Chapter X: Section III (2)

P. 382. He fairly says every thing taken out of the _Conception_ was divided according to the new articles made at _Fernandes_; which I believe to be mighty true, because it is the genuine account which I copyd from his own steward’s book; tho’ _Shelvocke_ then little thought that _Betagh_ would have it here to produce against him. He complains he had no more than six shares. I have proved already at the beginning of this section, that six, according to his last arbitrary scheme, are much better than sixty by the first articles with the Owners. But how in the name of sense could _Shelvocke_ expect sixty out of two and fifty? for it’s plain by the account there are no more. Thou art a very unconscionable fellow indeed to have more than your due, and yet complain you have not more than all. This is neither _Scotch_, _English_, nor _Irish_: ’Tis the devil! and if _Shelvocke_ can make sixty out of two and fifty, he must be more than a devil.

The next page or two he is very fearful of falling into the hands of the _Spaniards_, tho’ he talkd of nothing but surrendering just before this prize happend. This may look odd to a reader, who thinks he has nothing to lose beside flower and fruit; but after this discovery of the money it seems natural enough to be afraid to lose it. And why does he by way of caution speak of a rich prize that was formerly retaken from captain _Clipperton_ by venturing too near the shore, if the circumstances were not similar and parallel to his own case?

But I need not trouble my self any longer to expose the wretched shifts he makes to cover his guilt. ’Tis like a schoolboy who has been tardy and robbd an orchard: he first tells a lye to hide the roguery, and then invents twenty more to patch that up.

_Shelvocke_ having now done his business, steers away for _California_, in order to wood and water and clean his ship, that he might hasten to _China_ and make a good market of his silver: for the natives there are so fond of it, that by changing any species of silver into gold, a man may make 30 or 40 _per_ cent.

Accordingly in _August 1721_, he arrives at _California_; and gives his readers a description of the natives in the comical stile, thinking to make amends for the rest of his stupid incoherent romance. He would fain give us great ideas of the good breeding and gentility of those salvages, tho’ they have no intercourse with any other part of the world: but as I don’t take _Shelvocke_ to be a judge of good manners, I look upon what he says as a fable. He has the vanity to dwell upon that idle story of the king of the _Indians_ delivering him his sceptre, which he says was done in a very handsome manner; but he immediately returnd it, and doubtless with much grace and majesty: and yet he says he could not tell whether he was a king or no, only he had a black stick in his hand; which as it was the best thing the poor creature had, he gives it to _Shelvocke_, expecting no doubt a spoon or knife for it, which they are always glad of. And _Shelvocke_ will have it that this fellow was a king, and this black stick was a sceptre; which as he deliverd, it is pity _Shelvocke_ did not keep it, and make himself king of the country: for it’s plain the _Indian_ resignd his sovereignty by parting with the stick.

There’s none can forbear laughing who reads his daily manner of feasting these _Californian_ gentry with vast quantities of hasty-pudding: or his grave way of telling how respectfully and ceremoniously they returnd his civilities, keeping a constant equipage for the captain and his men, whenever they came ashore. In short, after all the country rung of _Shelvocke_’s fame and came in daily to view him, he concludes this ridiculous farce by telling ye the manner of his taking leave.

Page 398. When he loosed his topsails, having a mind to appear awful, he saluted the king and court with five guns, which mightily frighted them: but when they understood he was going away, the men were sadly cast down, and the women all fell a crying; which was a sure proof of their being in love, tho’ _Shelvocke_ is modest and don’t own it.

His saying he had a mind to appear very awful at parting, agrees well with the adoration which he says they paid him at first reception, p. 389: if wild ranting and frolicking can be calld adoration.

His pretended natural history of _California_ is all dull and tasteless, except just that which is taken from captain _Rogers_ who was there in 1710. _Shelvocke_ p. 399. it begins with the same words as he does p. 317. _Shelvocke_ says p. 390, “The rocks as you enter the harbour are like the needles of the isle of _Wight_.” _Rogers_ the same words, p. 317. The description of the men, p. 404, is verbally the same as the other p. 314. Their grinding a black seed which they eat for bread, is stolen from his journal. _Shelvocke_ says their language is guttural and harsh, p. 409. _Rogers_ p. 314, word for word the same. Their manner of living amicably and in common, is a transcript from the same author. Their bows and arrows, and their wonderful manner of diving is all the same.

