Cf. Lib. VI. cap. 24.

[14] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 86.

[15] Concil. Lemovicens. ann. 1031.--Concil. Avenionens. ann. 1209 c. 1.--Concil. Lateranens. ann. 1215 c. 10.--Millot, Hist. Litt. des Troubadours, II. 61.

[16] S. Bernard. Epistt. 271, 274, 276.--Can. 2, 3, Extra Lib. i. Tit. xiii.--Thomassin, Discip. de l'Église. P. IV. Lib. ii. cap. 38.--Gaufridi Vosiensis Chron. ann. 1181.--Concil. Turon. ann. 1231. c. 16.--Concil. Lugdun. ann. 1274 c. 12.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 55, 60, 61.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. XI. 142.--Even a pontiff such us Innocent III. was not above intruding his dependants upon the churches everywhere. His registers are full of such missives.

[17] Concil. Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 13, 14; IV. ann. 1215 c. 29.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 82, 191, 471.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 31, 32, 34. 80.--Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. ann. 1219.--Urbani. PP. V. Constit. 1367 (Harduin. Concil. VII. 1767).--Isambert. Anc. Loix Franç. I. 252.--Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1246 (Ed. 1644 p. 483)--Wadding. Annal. Minor, ann. 1238, No. 8.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judicior. de Nov. Error. I. I. 143.

The correspondence of the papal chancery under Innocent IV., as preserved in the official register, for the first three months of 1245, embraces three hundred and thirty-two letters, and of these about one fifth are dispensations to sixty-five persons to hold pluralities (Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. t. I.). A considerable proportion of the remainder are licenses for violations of canon law, showing how exhaustless were the vices of the clergy as a source of profit to the curia. For the rapacity with which the benefices of the dying were sought and disputed, see ibid. No. 1611.

[18] Clement. PP. IV. Epist. 456. (Martene Thesaur. II. 461).--Alcuini Epist. i. ad Arnon. Salisburg. (Pez Thesaur. II. i. 4).--Decreti P. II. Caus. XIII. Gratiani Comment, in Q. I. cap. i; Caus. XVI. Q. i. cap. 42, 43, 45-47, 56, 57; Caus. XVI. Q. vii. cap. 1-8.--Extra Lib. III. tit. xxx.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1189 c. 23.--Concil. Wigorn. ann. 1240 c. 44, 45.--Concil Mertonens. ann. 1300.--Concil. apud Pennam Fidelem ann. 1302 c. 7.--Concil. Maghfeldens. ann. 1332.--Concil. Londin. ann. 1342 c. 4, 5.--Concil. Nimociens. ann. 1298 c. 16.--Concil. Nicosiens. ann. 1340 c. 1.--Concil. Marciac. ann. 1326 c. 30.--Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368 c. 68-70.--Gerhohi Reichersperg. Lib. de Ædificio Dei c. 46.

[19] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. iii. cap. 40, 41.--Hist. Monast. S. Laurent. Leodiens. Lib. v. cap. 39.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 220; II. 104.--Pet. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 27-29, 38-40.--Grandjean, Registre de Benoit XI. No. 975.--Concil. Lateran. IV. ann. 1215, c. 63-66.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231, c. 14.--Teulet, Layettes II. 306, No. 2428.--Const. Provin. S. Edmund. Cantuar. ann. 1236, c. 8.--Synod. Wigorn. ann. 1240, c. 16, 26, 29.--Concil. Turon. ann. 1239, c. 4, 17.

[20] Synod. Andegav. ann. 1294, c. 3.--Capit. Car. Mag. II. ann. 811, cap. 5.--Concil. Cabillon. II. ann. 813, c. 6.--Concil. Turonens. III. ann. 813, c. 51.--Concil. Remens. ann. 813.--Concil. Mogunt. ann. 813, c. 6.--Can. 10, Extra Lib. III. tit. xxvi.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1227, c. 5.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1228, c. 5; ann. 1229, c. 16.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231. c. 23.--Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1234, c. 21; ann. 1275, c. 8.--Constit. Provin. S. Edmund. Cantuar. ann. 1236, c. 33.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254, c. 11.--Concil. Andegav. ann. 1206; 1300.--Respons. Episc. Carcassonn. ann. 1275 (Martene Thesaur. I. 1151).--Concil. Nemausiens. ann. 1284, c. 8.--Concil. Reatinens. ann. 1303, c. 8.--Concil. Cameracens. ann. 1317.

[21] Decreti. II. Caus. xiii. Q. 2.--Can. 1-10, Sexto Lib. III. Tit. xxviii.--Anon Zwetlens. Hist. Rom. Pontif. No. 155 (Pez Thesaur. I. iii. 383).--Narrat. Restaur. Abbat. S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 86-89.--Synod. Wigorn. ann. 1240, c. 50.--Ripoll Bullar. Ord. Prædic. VII. 5.--Grandjean, Registre de Benoit XI. No. 974.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. VII. 165.--G.B. de Lagrèze, La Navarre, t. II. p. 165.--Concil. Avenion. ann. 1326, c. 27; ann. 1237, c. 32.--Teulet, Layettes II. 306, No. 2428.--Concil. Nimociens. ann. 1296, c. 17.--Constit. Joann. Arch. Nicosiens. ann. 1321, c. 10.--Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368, c. 63, 64.

[22] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 27.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 138.--Löwenfeld Epistt. Pont. Rom. ined. No. 92, 114 (Lipsiæ, 1885).--See the Author's "Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy," 2d edition, 1884.

[23] Stephani Tornacens. Epist. XII.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. VI. 183; VIII. 192-193; X. 209-210, 215; XV. 202. For the subsequent career of Waldemar of Sleswick, see Regest. XI. 10, 173; XII. 63; XIII. 158; XV. 3; Supplement. 187, 224, 228, 243. Cf. Arnold. Lubecens. VI. 18; VII. 12, 13; and Vaissette, Hist. Gén. de Languedoc, IV. 80 (ed. 1742). For details of clerical immunity, see the author's "Studies in Church History," 2d edition, 1883.

[24] Concil. ap. Campinacum ann. 1238, c. 1, 6.

[25] Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist. XCV. (Migne, Patrolog. CC. 1457). Cf. Pet. Blesens. Epist. XC.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 386, 476, 483, 499; V. 159; VIII. 12; IX. 209; XIII. 132; XV. 105.--Pet. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 44.--Gerhohi Lib. de Ædificio Dei cap. 33; Ejusd. Exposit. in Psalm. lxiv. cap. 35.--Chron. S. Trudon. Libb. III., IV., V.--Hist. Vezeliacens. Libb. II.-IV.--Chron. Senoniens. Libb. IV., V.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. IV. cap. 65-67. For ample details as to the immorality of the monasteries, see the author's "History of Celibacy."

[26] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. I. cap. 3, 24, 31.--Hist Monast. Andaginens. cap. 34.

[27] Gregor. PP. I. Dialog. IV. 55.--D'Achery Spicileg. III. 382.--Chron. S. Trudon. Lib. VI.

[28] Augustin. de Op. Monachor. ii. 3.--Cassiani. de Cœnob. Instit. ii. 3.--Hieron. Epistt. XXXIX.; CXXV. 16.--Regul. S. Benedicti. cap. 1.--S. Isidor. Hispal. de Eccles. Offic. II. xvi. 3, 7.--Ludov. Pii de Reform. Eccles. cap. 100.--Smaragd. Comment. in Regul. Benedict. c. 1.--Ripoll Bull. Ord. FF. Prædic. I. 38.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. VI. cap. 20.--Catalog. Varior. Hæreticor. (Bib. Max. Patrum. Ed. 1618, t. XIII. p. 309).

