Chapter IX: Section III (1)

Here I resume the history of my captain, whom I left cruising off _Payta_; while _Hatley_, I, and the rest of us were taken by admiral _Midranda_, otherwise call’d general of the _South-Sea_.

_Shelvocke_ having hitherto failed of making his fortune, begins now to think it too late, at least for this season. The scheme of our voyage is at an end; the enemy is alarm’d; their ships all laid up, except the two _Spanish_ men of war which are in quest of the _English_ privatiers: and _Shelvocke_ probably would now be glad of his commodore _Clipperton_’s company. But finding as he says p. 199, his circumstances to be in an extreme melancholy posture; he sails back to windward, and resolves upon a new experiment, which was to get rid of the owners ship, and cruise upon a new bottom: thereby thinking to intitle himself to all he should get, exclusive of us prisoners and the gentlemen at home. And this is captain _Shelvocke_’s law and, conscience, and the real shift he now makes to dispute it with the gentlemen who fitted him out.

Accordingly he sails to _Fernandes_, where he arriv’d the beginning of _May_, being winter in that hemisphere. He was too good a seaman to believe he could ride it out the remaining part of the winter, in a wild road, destitute of any kind of shelter, and exposed to strong gusts of northerly winds which frequently blow there in that season: he well knew there was no meddling with the coast for the enemies men of war: therefore he makes half the tour of the island, seemingly to push her into some creek; after which, he comes to in the usual place, with only one anchor to trust to; for he had taken care to have no more. Here the ship rode several days safe enough: and during his stay, seventeen of his men are sent ashore, while others were imploy’d in getting off water to favour a false design of going to sea again: and under this pretence of watering, both now and after, many things of value were secretly carry’d ashore, which the people in general wonder’d to see there, and could not imagine who brought them. However, the more effectually to put his project in execution, he weighs from this place, and comes to anchor close in shore: upon which his people unanimously fear some very odd mischievous design, and suddenly recollect how they had often heard him say, That it was not difficult living at _Fernandes_, if a man should accidentally be thrown there, since Mr. _Selkirk_ had continu’d upon it four years by himself.

Possest with these things, the people were amaz’d, that their captain would leave a clear berth and good anchoring to venture farther in, where it was foul and rocky; and where if the cable parted there could be but little hopes to save the ship: whereas in their first situation they had clear anchoring, room and drift enough to get their tacks aboard, to claw it off either to the east or westward. As soon as the anchor was down, Mr. _Brook_ the first lieutenant advised flinging two of their heaviest guns, which, in case of losing the anchor, might bring her up a little ’till they could set the sails: But _Shelvocke_ rejected all these things with a stedfast tranquillity, and now says he had no opportunity of getting to sea in four days, tho’ he was ready: which I am sure is an absurdity wants clearing up, p. 205. Moreover, how can _Shelvocke_ impose this sham readiness on mankind, when his seventeen hands are all at this time on the island, and who he owns came down so seasonably to his assistance, as soon as the ship touched the shore? Here, he says, a hard gale of wind came from the sea, which brought in such a tumbling swell, that in a few hours the cable parted, the ship struck, and all the masts went overboard.

This is the plausible reason he gives for losing his ship, being a wind rais’d only in his brain, and of his own invention: for ’tis a most notorious falshood, to say, there was any gale when the cable parted: all his people have in one word assur’d me and many others to the contrary. And _Shelvocke_ very well knew, that if he should be catched by a gale in that perilous road-stead, and so poorly found with ground tackle, they must all inevitably have perish’d, by reason of the prodigious breach the sea makes in any thing of weather against the sunken rocks and stones all along the shore. He therefore took care to secure all their lives by destroying his ship in fine serene weather, which the ingenious captain perform’d by bringing a spring on his cable, with which he hove his ship’s broadside against the swell, and kept her in that position ’till the cable was tore asunder. Mr. _Dod_, who pretends not to be a seaman, says, that about three hours before the ship went ashore, some hands were at work on the quarter deck hawling in a hawser which was made fast to the cable; and that he inquir’d of _Gilbert Henderson_ the gunner, what that was for? _Henderson_ answer’d him, that if he would be rightly inform’d, he must go and ask the captain. To confirm this, several of his people have made _affidavit_, that it blew no wind at all, that every soul of them got commodiously ashore, and that it’s their belief he lost the ship on purpose: and its remarkable, he made not one tryal to prevent it.

Soon as the cable parted, Mr. _Laport_ his third lieutenant seeing immediate ruine, cry’d out, Set the foresail; hoping thereby to do some good: and while _Edmund Philips_ and others were actually upon the yard, _Shelvocke_ hastily order’d them down, and taking the helm in his hand, said, Ne’re mind it boys; stand all fast, i’ll lay her on a feather bed: which, as it proved a plaguy hard one, shews his great indifference as to the event of the ship.