_Shelvocke_ says, p. 408, A late navigator represents the _Californians_ as idle, lazy and jealous of their women; and that he never could have a sight of any but such as were old. Which _Shelvocke_ indeavours to be merry upon, by saying, “he could not tell how that gentleman treated them; but that he himself succeded so well in his addresses as to have them by hundreds every day young and old.” And after the frumety kettle had been boyling for them all day, it’s no wonder if some of them gave him their company all night: for he often says they were very civil and complaisant, and used to be concernd at the mens taking snuff for fear it should kill them.

The navigator here meant is the aforesaid author; whose accounts being universally commended, there’s no room to admit _Shelvocke_’s impertinence: but after a man has made himself so notorious a plagiary as I have just now proved him, ’tis a very stupid blunder in him to find fault with that only which signifies nothing. _Rogers_ his words are p. 316. “They appear to be very idle, and seem to look after no more than a present subsistence.”--This is confirmd of all _Indians_ who having no traffic, or knowledge but what is natural, must needs be indolent and idle: therefore I see no occasion there was to contradict this, when he had stole all the rest; except his ill breeding is so natural to him, that he can’t forbear it.

As for his being freer with the women, I don’t dispute that; neither is it for any man’s honour to confute him: only I can’t help remarking _Shelvocke_’s words at the close of this page 408. “I may venture to say, quoth he, that we ingaged them so far by trifling presents and entertainments, that no body upon those terms need want their assistance for the future.” The plain _English_ of which is, that any man may lye with the women for a rusty knife, or a porringer of thick milk.

Captain _Rogers_ has given us a handsome concise description of the people and the coast: and if a mariner who comes after can make no additional discoveries, he is a thief to print for his own another man’s observations, and a blockhead to trouble the world with his own schoolboy remarks; such as his conceited notions of a king and sceptre; he and his dirty crew having adoration paid them, and his foolish tales of ceremonious equipage and hasty pudding.

Captain _George Shelvocke_ having here finish’d his wise observations, prepares to cross the western ocean from _Mexico_ to _China_; and with a hypocritical sigh laments the absence of _Clipperton_, whom he partly came hither to meet with: but says he had the inward comfort of having added this instance of his indeavours to the advantage of the expedition in general, p. 433.

Now I leave the reader to judge whether ’tis likely he came here to seek _Clipperton_, or was sorry for the disappointment, after having so long shund him, blinded the world with a false relation of his acquisition, conceald all the money, and divided it among three and thirty of them? and yet this man has the calm assurance to talk of his indeavours for the advantage of the expedition!

In two or three days sail he says he discoverd land, which he takes the liberty of naming _Shelvocke_’s island. Vain creature! dost thou expect any one after reading this narrative of your actions shall mention the word _Shelvocke_ without ridicule? much less shall an island where you never set foot ashore be calld after your unworthy name. Had you been there sacrificed for your avarice and tyranny, as _Peter Baldivia_ was at the place which bears his name, you might ever remain, like him, unrivald in your title; and your son _George_ might have wrote your epitaph.

In _Shelvocke_’s passage over to _Guam_ nothing material happens but the death of seven or eight more of his men; some of whose shares, I have reason to believe, became his perquisit: for two of their widows have assured me, that after much painful application they could get no relief. On his arrival at _Guam_ he makes this cunning observation, that he found it one hundred leagues short of captain _Rogers_ his account: but I don’t wonder at that; because this later kept a public regular journal, and has printed each day’s run; which book _Shelvocke_ would never let his people look into, or keep a true reckoning themselves.

Page 438. Here he says he should have been very glad of refreshments; but the ill state of his people was an objection against his staying, lest the governer should take an advantage of their weakness and surprize him. When they were upon the point of perishing, as he calls it, one would think it was a very proper time to get refreshments. But this is another instance of his falsehood; for the true reason is conceald, namely, his fear of losing the hundred and twenty thousand dollars, _&c._ which he had aboard.