[29] Brevis Hist. Prior. Grandimont.--Stephani Tornacens. Epistt. 115, 152, 153, 156, 162.

Prior Peter's fear that the convent would be converted into a market-place and a fair is illustrated by the complaint of the Council of Béziers in 1233, that many religious houses were in the habit of retailing their wine within the sacred enclosure, and attracting consumers by having jugglers, actors, gamblers, and strumpets there.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1233, c. 23.

[30] Giberti Gemblac. Epistt. v. vi.

[31] Petri Exoniens. Summ. Exigendi Confess. ann. 1287 (Harduin. VII. 1128).--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 45.--Martene Ampliss. Coll. I. 357.

[32] P. Damiani Opusc. V.--Concil. Trident. Sess. vi. Decret. de Justific. c. 16, 30.--Migne, Encyclopédic Theologique. t. XXVII. pp. 59-63, 118.--Abælardi Ethica, cap. 25.--Cap. 14 Extra Lib. v. tit. iii.--Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 72.--Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. II. cap. xi.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. 29 Apr. 1228; 18 Jul. 1237 (Potthast Regesta, I. 705, 884).--Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dict. s. v. _Portiuncula_.--Lib. Conformitatum S. Fran. Lib. II. tract. ii. (fol. 135-138. Ed. 1513).--Bonifacii PP. VIII. Bull. _Antiquorum habet_.--Concil. Claromont. ann. 1195, c. 2.--Urbani PP. II. Synodalis Concio.--Concil. Lateran. IV. can. ult.--Le Grand d'Aussy, Fabliaux, I. 379, 392.--Prediche del B. Frà Giordano da Rivalto (Firenze, 1831, I. 253).--Nicolai PP. IV. Bull. _Illuminit_, ann. 1291.--Gregor. PP. XI. Bull. _Dudum_, 23 Apr. 1372.

The mediæval doctrine of indulgence is truly expressed by Alonso, Bishop of Avila, in 1443, when disculpating himself to Eugenius IV. from an accusation of doubting the papal power: "Papa etiam potest absolvere ab omnibus peccatis et potest dare plenariam indulgentiam, liberando homine a tota pœna Purgatorii, scilicet faciendo quod non veniet in illum etiamsi multa pœna (peccata) commiserit" (D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Error. I. ii. 241). Yet when an enthusiastic Franciscan taught at Tournay, in 1482, that the pope at will could empty purgatory, the University of Paris qualified the proposition as doubtful and scandalous (Ibid. I. ii. 305). The same year the University again interfered, when the church of Saintes, having procured a bull of indulgence from Sixtus IV., announced publicly that, no matter how long a period of punishment had been assigned by divine justice to a soul, it would fly from purgatory to heaven as soon as three sols were paid in its behalf to be expended in repairing the church (Ibid. 307). In 1518 the university was obliged to repeat its condemnation of the same promises made to those who would contribute a _teston_ for the crusade which was always under way and never attempted (Ib. 355). Yet the doctrine thus condemned by the university was pronounced to be unquestionable Catholic truth by the Dominican Silvestro Mozzolino, in his refutation of Luther's Theses, dedicated to Leo X. (F. Silvest. Prieriatis Dialogus, No. 27). As Silvestro was made general of his order and master of the sacred palace, it is evident that no exceptions to his teaching were taken at Rome. Those who doubt that the abuses of the system were the proximate cause of the Reformation can consult Van Espen, Jur. Eccles. Universi P. II. tit. vii. cap. 3 No. 9-12. Cf. Ibid. P. II. tit. xxxvii. cap. 6 No. 43-46, for their continuance into the eighteenth century.

The modern commercial spirit has not failed to take advantage of the indulgence. The Libreria Religiosa of Barcelona is enabled to advertise that various Spanish prelates have granted an indulgence of 2320 days (fifty-eight quarantaines) to every one who will read or hear read a chapter or even a single page of any of its publications.

[33] Concil. Turon. ann. 1236, c. 1.--Établissements de S. Louis, Liv. i. cap. 84.--Berger, Les Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 2230.

[34] Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1251 (p. 553, Ed. 1644).--Chron. Turon. ann. 1226.--Joannis PP. XXII. Regest. IV. 73, 74, 76, 77, 95, 97, 99.--Baluz. et Mansi Miscell. III. 242.--Concil. Ravennat. ann. 1314, c. 20.

[35] Concil. Avenion. ann. 1326, c. 3.--Concil. Marciacens. ann. 1326, c. 45.--Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368, c. 127.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1374, c. 27.

The magic character attributed to these formulas of devotion is well illustrated by the story of Thierry d'Avesnes, who, during a raid into the territories of Baldwin of Mons, burned the convents of St. Waltruda of Mons, and St. Aldegonda of Maubeuge. Thereupon a holy hermit had a vision in which he saw the two angry saints demanding from the Virgin satisfaction for their injuries. This the Virgin refused, because Ada, the wife of Thierry, rendered to her the most grateful service by repeating the Ave Maria sixty times a day--twenty standing, twenty on her knees, and twenty prostrate. The saints still insisted on their wrongs, and the Virgin at length promised them revenge, when it could be inflicted without injury to Ada. Some years afterwards Thierry incautiously procured a divorce from her on the plea of consanguinity, because she remained barren after twenty years of marriage, and in a short time, while hunting, he was ambushed and slain by an enemy. His nephew and successor, Joscelin, took warning by this, and was very particular in constantly repeating the Ave Maria, and forcing his troopers to do likewise, so that, although he wrought much evil, yet he made a good ending.--Narrat. Restaur. S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 57.

Somewhat similar is the story of the knight, who, though cruel and revengeful, had such veneration for the cross that he never passed one without descending from his horse and adoring it. Once, when riding alone through a dense forest, he was assailed by the kinsmen of a noble whom he had slain, and was forced to seek safety in flight. Coming to a cross-road, where stood a cross, he dismounted and knelt before it, when his enemies, coming up, were struck with sudden blindness, and groped vainly around, while he rode quietly away.--Lucæ Tudensis de Altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 6.

[36] Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 62.--P. de Pilichdorf contr. Waldenses cap. xxx.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, c. 5.--Concil. Cenomanens. ann. 1248.--Concil. Burdegalens. ann. 1255, c. 2.--Concil. Vienn. ann. 1311 (Clementin. Lib. v. tit. ix. c. 2).--Concil. Remens. ann. 1303.--Concil. Carnotens. ann. 1325, c. 18.--Martene Thesaur. IV. 858.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII. 197, etc.--Concil. Moguntin. ann. 1261, c. 48.--La Secchia Rapita, xii. 1. For the repression of these abuses after the Reformation see cap. 1, 2 in Septimo iii. 15.

[37] Gesta. Consulum. Andegavens. iii. 23.--Roger. Hoveden. ann. 1177.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 243.--Cæesar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. VIII. cap. 53.--Muratori. Antiq. Med. Ævi Dissert. lviii.--Anon. Passaviens. adv. Waldens. cap. 5 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 301).

[38] Hartzheim. Concil. German. III. 543.--Campana, Storia di San Piero Martire Lib. II. cap. 3.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. IX. cap. 6, 8, 24, 25.