Page 26. He brags of his being thirty years an officer in the navy: what then must we say to a man of such experience, who will lavishly destroy two or three ships, and save not an anchor and cable for a time of need? There’s nothing can excuse it, but owning what I have been proving. Either way it’s very bad: his judgment and his honesty being both in great danger.

Another circumstance comes in here--When we met _La Jonquiere_ at St. _Catherine_’s, _Shelvocke_ procur’d of him a pair of smith’s bellows and forge, p. 29, which at that time we could see no manner of occasion for: but without them, ’tis now evident, he could never have made bolts, spikes, nails and other iron work for a barque able to carry fifty or sixty men to sea; and in short, without the bellows, he could never have begun such a piece of work at all. I am sure none of us mistrusted then, that the _Speedwel_ was to be lost; tho’ our captain had a greater foresight, and provided accordingly. Sometimes indeed, large burdensome ships that strain and labour much in a grown sea, and often snap their bolts and chainplates, may want such a thing; but a lively handy vessel like ours of 170 ton, had no more occasion for a pair of smith’s bellows than a great cathedral organ.

I offer not these things as clear demonstrations, but circumstances only; for it is impossible in this case to go farther: and there’s no room for any other sort of proof in a fact where a man has no conspirators, but keeps all the design in his own breast.

In short the ship struck several times and bulg’d. The captain and his men all got ashore: he says one was lost; but it is utterly false: and how wretched so ever he has painted their lives and conversation, the reader will but little regard what he writes: for it is certain he saved all that was most valuable; particularly sugar and powder, both which are damaged as soon any thing. He sav’d but little provision; because that is always stow’d in the hold: but he rememberd to get out his commission, with all the plate and money. What else could he expect? He used to say it was easy living at _Fernandes_, but now ’tis to serve another turn, he says quite other things.

Here they put themselves under the _Jamaica_ discipline; and divided among them every shilling of the money laid by before for the Owners, and all our shares left in the ships by us who were taken prisoners: and the only reason _Shelvocke_ gives for this, is the old story, his men would have it so: but I that have most reason of any man living to know him best, shall prove that _Shelvocke_ lost not a tittle of his command after the shipwreck: for after they had put themselves on the model aforesaid, whereby he says the captains are allow’d but four shares; he could manage it so, as to have six. And whatever hardships he may sham the reader with, p. 223, those six proportions are much better now, than sixty before. For pray consider, the gentlemen Owners are intirely excluded; who were to have one half of all the capture; and then he has got rid of more than half his ship’s company, among whom _Hatley_, as second captain, was intituled to thirty shares; my self to twenty, the two mates, the surgeon’s mate, the ensign, a serjeant and corporal of marines, besides the foremastmen. All these shares, I say, being deducted, besides reducing three more of his chief officers, _La Port_, _Hendrie_ and _Dod_, two of which afterwards quitted the ship, does not all this make it evident, that six shares, where there are but 52 dividends of the whole capture are better than 60 where there are 650 dividends of half the capture? This shews how greatly _Shelvocke_ would impose upon mankind, and is a confirmation that it was his aim and his interest to destroy the ship; and bring about this new regulation.

As to the whole trifling account of his transactions at _Fernandes_ taking up above fifty pages of his book, as it is little to me; I shall take but little notice of it: leaving the reader to amuse himself with it at leisure. He has taken pains all along to make us believe, that the shipwreck was not his own act and deed, by representing the hardships he was exposed to ashore, from the dissention of his people, the barreness of the place, and the improbability of his getting well to sea again: But this is all artifice, to make the reader imagine, that no man would run himself voluntarily into so many difficulties. It is certain they liv’d poor enough upon the island; but having good carpenters, caulkers, smiths, and all proper workmen, he continually imploy’d them upon the main point: which was to get a new bark built out of the old ship; in order to make a private fortune in a more expeditious manner, than he could before: as I shall demonstrate by and by, when I shew my reader the written account of their acquisition, and how they shard it on the coast of _Mexico_; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has conceal’d it. One thing I must not forget, p. 225, he says that Mr. _Brook_ having got the love of the people; was named to be their future commander: but as it did not take place, I shall shew how _Shelvocke_ took care it never should, by making away with him and five more at _Sansonate_.