In _November_ he gets to _China_, and meets with some of _Clipperton_’s people at _Macao_; from whose intelligence he gives us that part only of _Clipperton_’s conduct which is blameable. I own I can’t find out the pleasure of triumphing over a dead man’s character, especially in those private defects which can do the defamer no service or credit.

By my transcript of _Taylor_’s journal, _Shelvocke_ may see I have not omitted those facts which related to _Clipperton_, and I am glad to give him this proof of my impartiality: but where he has perverted the story, I am obliged to oppose him: for _Shelvocke_ says that _Clipperton_ was orderd into custody at _Macao_, for silly reasons which he gives, and not worth my reciting, because there’s nothing in them. If the reader please to return to the last page or two of the journal, he will find that _Clipperton_ honestly withstood dividing his capture as long as he could, till an order from the _Mandarin_, and a guard came aboard the ship to oblige him: this _Shelvocke_ has the malice to call taking into custody; tho’ he knew the story as well as I can tell him. And whereas he says they fleeced _Clipperton_ and let him go; ’tis quite wrong; for _Clipperton_ paid but 1700 dollars for anchorage, as by the journal, which is not 400 pound: and _Shelvocke_ owns he paid above 2000 pound, p. 457: therefore ’tis manifest the latter was fleeced, not the former.

Immediately after which he has these words, “I thought it proper to make this digression for the information of such of the Gentlemen owners who have thought _Clipperton_ blameless, that they might pass a judgment on his conduct: since it is certain that he will never, either privately or publicly, let them into the truth of his story.”--What can be more offensive than this, first to invent a falsehood, and then say ’tis for the gentlemens information? which he concludes with a jesuitical turn, that _Clipperton_ never would _publicly_ or _privately_ let them into the truth of his story; the only reason of which is a mental reserve that honest Mr. _Shelvocke_ has, that truly he knew captain _Clipperton_ was dead.

What remains of this author, relating the shifts he made to get himself and his money transported to _England_, whether true or false, tis immaterial to my design: and so I leave him aboard an _East India-man_ which brought him home the first of _August, 1722_. His 14th chapter, as it contains nothing of our dispute, is no ways liable to my exception. I believe his cautions and directions to be very just, and may be useful to any who shall go upon that cruise: but his own behaviour is a proof, that it’s easier to give good advice than to follow it.

* * * * *

THUS have I taken fair pains gradually to trace and answer captain _Shelvocke_: to expose his ignorance in some things, and detect his many wilful forgeries in others. I have discoverd nothing of his wickedness out of its proper place with design to prepossess mankind; well knowing that where truth is to be found, art is needless.

Upon the whole the reader may perceive that he lays all the mischiefs of his voyage to the obstinacy of his men, always taking care to shift off the guilt from himself: And to prepare his readers the better, has the groundless assurance to say in the fourth page, that they had actually formd a design of returning with the ship to _England_.

2. At St. _Catherine_’s he says they forced him to sign the new articles, or else they would have run away with the ship.

3. Going in to _Chiloe_ he says was the mens fault; where we so narrowly escaped a shipwreck.

4. At going in to _Conception_ a little to leeward, he says the same.

5. At _Fernandes_, he says they forced him to divide the Owners money, and enter upon the new _Jamaica_ discipline.

6. Upon meeting _Clipperton_, he says, ’twas his men demanded a confirmation of the first articles with the Owners, after they had twice made new ones for themselves.

7. When he left the four men aboard the bark where they were murderd, he says his people would not let him bring to till she came up.

8. ’Twas his men also gave him an island, and obstinately calld it after his name: the vanity and inconsistency of all which I have sufficiently exposed. But I would fain know what forced him to conceal that great sum of money taken aboard the _Conception_? Or who obliged him to play the hypocrite and keep it a secret when he publishd his book? I could ask him many more questions that would stagger him: particularly, who forced him to dedicate his volume of scandal and forgery to the lords of the admiralty? who flatterd him into a belief, that their lordships would patronize the author of so much treachery and cruelty? and whom he has had the unpardonable boldness to deceive in the first line of his dedication; by telling them, that having before had the honour to present them the original minutes of his transactions, he now has laid before them a more perfect account of his procedings: when at the same time he never kept a journal, tho’ he says he lost one at _Fernandes_, p. 417, which place I shall quote for the _particularity_ of it.--“When I was shipwreckd on the island of _John Fernandes_, I among many other things lost some _particular_ remarks and memorandums of the ship’s way _et cætera_: therefore in _general_ have not been _particular_.” I can’t tell what he would have the world understand by this; but I and every common sailor knows, that if a man loses the particular memorandums of a ship’s way _et cætera_, he has lost them in general _et cætera_.