[39] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. X. cap. 56.--Wibaldi Abbat. Corbeiens. Epist. 157.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 29.

[40] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 2, 3, 6; Dist. v. cap. 3.

[41] S. Bernardi Serm. de Conversione cap. 19, 20.--Ejusd. Serm. 77 in Cantica cap. 1.--Cf. Ejusd. Serm. 33 in Cantica cap. 16; Tract. de Moribus et Offic. Episc. cap. vii. No. 25, 27, 28.--De Consideratione Lib. III. cap. 4, 5.--Pothon. Prumiens. de Statu Domus Dei Lib. I.

[42] Cod. Diplom. Viennens. No. 163.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 57, 59--Guiberti Abbat. Gemblacens. Epist. 1.--S. Hildegardæ Revelat. Vis. X. cap. 16.

[43] Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. (Martene Collect. Amplis. I. 1149-1151; Thesaur. Anecdot. I. 875-877).--Fascic. Rer. Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, II. 251 (Ed. 1690).--W. Preger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier, München, 1875, pp. 64-67.

[44] Guill. Pod. Laurent. Chron. Proœm.--Narrat. Restaur. Abbat S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 38.--Panniers Walthers von der Vogelweide sämmtliche Gedichte, No. 110, p. 118. Cf. No. 85, 111-113.

[45] From "La Gesta de Fra Peyre Cardinal," Raynouard, Lexique Roman, I. 464. See also pp. 446, 451. Cardinal was of noble birth and high consideration at the courts of Aragon and Toulouse; he was born in 1206, and is said to have lived until 1306. He was no heretic, although "los fals clerques reprendia molt."--(Miquel de la Tor, Vie de Peire Cardinal, ap. Meyer, Anciens Textes p. 100.)--See also his Sirvente, "Un sirventes vuelh for dels autz glotos" (Raynouard, Lexique Roman, I. 447).

[46] Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles I. 405 (Madrid, 1880).--Petri Venerab. Opp. pp. 650 sqq. (Ed. Migne).--F. Francisci Pipini Chron. cap. 16.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.--Concil. Paris. ann. 1210.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. _Cum salutem_, 29 Apr. 1231.--S. Bernardi de Consideratione Lib. i. cap. 4.

For the adoration paid to Aristotle by the schoolmen of the twelfth century see John of Salisbury's Metalogicus Lib. ii. c. 16.

[47] Reinerii contra Waldenses cap. 3.--Tractatus de Modo procedendi contra Hæreticos (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat XXX. 185 sqq.).--Lucæ Tudensis de Altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 7-10.--P. de Pilichdorf contra Waldenses cap. 16.--Passaviens. Anon. (Preger, Beiträge, pp. 64-67).--Raynouard, Lexique Roman, V. 471.

[48] Concil. Roman. ann. 1059, can. 3.--Lambert. Hersfeld. ann. 1074.--Gregor. PP. VII. Epist. Extrav. 4; Regist. Lib. IV. Ep. 20.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1131, c. 5.--Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139, c. 7.--c. 5, 6, Decret. I. xxxii.; c. 15; I. lxxxi.--Gerhohi Dial. de Different. Cleri. Cf. Ejusd. Lib. contr. duas Hæreses c. 3, 6; Dialogus de Clericis Sæcul. et Regular.--Anon. Libell. adv. Errores Alberonis (Martene Ampliss. Collect. IX. 1251-1270).--Can. 10 Extra Lib. III. tit. ii.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, I. ii. 154.--Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 62 _b_ (Ed. 1494). The importance of the question in the twelfth century is shown by the number of canons devoted to it by Gratian.

[49] Hartzheim Concil. German. III. 763-766.--Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ Lib. IV. ann. 1113-1115.--Sigeberti Gemblacens. Contin. Valcellens. ann. 1115.--P. Abælardi Introd. ad Theolog. Lib. II. cap. 4.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1127.--Vit. S. Norbert. Archiep. Magdeburg, cap. iii. No. 79, 80.

[50] Sigibert. Gemblac. Continuat. Gemblac. ann. 1146.--Ejusd. Continuat. Præmonstrat. ann. 1148.--Roberti de Monte Chron. ann. 1148.--Guillel. de Newburg. Lib. I. cap. 19.--Otton. Frising. de Gest. Frid. I. Lib. I. cap. 54, 55.--Hugon. Rothomag. contr. Hæret. Lib. III. cap. 6.--Schmidt, Histoire des Cathares, I. 49.

[51] Saige, Les Juifs du Languedoc. P. I. ch. ii.; P. II. ch. ii. (Paris, 1881). The same causes were at work in Spain, where the faithful complained that they were not allowed to persecute the Jew (Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 3), and missionary work among the slaves of Jews was rendered costly by forcing the bishop of the diocese to pay to the master an extortionate price for every slave converted to Christianity and thus set free, for Jews could not hold Christian slaves. They were also relieved from the oppressive tax of the tithe (Innocent. III. Regest. VIII. 50; IX. 150). Even until late in the thirteenth century we find Jews freely holding real estate in Languedoc. See MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat. T. XXXVII. fol. 20, 146, 148, 149, 151, 152.

For the independence of the communes, see Fauriel's edition of William of Tudela, Introd. pp. lv. sq., and Mazure et Hatoulet, Fors de Béarn, p. xliii.

[52] Jonæ. Aureliens. de Cultu Imaginum.--Petri Venerab. Tract. contra Petrobrusianos.--P. Abælardi Introd. ad Theolog. Lib. II. cap. 4.--Alphonsi a Castro adv. Hæreses Lib. III. p. 163 (Ed. 1571).--Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Embrun, p. 848.

[53] S. Bernardi Epistt. 241, 242.--Gesta Pontif. Cenomanens. (D. Bouquet T. XII. pp. 547-551, 554).--Hildebert. Cenoman. Epistt. 23, 24.--S. Bernardi Vit. Prim. Lib. III. cap. 6; Lib. VII. p. iii. ad calcem; Lib. VII. cap. 17.--Guill. de Podio-Laurent. cap. 1.--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1148.

[54] Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1151.--S. Bernardi Epist. 472.--Hereberti Monachi Epist. (D. Bouquet. XII. 550-551).

[55] S. Bernardi Epistt. 189, 195, 196, 243, 244.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. cap. xxiv.--Otton. Frisingens. de Gestis Frid. I. Lib. I. cap. 27; Lib. II. cap. 20.--Harduin. Concil. VI. ii. 1224.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. II. 554-558.--Guntheri Ligurin. Lib. III. 262-348.--Gerhohi Reichersperg. de Investigat. Antichristi I.--Baronii Annal. ann. 1148, No. 38.--Jaffé Regesta, No. 6445.--Vit. Adriani PP. III. (Muratori III. 441, 442).--Sächsische Weltchronik, No. 301.--Cantù, Eretici d'Italia, I. 61-63.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 242, 243.--Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 193, 194.--Bonghi, Arnaldo da Brescia, Città di Castello, 1885.

[56] Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Bonacursi Vit. Hæreticor. (D'Achery T.I. 214, 215).--Constit. General. Frid. II. ann. 1220 § 5.--Ejusd. Constit. Ravennat. ann. 1232.--Conrad. Urspergens. ann. 1210.--Pauli Æmilii de Rebus. Gest. Fran. Lib. VI. p. 316 (Ed. 1569).--Nicolai PP. III. Bull. _Noverit Universitas_, 5 Mart. 1280.--Julii PP. II. Bull _Consueverunt_, 1 Mart. 1511.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. II. 228.--Joann. Andreæ Gloss. super cap. Excommunicamus (Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. p. 182). The name of the Poor Men of Lyons was likewise forgotten, for Andreas's only remark with respect to them is that poverty is not a crime in itself.