However, I must not quit him without a story I lately had from Mr. _Hendrie_, which shews how he was divested of his authority, as he calls it, p. 219. Captain _Shelvocke_ maintaind as absolute sway at _Fernandes_, as before, till the tenth of _June_ came about. The men knowing what affection the captain had for that anniversary, some of them begd to have the small arms to celebrate the day in the most dutiful manner they could: upon which _Shelvocke_ readily consented; and those who did not care to assist at it, diverted themselves about the island, not knowing but a civil war might be the consequence. So, a bonfire was made steeple high, the loyal subjects wearing artificial roses of linen rags and paper, while several cordial vollies and huzzas were let off; _Shelvocke_ himself being captain of the mob, and his son _George_ the skinker to fill out the liquor. But, what sower’d the festival was, they had nothing to drink the _Chevalier_’s health in, but vinegre, water and sugar, being the best punch they could get. At the close of this rejoycing, the captain demanded their muskets; but the men were wise enough to keep them, the scheme having been chiefly laid for that purpose.

In short, on the fifth of _October 1720_, the bark is completed, launched, and calld the _Recovery_. And thus by giving her a new name, captain _Shelvocke_ has the new fashiond assurance to tell mankind that the Owners title is quite sunk, as if there never had been any such thing: tho’ he still proceded with the king’s commission, being the property of the Owners; and is the same which he afterwards producd at _China_, as a protection for his own person, and a security for all that he had rapaciously got together.

And whereas, p. 216, he affectedly says, that the men in a body thank’d him for giving them a prospect of deliverance; I think it very improbable that the men would be so courtly, when above twenty of them chose to remain upon the island. And whereas again, p. 242, he insinuates that they who stay’d behind were afraid to venture in the new bark; I think it much more natural to suppose, they had rather stay upon that island and trust to the mercies of providence, than be made the certain tools of _Shelvocke_’s tyranny and self interest.

My captain’s first enterprize was with the _Margarita_, p. 262, he calls her a forty gun ship; which at that rate could not burthen less than 400 ton. In this I can confront him of my own authority: for I was aboard this ship afterwards at _Callao_, and she never carried above 200 ton and eighteen guns: but _Shelvocke_ wisely magnifys her force, because her geting clear might bring no other slur upon his captainship: whereas she certainly escaped thro’ his own fear: for after his gunner was kill’d he took the helm in his hand from _Christopher Hawkins_, and puting it hard down, sheer’d off from her. P. 279, he says, he heard the captain and three of the _Margarita_’s men were killd in the action; which is so far from truth, that they had none kill’d, and only a _Nigro_ wounded in the cheek. They had not above a dozen cartridges of powder aboard, and two or three small arms belonging to the passengers, with only stones or ballast for shot. The commander of her was a _Frenchman_, who told it me all at _Callao_: beside which, captain _Opie_ in the _Carteret_ brought from _Buenos Aires_ one of the _Margarita_’s passengers, who told the story to fifty gentlemen about town.

_David Griffith_, who went with _Shelvocke_ to _China_, confirms all the above particulars. He has been with me since his arrival in _London_, and says that captain _Morel_, who was afterwards taken aboard the _Conception_, declared there was a man in the _Margarita_, who stood ready by the colours immediately to strike, if captain _Shelvocke_ could have taken courage to board her. _David_ further assures me, that _Shelvocke_’s whole account of that story is to excuse his own faint heart: for whereas he talks of his animating the men, and their backwardness to fight, it is a mean pitiful forgery; for the men were unanimous for boarding the enemy; and _Shelvocke_ shamefully refused it; took the helm and sheerd off.

His next feat is plundering the village of _Iquique_; where he got a good quantity of provision, wine and brandy: immediately after which he meets with and attacks the _Francisco Palacio_ a large merchant ship: and _Shelvocke_ by this time being somewhat potvaliant, I believe he did his indeavour to carry her; but she provd too big for his bark. However his main purpose being to change his new baptized vessel, as soon as he could, he quickly met with an opportunity that succeded. Standing into the road of _Pisco_, they discover a good ship: whereupon _Shelvocke_ summons his people, who came to a resolution to board her at once; which they luckily performd without resistance. This prize was calld _Jesu Maria_ of 200 ton, laden with pitch, tar and copper: so that our freebooters decently quit their slight new tenement for a good, clean, weatherproof habitation. It seems the _Spaniard_ offerd 16000 dollars for her again: but _Shelvocke_’s people were certainly in the right to keep the prize; for considering their circumstance, no money at that time could be an equivalent.

A way he sails to _Payta_ in the _Jesu Maria_, where the most important thing I find, is the reflexion he makes upon the conduct of captain _Clipperton_, who he says refused a booty of 400,000 dollars, king’s money, which lay there in the governer’s hands.