If such language, such remarks and pitiful forgeries can pass for _A voyage round the world_, a man may e’en stay at home and compose one. ’Tis nothing but a bundle of falshood and scandal: and _John Bunyan_’s Pilgrim’s progress is a much better journal, and better writ.

For the entertainment of the curious I shall here subjoyn a few of _Shelvocke_’s _blunderrata_; tho’ the captain is said to have had the assistance of his son, and his son the assistance of the learned.

Page 196. Mightily disabled.

207. _Saved_ the ship _not_ coming to pieces.

257. To hear the silence of the night destroyd.

278. With a resolute despair.

418. In _general_ have not been _particular_.

307. Shall _now_ continue my narration of our _future_ procedings.

265. We had not an _hour’s_ hopes of living a _minute_ longer, _&c_, _&c_, _&c._

Soon as captain _Shelvocke_ returnd to _London_, he waited on the same gentleman I have often mentiond, who framed and directed this expedition; where being self-convicted of his past wicked actions, he hoped by a genteel donation to pacify the resentment he expected to meet with: but the said gentleman to whom he thus applyd, was rather shockt at the visit; and instead of hearkening to any terms, charged a constable with him, and carryd him to the _Cockpit_. The secretary of state being absent, he was there advised to take out an action against him at _Doctors commons_, and another at _Common law_ at the Owners suit; with several processes against some of his people, who came home in the _India_ ships with their ill gotten wealth. So that captain _Shelvocke_ was himself that day confined in _Wood-street Counter_; and a few days after about a dozen of his crew, being all that yet appeard, were arrested also and confined.

After this the said owner applyd to the court of _Admiralty_ for a warrant to keep _Shelvocke_ in custody of the marshal, in order to be tryd for a pyracy on the _Portuguese_; for robberies on the king of _Spain_’s subjects since the cessation of arms; and lastly for defrauding his owners and people, affidavits having been made of these several facts by two of his own officers and others. But the court refused him a warrant, because it was not sworn that the witnesses saw the moydors taken out of the _Portuguese_ captain’s scritore; tho’ they swore they were taken out of his possession and brought from the ship. This greatly disappointed the owners, and involved them in the tedious law suit which followd: for they found it difficult to lay the action at _Doctors commons_, being under the discouragement of the judge of that court: and the proceding at _Common law_ was so intricate and doubtful, that they were forced to seek relief in the court of _Chancery_. Upon setting forth the case, the Lord chancellor granted a writ of _Ne exeat regnum_ against the said _Shelvocke_, markt 8000_l_, and some of his men in lesser sums: but _Shelvocke_ getting bail to the action at common law, contrived so with the marshal of the king’s bench prison, that he escaped on a _Sunday_, and prevented the said writ in chancery being served upon him; and has ever since absconded. Mean time the bill in chancery was carryd on, to which _Shelvocke_ refusing to put in answer; a writ of rebellion was issued out: but a brother in law of _Shelvocke_’s applyd to two of the owners, being complainants named in the bill, and so prevailed with them, that they pretended they were about a competition with the defendent: so that a sudden stop was made to the prosecution; except other of the owners would exhibit a fresh bill, and spend more money, having already laid out above 400 pound: which however was designd more to punish his unparalleld wickedness, than for any real prospect of advantage.