The differences between the Italian and French Waldenses are set forth in a very interesting letter from the former to the German brethren, subsequently to a conference held at Bergamo in 1218. This was discovered about twelve years ago by Wilhelm Preger in a MS. of the Royal Library of Munich, and is printed in his Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier im Mittelalter, 1875.

[57] Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1173 (Bouquet XIII. 680).--Steph. de Borbone s. Bellavilla Lib. de Sept. Donis Spiritus, P. IV. Tit. vii. cap. 3 (D'Argentré Coll. Judicior. de Nov. Error. I. i. 85 sqq.)--Richard. Cluniacens. Vit. Alex. PP. III. (Muratori III. 447).--David Augustens. Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1778).--Monetæ adv. Cath. et Waldens. Lib. v. cap. 1 § 4.--Pet. Sarnens. cap. 2.--Passaviens. Anon. ap. Gretser (Mag. Bib. Pat. Ed. 1618, T. XIII. p. 300).--Petri de Pilichdorf contr. Hæres. Waldens. cap. 1.--Pegnæ Comment. 39 in Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 280.

The pretension of the Waldenses to descend from the primitive Church through the Leonistæ and Claudius of Turin is, I believe, now generally abandoned. See Edouard Montet, Histoire Litt. des Vaudois, Paris, 1885, pp. 32, 33; Prof. Emilio Comba, in the Rivista Christiana, Giugno, 1882, pp. 200-206, and his Riforma in Italia, I. 233 sqq.--Bernard Gui, in his Practica, P. v. (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat. T. XXX. fol. 185 sqq.), following Richard of Cluny and Stephen of Bourbon, places the rise of Peter Waldo about 1170, and the Canon of Laon gives the date of 1173.

The time and place of Peter Waldo's death are unknown. His French disciples affectionately revered his memory and that of his assistant Vivet, to the extent of asserting, as a point of belief, that they were in Paradise with God; the Lombard branch, however, would only prudently admit that they might be saved if they had satisfied God before death; both sides were obstinate, and at the Conference of Bergamo, in 1218, this promised to make a schism (Rescript. Paup. Lombard. 15.--W. Preger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier, pp. 58, 59).

Waldensian literature long retained the impress given to it by Waldo of stringing together extracts from the Fathers of the Church. The slavishness with which these were followed is curiously exemplified in an exposition of Canticles analyzed by M. Montet (op. cit. p. 66). The verse "Take us the little foxes, the little foxes that spoil the vines" (Cant. ii. 15) in mediæval exegesis was traditionally explained by the ravages of heretics in the Church. In the papal bulls urging the Inquisition to redoubled activity the heretics are habitually alluded to as the foxes which ravage the vineyard of the Lord. If any originality could be looked for in Waldensian exposition, we might expect it in this passage, and yet Angelomus, Bruno, and Bernard are duly quoted by the Waldensian teacher to show that the foxes are heretics and the vines are the Church.

[58] Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1177, 1178 (Bouquet XIII. 682).--Stephani de Borbone 1. c.--Richard. Cluniac. 1. c.--David Augustens. 1. c.--Monetæ 1. c.--Gault. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. 1. cap. xxxi.--Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Conrad. Ursperg. ann. 1210--Bernardi Fontis Calidi adv. Waldenses Liber.

[59] Alani de Insulis contra Hæreticos Lib. II.--Disputat. inter Cathol. et Paterin. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1754).--Rescript. Pauperum Lombard. 21, 22 (W. Preger, Beiträge, pp. 60, 61).--Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. ii. q. 14. (pp. 278, 279).--Petri Sarnaii Hist. Albigens. cap. 2.--In 1321, a man and wife brought before the Inquisition of Toulouse both refused to swear, and they alleged as a reason, in addition to the sinful nature of the oath, the man that it would subject him to falling sickness, the woman that she would have an abortion (Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. Ed. Limborch, p. 289).

In the persecution of the Waldenses of Piedmont towards the close of the fourteenth century, one of the crucial questions of the inquisitors was as to belief in the validity of the sacraments of sinful priests.--Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39, p. 48).

[60] Rivista Cristiana, Marzo, 1887, p. 92.--Pegnæ Comment. 39 in Eymerici Director. p. 281.--Steph. de Borbone 1. c.--Concil. Gerundens. ann. 1197 (Aguirre, V. 102, 103).--Marca Hispanica, p. 1384.

[61] See the Sentences of Pierre Cella in Doat, XXII--Montet, Hist. Litt. des Vaudois, pp. 116 sq.

[62] Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1792).--Wadding. Annal. Minor. Ann. 1332, No. 6.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat, XXX.).--Montet Hist. Litt. pp. 38, 44, 45, 89, 142.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1885 p. 551.--Pet. Cœlest. (Preger, Beiträge, pp. 68, 69).--Kaltner, Konrad von Marburg, pp. 69-71.--Rescript. Paup. Lombard. §§ 4, 5, 17, 19, 22, 23.--Nobla Leyczon, 409-413; cf. Montet. pp. 49, 50, 103, 104, 143.--Passaviens. Anon. cap. 5 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 300).--Disput. inter Cath. et Paterin. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1754).--David Augustens. (ibid. p. 1778).--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. I. cap. 4-7.--Tract. de modo procedendi contra Hæret. (Doat XXX.).--Index Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 340).--P. de Pilichdorf contra Waldens. cap. 34.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 200, 201.--Nobla Leyczon, 17-24, 387-405, 416-423.

Yet it was impossible to resist the contagion of superstition. The Pomeranian Waldenses, in 1394, are described as believing that if a man died within a year after confession and absolution, he went directly to heaven. Even speaking with a minister preserved one from damnation for a year. There is even a case of a legacy of eight marks for prayers for the soul of the deceased.--Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, pp. 51, 52.

[63] Passaviens. Anon. cap. 5.--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v.--David Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1786).--Steph. de Borbone, l. c.--Wattenbach, ubi sup.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 352.

[64] Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, p. 51.--Lib. Sentt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 367.--Anon. Passaviens. cap. 7, 8.--Refutat. Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 336).--David Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1771-1772).--Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 38, pp. 39, 40.--Rorengo, Memorie Istoriche, Torino 1649, p. 12.--Even as late as the end of the fourteenth century, in the extensive inquisitions of the Celestinian Peter, from Styria to Pomerania, there is no allusion to immoral practices. (Preger, Beiträge, pp. 68-72; Wattenbach, ubi sup.).

For the ascetic tendency of the Waldenses, recognizing vows of chastity, and the seduction of nuns as incest, see Montet, pp. 97, 98, 108-110. For the merit of fasting, see p. 99.

[65] Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolosan. p. 367.--Anon. Passaviens. cap. 1, 3, 7, 8.--Refutat. Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 336).--David Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1771, 1772, 1782, 1794).--P. de Pilichdorf contra Error. Waldens. cap. 1.--Innocent PP. III. Regest. II. 141.--La Nobla Leyczon, 368-373.--Frat. Jordani Chron. (Analecta Franciscana, T. I. p. 4. Quaracchi, 1885).

[66] MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Moreau, 1274, fol. 72.

[67] Bonacursi Vit. Hæreticorum (D'Achery I. 211, 212).--Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Muratori Antiquitat. Dissert. LX.--Constit. General. Frid. II. ann. 1220, § 5.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 3.--Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens. cap. 6.--P. de Pilichdorf contra Waldens. cap. 12.--Hoffman, Geschichte der Inquisition, II. 371.--Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, II. 284.

[68] Mosaic. et Roman. Legg. Collat. tit. XV. § 3 (Hugo, 1465).--Const. 11, 12, Cod. I. v.--P. Siculi Hist, de Manichæis.--Zonara Annal. tom. III. pp. 126, 241, 242 (Ed. 1557).--Findlay's Hist. of Greece, 2d Ed. III. 65.

The Bogomili (Friends of God), another Manichæan sect, whose name betrays their Slav or Bulgarian origin, have been cited as a link connecting the Paulicians and the Cathari, but incorrectly, although they may have had some influence in producing the moderated Dualism of a portion of the latter. Their leader, Demetrius, was burned alive by Alexis Comnenus in 1118 after a series of investigations more creditable to the zeal of the emperor than to his good faith. They continued to enjoy a limited toleration until the thirteenth century, when they disappeared.--See Annæ Comnenæ Alexiados Lib. XV.--Georgii Cedreni Hist. Comp. sub ann. 20 Constant.--Zonaræ Annal. t. III. p. 238.--Balsamon. Schol. in Nomocanon tit. X. cap. 8.--Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 13-15; II. 265.

About the middle of the eleventh century Psellus describes another Manichæan sect named Euchitæ, who believed in a father ruling the supramundane regions and committing to the younger of his two sons the heavens and to the elder the earth. The latter was worshipped under the name of Satanaki--(Pselli de Operat. Dæmon. Dial.).

[69] P. Siculi op. cit.--Bleek's Avesta, III. 4.--Haug's Essays, 2d ed. pp. 244, 249, 286, 367.--Yajnavalkya, I. 37.

For the corresponding tenets of the Cathari, see Radulf. Ardent. T. I. p. II. Hom. xix.--Ermengaudi contra Hæret. Opusc.--Epist. Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. III. (Martene. Ampl. Collect. I. 776-778).--Ecberti Schonaug. Serm. contra Catharos, Serm. I. viii. xi.--Gregor. Episc. Fanens. Disput. Catholici contra Hæret.--Monetæ adv. Catharos Lib. I. cap. 1.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Coll. Doat, XXXII. f. 93).--Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. cap. 21.--Lib. Sentt. Inquis. Tolosan. pp. 92, 93, 249 (Limborch).--Lib. Confess. Inq. Albiens. (MSS. Bib. Nat. fonds latin 11847).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.

In a MS. controversial tract against the Cathari, dating from the end of the thirteenth century, the writer, following Moneta, states that their objections to the Old Testament sprang from four roots: first, the contradiction which seemed to exist between the Old and New Testaments; second, the changefulness of God himself, manifest in Scripture; third, the cruel attributes of God in Scripture; fourth, the falsehood ascribed to God. A single example will suffice of the arguments which the heretics advanced in support of their position. "They quote Genesis iii. 'Behold, Adam has become as one of us.' Now God says this of Adam after he had sinned, and he must have spoken truth or falsehood. If truth, then Adam had become like him who spoke and those to whom he spoke; but Adam after the fall had become a sinner, and therefore evil. If falsehood, then he is a liar; he sinned in so saying and thus was evil." To this logic the orthodox polemic contents himself with the answer that God spoke ironically. Throughout the tract the reasoning ascribed to the Cathari shows them to possess a thorough acquaintance with Scripture, and the use which they made of it explains the prohibition of the Bible to the laity by the Church.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne, Coll. Doat, XXXVI. 91. (See Appendix.)

Yet the Catharan ritual published by Cunitz quotes Isaiah and Solomon. (Beiträge zu den theolog. Wissenschaften, B. IV. 1852, pp. 16, 26.)

[70] Tract. de Modo Procedendi contra Hæreticos (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat, XXX. fol. 185 sqq.).--Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--E. Cunitz in Beiträge zu den theol. Wissenschaften, 1852, B. IV. pp. 30, 36, 85.

[71] Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--Lib. Confess. Inquis. Albiens. (MSS. Bib. Nat. fonds latin, 11847).--Coll. Doat, XXII. 208, 209; XXIV. 174; XXVI. 197, 259, 272.--Lib. Sentt. Inquis. Tolosan. pp. 10, 33, 37, 70, 71, 76, 84, 94, 125, 126, 137-139, 143, 160, 173, 179, 199.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. V. (MSS. Bib. Nat. Collect. Doat. T. XXX.).--Landulf. Senior Hist. Mediolan. ii. 27.--Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens. cap. 7.--Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39, p. 57). The description in the text of the form of heretication, by Rainerio Saccone, is confirmed in its details by the depositions of witnesses before the Inquisition of Toulouse, showing that the form was essentially the same throughout the churches.--Doat, XXII. 224, 237 sqq.; XXIII. 272, 344; XXIV. 71. See also Vaissette III. Preuves, 386, and Cunitz, Beiträge zu den theolog. Wissenschaften, 1852, B. IV. pp. 12-14, 21-28, 33, 60.

The practice of the Endura among the Cathari of Languedoc has been investigated with his customary thoroughness by M. Charles Molinier (Annales de la Faculté des Lettres de Bordeaux, 1881, No. 3). It was not always limited to three days, and its rigor may be guessed by a single example. Blanche, the mother of Vital Gilbert, caused her infant grandchild to be "consoled" while sick, and then prevented the mother, Guillelma, from giving it milk till it died (Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 104). Molinier's theory that the custom was of comparatively late introduction is confirmed by the absence of any allusion to it in the ritual published by Cunitz (loc. cit.), but that it was not confined to Languedoc is shown by the Anon. Passaviens. and the evidence in the Piedmontese trials of 1388 (Arch. Storico, ubi sup.).

A case in which the Consolamentum was administered to an insensible patient who subsequently recovered is recorded in the sentences of Pierre Cella (Doat, XXI. 295), and also several instances in which young girls were "perfected" at a very early age, and wore the vestments for limited periods of two or three years (ibid. 241. 244).

[72] S. Bernardi Serm. lxvi. in Cantica, cap. 3-7.--Ecberti Schonaug. Serm. i. v. vi. contra Catharos.--Bonacursi Vit. Hæreticor.--Gregor. Fanens. Disput. Cathol. contra Hæreticos cap. 1, 2, 11, 14.--Monetæ adv. Catharos Lib. I. cap. 1.--Cunitz (Beiträge zu den theol. Wissenschaften, 1852, p. 14).--Radulf. Coggeshall. Chron. Anglic. (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 92, 93).--Evervini Steinfeldens. Epist. ad S. Bernard, cap. 3.--Concil. Lombariens. ann. 1165.--Radulf. Ardent. T. I. p. II. Hom. xix.--Ermengaudi contra Hæret. Opusc.--Bonacursus contra Catharos (Baluz. et Mansi, II. 581-586).--Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. I.--Monet adv. Catharos. Lib. IV. cap. vii. § 3.--Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 111, 115.--Coll. Doat, T. XXX. fol. 185 sqq.; XXXII. fol. 93 sqq.--Stephan. de Borbone (D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. de novis Error. I. I. 91).--Archiv. Fiorent. Prov. S. Maria Novella, Giugno 26, 1229.