Now let mankind judge what a check this must be to all future aid and assistance to the crown; when at any time a prince upon a declaration of war, shall require his loving subjects to fit out private ships to cruise upon and annoy the enemy! Is it not a temptation to the crew of any other ship who carry only money aboard, to run away with the vessel, come home in the face of their imployers, and go to law with their own masters money? Is it not to give such men hopes of protection from the laws of their own country, which surely are made to punish, not defend the cruel and the wicked? Here’s an example, where a writ granted by the highest officer in the kingdom has not been able to secure an offender, who has found means by corrupt practices to prevent the execution of it. But yet more astonishing is this man’s assurance to impose a scandalous narrative upon the world for truth, to gloss over his cruelties and robberies by the innocent name of _A voyage round the world_; and after all, dedicate this libel to the lords of the admiralty; wherein he courts them for favours, while there are repeated letters from the king of _Spain_ to demand satisfaction for depredations upon his subjects, committed by this very man; and he still braving it with impunity.

’Tis proper therefore to insert here, that complaint was made to one of the principal secretaries of state by the marquiss _de Pozzo Bueno_ ambassador from the king of _Spain_, while his _Britannic_ majesty was at _Hanover_; “_That on the_ 11th _of_ April 1721, _in the road of_ Sansonate _on the coast of_ Mexico, George Shelvocke _commander of an_ English _privatier did then and there make prize a ship calld the_ Holy Family, _value one hundred thousand dollars, belonging to_ Don Lewis Carillo _of_ Lima _in_ Peru; _altho’ the said_ Shelvocke _had notice given him of a cessation of arms agreed upon in the year_ 1720, _between the crowns of_ England _and_ Spain, _and publishd in those seas before the said capture._”--I have seen a copy of this memorial, being writ in _French_, and sent to one of our Owners; and here is now, or was a _Spanish_ agent in _London_ to solicit the business. It is hard to know how this affair will be determined, now _Great Britain_ and _Spain_ are at such variance; but if the court of _Madrid_ comes quickly into terms, which looks not improbable, the government may still lay hold on _Shelvocke_ for all his robberies in the _South-Sea_, as well as his pyracy on the _Portuguese_; tho’ courts of justice either want the inclination or power to punish him.

* * * * *

Here follows a distinct list of the number of men, lost and destroyd according to the will and pleasure of captain _Shelvocke_; only 33 remaining out of 106 to divide the whole profits of the cruise: and it is observable that of all his people only two died a natural death and two by casualty.

Turnd ashore at St. _Jago_ and St. _Catharine_’s }
before we got into the _South-Seas_, }
nine, _Andrew Pedder_ chief mate, }
_Henry Chapman_ third mate, _Charles_ }
_Turner_ gunner, _Henry Hudson_ boatswain, } 9
_William Parsons_ and _William_ }
_Coon_ boatswain’s mates, _George Hint_ }
and _Charles Perry_ seamen. }

Commanded ashore near _Conception_ }
in _Chili_ where they were murderd, }
three, _John Eady_ midshipman, _John_ } 3
_Daley_ and _George Aboigne_ marines. }

Sent a cruising to be taken prisoners, }
fifteen, _Simon Hatley_ second captain }
of the _Speedwel_, _William Betagh_ captain }
of marines, _Gilbert Hamilton_ ensign, }
_John Sprake_ second mate, _Nicolas_ }
_Laming_ boatswain, _Christopher Pressick_ }
surgeon’s first mate, _Robert Cobs_ } 15
serjeant of marines, _Matthew Appleton_, }
_Martin Hayden_, _Richard Bond_, _Richard_ }
_Gloyns_, _John Panther_ seamen, }
_John Wilson_, _John Nicolson_, and _Tho._ }
_Barnet_, marines. }

Orderd on a cruise in a bark with }
one week’s provision, and obliged then }
to surrender on the coast, eleven, _James_ }
_Hopkins_ third mate, _Robert Rawlins_ }
midshipman, _William Dobson_, _Thomas_ } 11
_Wilkinson_, _Edward Oasting_, _John Bone_, }
_Charles Weatherly_, _William Kitchen_, }
_Richard Cross_, _John Guathar_ and _John_ }
_Gundy_ seamen. }

Left on _Fernandes_ eleven, besides }
thirteen _Indians_, _John Wisdom_, _Joseph_ }
_Monero_, _William Blew_, _John Riddleclay_, }
_Edmund Hyves_, _Daniel Harvey_, } 11
_William Giddy_, _John Robjohn_, _Thomas }
Hawkes_, _James Row_ and _Jacob_ }
_Bowden_ seamen. }