In the early days of the Inquisition a certain Jean Teisseire, summoned before the tribunal of Toulouse, defended himself by exclaiming, "I am not a heretic, for I have a wife and I lie with her, and have children, and I eat flesh, and lie, and swear, and am a faithful Christian."--(Guillel. Pelisso Chron. Ed. Molinier, Anicii 1880, p. 17). See also the Sentences of Pierre Cella, Coll. Doat, XXI. 223.

[73] Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, p. 75.--Gregor. Fanens. Disput. cap. iv.--Monetæ adv. Catharos Lib. I. cap. 1, 2, 4, 6.--Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. I.--Ecberti Schonaug. Serm. i., xiii. contra Catharos.--Ermengaudi contra Hæret. Opusc. cap. 14.--Millot, Hist. Litt. des Troubadours, II. 64.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan, p. 84.--Gest. Episcop. Leodiens. Lib. II. cap. 60, 61.--Stephan, de Borbone (D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de nov. Error. I. I. 90).--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss. lx.

Among the early Christians there was a strong tendency to adopt the theory of transmigration as an explanation of the apparent injustice of the judgments of God. See Hieron. Epist CXXX. ad Demetriadem, 16.

[74] Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. cap. ii.

Before ridiculing the Catharan theory of Dualism, we must bear in mind how strong is the tendency in this direction of sensitive and ardent souls, who keenly feel the imperfections of man's nature and its contrast with the possibilities of an ideal. Thus Flacius Illyricus, the fervid reformer, about 1560, came perilously near to the Catharan myths, and gave rise to a warm controversy by maintaining that original sin was not an accident, but the substance in man; that the original image of God was, through the Fall, not replaced, but metamorphosed into an image of Satan, a transformation of absolute good into absolute evil; a theory which, as he was warned by his friends Musæus and Judex, must necessarily lead to Manichæism.--See Herzog, Abriss der gesammten Kirchengeschichte, III. 313.

Orthodox asceticism also trenches closely on Manichæism in its denunciation of the flesh, which it treats as the antagonist and enemy of the soul. Thus, St. Francis of Assisi says, "Many, when they sin or are injured, blame their enemy or neighbor. This should not be so, for every one has his enemy in his power, namely, the body through which he sins. Thus blessed is that servant who always holds captive and guards himself against that enemy delivered to him, for when he does thus no other visible enemy can hurt him" (S. Francisci Admonit. ad Fratres No. 9). And in another passage (Apoph. xxvii.) he describes his body as the most cruel enemy and worst adversary, whom he would willingly abandon to the demon.

According to the Dominican Tauler, the leader of the German mystics in the fourteenth century, man in himself is but a mass of impurity, a being sprung from evil and corrupt matter, only fit to inspire horror; and this opinion was fully shared by his followers even though they were overflowing with love and charity (Jundt, les Amis de Dieu, Paris, 1879, pp. 77, 229).

Jean-Jacques Olier, the founder of the great theological seminary of St. Sulpice, in his "Catechisme Chrétien pour la vie interieure," which I believe is still in use there as a text-book, goes as far as Manes or Buddha in his detestation of the flesh as the cause of man's sinful nature--"Je ne m'étonne plus si vous dites qu'il faut haïr sa chair, que l'on doit avoir horreur de soi même, et que l'homme, dans son état actuel, doit étre maudit ... En verité, il n'y a aucune sorte de maux et de malheurs qui ne doivent tomber sur lui à cause de sa chair."--See Renan, Souvenirs de l'enfance et de jeunesse, p. 206.

With such views it is simply a question of words whether the creator of such an abomination as the crowning work of the terrestrial universe is to be called God or Satan; he certainly cannot be the Good Principle.

[75] Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, Nos. 38, 39).--S. Bernardi Serm. in Cantica lxv. cap. 5; lxvi. cap. 1.--Gregor. Fanens Disputat. cap. 17.--Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens. cap. 7.--Radulf. Coggeshall. Chron. Anglic. (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 93).--Concil. Remens. ann. 1157, c. 1.--Ecberti Schonaug. contra Catharos Serm. i. cap. 1.--Cunitz, Beiträge zu den theol. Wissenschaften, 1852, B. IV. pp. 4, 12-14.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. II. cap. 9; Lib. III. cap. 5.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 550.

The Cathari probably had Romance versions of the New Testament as early as 1178, when we find the cardinal legate disputing at Toulouse with two Catharan bishops whose ignorance of Latin was a subject of ridicule, while they seem to have been ready enough with Scripture.--Roger. Hoveden. Annal. ann. 1178. See also Molinier, Annales de la Faculté des lettres de Bordeaux, 1883, No. 3.

Abbot Joachim bears testimony to the external virtues of the Cathari of Calabria, and the advantage which they derived from the vices of the clergy.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, p. 403.

The story of the sacrament made from the bodies of children born of promiscuous intercourse was widely circulated and variously applied. It was related in the eleventh century of the Euchitæ by Psellus (De Operat. Dæmon.) and continued to be told of successive heretics--even of the Templars.

[76] Ecberti Schonaug. contra Catharos Serm. I. cap. 2.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. cap. 18.--Lucæ Tudensis de altera Vita Lib. II. cap. 9; Lib. III. cap. 9, 18.

[77] Anon. Passaviens. c. 6.--Processus contra Valdenses (Arch. Storico Ital. 1865, No. 39, p. 57).

[78] Radulpli Glabri Lib. III. c. 8.--Landulf. Senior. Mediolan. Hist. II. 27.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. V. c. 19.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.--Guill. de Newburg. Hist. Anglic. Lib. II. c. 13.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1210.--Chron. Turon. ann. 1210.--Radulf. Coggeshall Chron. Anglic. (D. Bouquet. XVIII. 93).--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--S. Bernardi Serm. in Cantic. LXV. c. 13.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. c. 21.--Constitt. Sicular. Lib. I. tit. i.

The story of the young girl of Cologne assumes a somewhat mythical air when we find it repeated by Moneta as occurring in Lombardy (Cantù, Eretici d'Italia, I. 88); but this only enforces the universal tribute to the marvellous constancy of the heretics.

[79] Radulf. Coggeshall l.c.--Pauli Carnotens. Vet. Aganon. Lib. VI. c. iii.--Campana, Storia di San Piero Martire, Lib. II. c. 2, p. 57.--Fragment, adv. Hæret. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 341).--Cf. Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1315.

[80] Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 15-21.--Muratori Anecdota Ambrosiana, II. 112.--Guillel. Tyrii Lib. II. c. 13.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. II. 176; III. 3; v. 103, 110; VI. 140, 141, 212.--See also the curious letter of a Patarin in Matt. Paris, Hist. Angl. ann. 1243 (Ed. 1644 p. 413).

[81] Gerberti Epist. 187.--Radulphi Glabri Lib. ii. c. 11, 12.--Epist. Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. II. (Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 776-8).

[82] Ademari S. Cibardi Hist. Lib. III. c. 49, 59.--Pauli Carnot. Vet. Aganon. Lib. VI. c. 3.--Frag. Hist. Aquitan. et Frag. Hist. Franc. (Pithœi Hist. Franc. Scriptt. xi. pp. 82, 84).--Radulf. Glabri Hist. III. 8, IV. 2.--Gesta Synod. Aurel. circa 1017 (D'Achery I. 604-6).--Chron. S. Petri Vivi.--Synod. Atrebat. ann. 1025 (Labbe et Coleti XI. 1177, 1178; Hartzheim. Concil. German. III. 68).--Landulf. Sen. Mediol. Hist. II. 27.--Gesta Episcop. Leodiens. cap. 60, 61.--Hermann. Contract. ann. 1052.--Lambert. Hersfeldens. Annal. ann. 1053.--Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 37.--Radulf. Ardent. T.I.P. ii. Hom. 19.