Left in a prize and murderd four, }
_John Giles_ serjeant of marines, _John_ } 4
_Emlin_ seaman, _John Williams_ marine, }
_George Chappel_ a lad. }

Sent ashore into the hands of the }
enemy without a hostage, and never since }
heard of, six, _Edward Brook_ first lieutenant, } 6
_William Tamly_ midshipman, _Fredric_ }
_Macenzie_, _Robert Bowman_, _Richard_ }
_Philips_ and _John Poulton_ seamen. }

Begd their passage with _Clipperton_, }
to be freed from _Shelvocke_’s tyranny, }
three, _James Hendrie_ agent for the } 3
Owners, _Thomas Dod_ lieutenant of }
marines, and _William Morphew_ midshipman. }

Died four, _Richard Arscot_ in the }
_Speedwel_, and _Edmond Philips_ in _Shelvocke_’s }
bark, _William Campbell_ drownd } 4
going round _Cape Horne_, and _Richard_ }
_Hannah_ drownd going to the wreck }
from _Fernandes_ island. }

Deserted at St. _Catharine_’s three, }
_Abraham Dutour_, _Anthony Wood_, and } 3
_William Leveret_. }

Stayd on board the _Ruby_ at St. _Catherine_’s }
two, _William Mariner_ sail } 2
maker, and _Lawrence Lancette_ of the }
carpenter’s crew. }

Left ashore at _Payta_, _Rich. Bavin_. 1

Deserted at _Chiloe_, _Robert Morris_. 1
---
In all 73
---

Stayd with _Shelvocke_ and divided } 33
all (his son being included.) }
---
Total ship’s company 106
---

’Tis fit I say something to the memory of captain _Clipperton_, who being this time so extraordinary well fitted out, and having been twice this cruise before, doubted not of easily making a good voyage for the Owners and All of us: but after he was separated from the _Speedwel_, and under the hardship of losing his stock of liquors; he was forced to sail comfortless under a doubtful expectation, till he came to the last scene of action: where being still disappointed of his consort, ’tis no wonder if he gave the voyage over for lost. When afterwards he did meet with captain _Shelvocke_ on the coast of _Mexico_, all his proposals proved ineffectual. Thus _Clipperton_ having in vain made three foreign voyages, two of which were round the globe, he took it to heart, grew dejected, and in his passage to _Asia_ minded nothing at all. However, we see by the journal that he kept good order, and acted by council during his whole cruise upon the enemy.

When he came to _China_ he sold the _Success_, laying by the Owners moiety as aforesaid: then he arrived in _Holland_, aboard a _Dutch East-India_ ship, and died two or three days after he came to his family in _Ireland_; being heart-broke, as I am well informd, at his long run of misfortune.

He was an _Englishman_, born at great _Yarmouth_ in the county of _Norfolk_, and used to the water from his infancy. He was certainly a complete seaman, as the northern _English_ generally are, and in all the south navigation he was perfectly experienced. His humanity and good nature are undeniable, having never arbitrarily exposed or commanded away the lives of any of his people: and tho’ he had private failings, they were common to mankind, and not such as _Shelvocke_ has unfairly represented.

My readers in general, as well as the gentlemen adventurers, may here see that the miscarriage of all this expedition is wholly imputable to the captain of the _Speedwel_, who cruelly treated his own people; deserted the other ship till the war was over; acted separately, and managed every thing arbitrarily: tho’ our orders were strictly to copy captain _Rogers_ his method, and in all attempts and difficulties to act by a council of our own officers.

So that if _Shelvocke_ had early rejoynd the _Success_ and concurrd with _Clipperton_, according to the said precedent, We who are extreme sufferers had not only profited thereby, but the advantages might have been national. The charge of our expedition was upwards of fourteen thousand pound, and I believe the _Duke_ and _Duchess_ did not stand the _Bristol_ gentlemen in so much. And tho’ _Rogers_ had aboard him some troublesom spirits, who opposed his better views, yet it’s well known he brought home a capture of a _hundred and seventy thousand pound_ value. We were certainly as well fitted out as they: and thus having precedents and examples, what might we not have done, if conducted, as they were, with prudence, care and integrity!