Bishop Wazo's complaint that pallor was considered a positive proof of heresy was by no means a new one. In the fourth century it was regarded as sufficient to betray the Gnostic and Manichæan asceticism of the Priscillianists (Sulpic. Severi Dial. III. cap. xi.), and Jerome tells us that the orthodox who were pale with fasting and maceration were stigmatized as Manichæans (Hieron. Epist. ad Eustoch. c. 5). To the end of the twelfth century pallor continued to be regarded as a diagnostic symptom of Catharism (P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. c. 78).

[83] Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 17.--Schmidt, op. cit. I. 47.--Martene Thesaur. I. 336.

[84] Epist. Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. II. (Martene Ampl. Coll. I. 776-778).--Alex. PP. III. Epist. 2 (ibid. II. 628).--Concil. Remens. ann. 1157.--Hist. Monast. Vezeliacens. Lib. IV. ann. 1167.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 18.--Radulf. Coggeshall ubi sup.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 208.

[85] Alex. PP. III. Epist. 118, 122.--Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist. No. 16.--Annal. Aquiciuctens. Monast. ann. 1182, 1183.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1183.

[86] Histor. Trevirens. (D'Achery II. 221, 222).--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1200.--Evervini Steinfeld. Epist. (S. Bernardi Epist. 472).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.--Ecberti Schonaug. contra Catharos Serm. VIII.--Schmidt, I. 94-96.

[87] Guillel. de Newburg Hist. Anglic. Lib. II. c. 13.--Matt. Paris. Hist. Anglic. ann. 1166 (p. 74).--Radulf. de Diceto ann. 1166.--Radulf. Coggeshall (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 92).--Assize of Clarendon, Art. 21.--Petri Blesens. Epist. 113.--Schmidt, I. 99.

[88] The nomenclature of the heresy is quite extensive. The sectaries called themselves Cathari, or the pure. The origin of the term Patarin has been the subject of considerable dispute, but there would seem to be no doubt that it arose in Milan about the middle of the eleventh century, during the civil wars resulting from the papal efforts to enforce celibacy on the Milanese married clergy. In the Romance dialects _pates_ signifies old linen; rag-pickers in Lombardy were called Patari, and the quarter inhabited by them in Milan was known, even up to the last century, as Pattaria, or Contrada de' Pattari. Even to-day there are in Italian cities quarters or streets of that name (Schmidt, II. 279). In the eleventh-century quarrels the papalists held secret meetings in the Pattaria, and were contemptuously designated by their antagonists as Patarins--a name which was finally recognized and accepted by them (Arnulf. Mediolanens. Lib. III. cap. 11; Lib. IV. c. 6, 11.--Landulf. Jun. c. 1.--Willelmi Clusiens. vita Benedicti Abbat. Clusiens. c. 33.--Benzon. Comm. de Reb. Henrici IV. Lib. VII. c. 2). As the papal condemnation of clerical marriage was stigmatized as Manichæan, and as the papalists were supported by the secret heretics, followers of Gherardo di Monforte, the name was not unnaturally transferred to the Cathari in Lombardy, when they became publicly known, and it spread from there throughout Europe. In Italy the word Cathari, vulgarized into Gazzari, was also commonly used, and came gradually to designate all heretics; the officials of the Inquisition were nicknamed Cazzagazzari (Cathari hunters), and even accepted the designation (Muratori Antiq. Diss, LX. Tom. XII. pp. 510, 516), and the word is still seen in the German Ketzer. The Cathari, from their Bulgarian origin, were also known as Bulgari, Bugari, Bulgri, Bugres (Matt. Paris, ann. 1238)--a word which has been retained with an infamous signification in the English, French, and Italian vernaculars. We have seen above that from the number of weavers among them they were also known in France as Texerant, or Textores (cf. Doat, XXIII. 209-10). The term Speronistæ was derived from Robert de Sperone, bishop of the French Cathari in Italy (Schmidt, II. 282). The Crusaders who met the Paulicians (Παυλικανοι) in the East brought home the word and called them Publicani, or Popelicans. More local designations were Piphili or Pifres (Ecbert. Schonaug. Serm. I. c. 1), Telonarii or Deonarii (D'Achery, II. 560), and Boni Homines, or Bonshommes. The term Albigenses, from the district of Albi, where they were numerous, was first employed by Geoffroy of Vigeois, in 1181 (Gaufridi Vosens. Chron. ann. 1181), and became generally used during the crusades against Raymond of Toulouse.

The various sects into which the Cathari were divided were further known by special names, as Albanenses, Concorrezenses, Bajolenses, etc. (Rainerii Saccon. Summa. Cf. Muratori Dissert. LX.).

In the official language of the Inquisition of the thirteenth century, "heretic" always means Catharan, while the Vaudois are specifically designated as such. The accused was interrogated "Super facto hæresis vel Valdesiæ."

[89] Schmidt, I. 63-5.--Muratori Antiq. Dissert. LX. (p. 462-3).--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1199 No. 23-5; ann. 1205 No. 67; 1207 No. 3.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 491.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 298; II. 1, 50; v. 33; VII. 37; VIII. 85, 105; IX. 7, 8, 18, 19, 166-9, 204, 213, 258; X. 54, 105, 130; XV. 189; Gesta cxxiii.

[90] Schmidt I. 38.--Chron. Episc. Albigens. (D'Achery III. 572).--Udalr. Babenb. Cod. II. 303.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1119 c. 3.--Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139 c. 23.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1148 c. 18.

[91] Concil. Turon. ann. 1163 c. 4.--Concil. Lombariense ann. 1165 (Harduin. VI. II. 1643-52).--Roger de Hoveden. ann. 1176.--D. Vaissette, Hist. Gén. de Languedoc, III. 4--Löwenfeld, Epistt. Pont. Roman. inedd. No. 247 (Lipsiæ, 1885).

[92] D. Bouquet, XIV. 448-50.--D. Vaissette, III. 4. 537.

[93] Roger. Hoveden. Annal. ann. 1178.--D. Vaissette, III. 46-7.

[94] Benedict. Petroburg. Vit. Henrici. II. ann. 1178.--Alexander. PP. III. Epist. 395 (D. Bouquet, XV. 950-960).

[95] Roger. Hovedens. Annal. ann. 1178.--Schmidt, I. 78.--Martene Thesaur. I. 992.--Rob. de Monte Chron. ann. 1178.--Benedict. Petroburg. Vit. Henrici II. ann. 1178.

Roger Trencavel of Béziers was no heretic (see Vaissette, III. 49) and his treatment of the Bishop of Albi and disregard of the missionary bishops shows the complete contempt into which the Church had fallen, even among the faithful.

[96] Concil. Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 27.

[97] Gaufridi Vosiens. Chron. ann. 1181.--Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1181.--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1181.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1181.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1181.--D. Vaissette, III. 57.--Guillel. de Pod.-Laurent. c. 2.

[98] Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 92.--Gaufridi Vosiens. Chron. ann. 1183.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. xxix.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1183.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1183.--Guillel. Brito de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1183.--Ejusd. Philippidos Lib. I. 726-45.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1183.--Du Cange s. vv. _Cotarellus, Palearii_.

[99] Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Concil. Monspeliens. ann. 1195.

[100] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Tempore XII.--Guillem. de Tudela, c. ii.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. xxx.--Guillel. de Pod.-Laurent. Proœm.; cf. cap. 3, 4.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dist. v. c. 21.--Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 92.--Anon. Passaviens. (Bib. Mag. Pat. XIII. 299).--Schmidt, I. 200.

[101] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Diversis III.

[102] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Diversis VI.; Regest. VII. 165, X. 54.--Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. (Martene Ampl. Collect. I. 1149-51).

In 1250 Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, told Innocent IV. at Lyons that the corruption of the priesthood was the cause of the heresies which afflicted the Church (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 251. Ed. 1690).

[103] Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1198-1201.--Hist. Episcopp. Autissiodor. (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 725-6, 729).--Petri Sarnens. Hist. Albigens. c. 3.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. II. 63, 99; v. 36; VI. 63, 239; IX. 110; X. 206.--Potthast, No. 9152.--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1200.--Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1204 (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 713).

[104] Regest. II. 141, 142, 235.--Gesta Treviror. c. 104.

[105] Villani Cronica, Lib. v. c. 90.--Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, 424.--Guill. Pod. Laur. cap. 47.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 558.--Petri Sarnensis Hist. Albigens, c. 1.--Vaissette, Éd. 1730, III. 101.

[106] Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1207.--Vaissette, III. 128, 132.--Guillel. Pod. Laurent. c. 6, 7.--Regest. VIII. 115-6.--For the condition of other sees--Carcassonne, Vence, Agde, Ausch, Narbonne, Bordeaux--see Regest. I. 194; III. 24; VI. 216; VII. 84; VIII. 76; XVI. 5.

For the biography of Foulques, or Folquet, of Marseilles, who, after being favored by Raymond V., became the most bitter enemy of Raymond VI., see Paul Meyer ap. Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 444. Dante places him in the heaven of Venus, together with Cunizza, the lascivious sister of Ezzelin da Romano (Paradiso, IX.). It is related of him that once when preaching against the heretics he compared them to wolves and the faithful to sheep. A heretic whose eyes had been torn out and his nose and lips cut off by Simon de Montfort, arose and said, "Did you ever see sheep bite a wolf thus?" to which Foulques rejoined that de Montfort was a good dog who had thus bitten the wolf. A more pleasing trait is seen in the story that he gave alms to a poor heretic beggar-woman, saying that he gave it to poverty and not to heresy.--Chabaneau (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 292).

[107] Regest. I. 92, 93, 94, 165, 395; II. 122, 123, 298; III. 24; v. 96; VII. 17, 75; VIII. 75, 106; IX. 66; X. 68; XIII. 88; XIV. 32; XVI. 5.--Vaissette, III. 117.

[108] Petri Sarnens. c. 1, 17.--Vaissette, III. 129, 134-5; Preuves, 197.--Regest. VI. 242-3.

[109] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3.--Vaissette, III. 133, 135--Guillem de Tudela iv. My references to the poem which passes under the name of Guillem de Tudela are to Fauriel's edition (1837). A metrical version by Mary-Lafon appeared in 1868, since when M. Paul Meyer has issued a critical edition with abundant apparatus.

[110] Regest. VII. 76, 77, 79, 165.

[111] Regest. VII. 210, 212; VIII. 94, 97; IX. 103.--Havet, L'Hérésie et le bras seculier (Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, 1880, 582).

[112] Guillel. de Pod. Laurent, c. 8.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 1.

[113] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3.

[114] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3, 5.--Rob. Autissiodor. ann. 1207.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1207.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent, c. 8.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1208.--Regest. IX. 185.

[115] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3, 4.

[116] Regest. X. 69.

[117] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3, 6, 7.--Regest. X. 149, 176; XI. 11.

[118] Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 557.--Hist. du Comte de Toulouse (Vaissette, III. Pr. 3, 4).--Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 9.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 9.--Rob. Autissiodor. ann. 1209.--Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1208.--Regest. XI. 26; XII. 106.--Guillem de Tudela, v.

[119] Regest. XI. 26, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33.--Archives Nationales de France J, 430, No. 2.--Hist. du C. de Toul. (Vaissette, III. Pr. 4).

[120] Alberti Stadens. Chron. ann. 1212.--Chronik des Jacob v. Königshofen (Chron. der deutschen Städte IX. 649).--Regest. XI. 234; XV. 199.

[121] Guillel. Briton. Philippidos VIII. 490-529.--Regest. XI. 156, 157, 158, 159, 180, 181, 182, 231, 234.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 4, 96.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 559, 563.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 10, 14.--Guill. de Tudela viii., lvi., cliv.--Alberti Stadens. Chron. ann. 1210.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 21.--Reineri Monach. Leodiens. Chron. ann. 1210, 1213.--Chron. Engelhusii (Leibnitz Script. Rer. Brunsv. II. 1113).

[122] Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 13.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 4, 5.--Regest. XI. 232.

[123] Pet. Sarnens. c. 11, 12.--Regest. XII. post Epistt. 85, 107.

[124] Regest. ubi sup; XII. 89, 90, 106, 107.

[125] Regest. XI. 230; XII. 97, 98, 99.--Guillem de Tudela, xiii.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 10.

[126] Pet. Sarnens. c. 15.--Guillem de Tudela, xi., xiv.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 7.

[127] Regest. XII. 108.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 16.--Vaissette, III. 168; Pr. 10, 11.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 13.--Guillem de Tudela xvi.-xxiii., xxv.--Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1209.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. v. 21.

[128] Guillem de Tudela, xiii., xiv.--Vaissette, III. 169, 170; Pr. 9, 10.

[129] Regest. XII. 108; XV. 212.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 17.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 11-18.--Guillem de Tudela, xxiv.-xxxiii., xl.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1209.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 14.--A. Molinier, ap. Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VI. 296.

Dom Vaissette (III. 172) cites Cæsarius of Heisterbach as authority for the statement that four hundred and fifty of the inhabitants of Carcassonne refused to abjure heresy, of whom four hundred were burned and the rest hanged. The silence of better-informed contemporaries may well render this doubtful, especially as Cæsarius assigns the incident to a city which he terms Pulchravallis (Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 21).

[130] Regest. VII. 229; XV. 212; XVI. 87.--Fran. Tarafæ de Reg. Hisp.--Löwenfeld, Epistt. Pontif. ined. p. 63.--Lafuente, Hist. de Esp. V. 492-5.--Mariana, Hist. de Esp. XII. 2.--L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp. Lib. X.--Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, 424.--Vaissette, III. 124.--Gest. Com. Barcenon. c. 24.

[131] Pet. Sarnens. c. 16-18.--Joann. Iperii. Chron. ann. 1201.--Geoff. de Villehardouin, c. 55.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1202.--Guillem de Tudela, xxxv.

[132] Pet. Sarnens. c. 17_bis_.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 19.--Regest, XII. 108.--Pierre de Vaux-Cernay asserts that de Montfort was able to retain but thirty knights, but this is manifestly an exaggeration.

[133] Concil. Avenion. ann. 1209.--D'Achery Spicileg I. 706.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 20-26, 34.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 20.--Guillem de Tudela, xxxvi.--Regest. XII. 108, 109, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 129, 132, 136, 137; XIII. 86.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 340, No. 899.