Here _Shelvocke_ gives another great example of his ignorance; for to my experience, who was first set there ashore, after being a prisoner; I know very well that the place is poor and without a governer, having no trade whereby any duties, worth mentioning, can arise to his _Catholic_ Majesty: There is indeed a head man (as there is in all places) called _Teniente_, who makes a hard shift to live by exacting port charges and other small fees from the vessels that touch there only for refreshments, and to put their pedlars ashore. _Clipperton_ knew this very well, and was too prudent to make a fresh broil upon the coast for nothing at all, and that’s the reason he never touchd there; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has magnified himself so much upon it, and has absurdly connected two facts together, which happend at a year’s distance: For the first time the _Success_ was in the parallel of _Payta_, was _Nov. 1719_; and the second time _Nov. 1720_, as appears plainly by _Taylor_’s journal: and yet this ignorant book-writer, p. 188 and 288, has mention’d _Clipperton_’s puting prisoners ashore there in _Nov. 1719_, being the first time: whereas the prisoners he designd to put ashore was in _Nov. 1720_, a twelve month afterwards; which however he did not; but landed them at _Cape Helen_; as specifyd in the journal the 2d. section of this voyage. He is very right to assert that which no one can doubt of, when he says _Clipperton_ might have taken _Payta_ as easily as he did; and so might any vessel, sending ashore six armed men, for there’s no such thing as firearms, being a naked village of defenceless _Indians_. But it is endless for me to set the public right in every fact of _Shelvocke_’s history; for as the whole is divided into voluntary falshood and plain ignorance, his book may more justly be calld a romantic libel than a journal.

His next arrival is at the island of _Quibo_, p. 303; where he talks of a terrible sort of hogs with their navels upon their backs; for my part I don’t easily believe such out of the way things; but refer our captain _Quibo_ to dispute it with the physicians and anatomists.

In their passage hither he says his men frequently got drunk and quareld; and that he went in danger of his life, and used to have his clothes tore from his back, if he endeavourd to part them. This too may be a very important discovery to the rest of his readers; but I my self know him so well that it is no news to me: for _Shelvocke_ used to make freer with the wine and brandy than any one; and I believe his men thought it no harm to follow his example and drink their skins full, especially since their new establishment was more like a commonwealth than an absolute monarchy.

During these useful discoveries of our author, I think ’tis pity any thing should interrupt him; but as the devil would have it, _Jan. 1721_, he meets captain _Clipperton_ in the _Success_, which interview he says was very astonishing: And truly I believe it was: _Clipperton_ might well be surprized at the history of _Shelvocke_’s management; and _Shelvocke_ had as great reason to wonder the other did not confine him for it: And I can tell him the gentlemen here at home wondered at it, and took it ill that he did not. But what astonishes me most, is that _Shelvocke_ has the hardiness to give us the history of captain _Mitchel_, for the truth of which he appeals to a dead man, Mr. _Davison_, who told him so; which _Davison_ was killd at _Guam_ before _Shelvocke_ came to _China_. The tragical circumstances, as he calls them, p. 309, of a jealousy between _Clipperton_ and _Mitchel_; of the later’s being orderd with a rich cargo to a place no where to be found, and yet orderd thither on purpose to be destroyd, are reflexions so malicious, and yet so irrational, that _Shelvocke_ must be fuddled when he writ them.

The journal tells us how he was fitted out, and whither bound; that his cargo was ten thousand pound value: is it possible then, supposing a real misunderstanding, that _Clipperton_ would pay so dear to get rid of the gentleman? ’Tis certain he never imbarked his men in lighters or in empty prizes with any design to make away with them, as _Shelvocke_ served us: captain _Mitchel_ was put aboard a clean ship, well mand, and provided with stores and necessaries, and a valuable parcel of goods to dispose of at _Brasil_ for the Owners advantage in order to secure them something: and it is true that neither he nor the twenty three men with him were ever yet heard of: But how is _Clipperton_ chargeable with that? or what excuse can _Shelvocke_ make for these impious reflexions, but a sort of pleasure he has in being revenged on the memory of the dead. Thus far _Mitchel_ may be accounted for: The journal _March_ 16th. 1720. tells us that being obliged to wood and water, he touched to the northward, at port _Velas_; where it’s very probable he and his men became a prey to the enemy: for the said article mentions that several of _Clipperton_’s men saw some shirts and other things worn by the natives, which by the mark convinced them _Mitchel_ had been there. _Shelvocke_ goes on in this childish manner, p. 308. talking of submersions of islands, and that it was conjectured _Mitchel_ and his men, the ship, the island and all were sunk under water: This likewise he says was Mr. _Davison_’s opinion; who I know had more sense than to say or think any such silly thing. He says farther that _Clipperton_ never cleand his ship, whereas the journal takes notice of his having done it two or three times; besides several others omitted by me, as not for my design to transcribe every such trifling remark. As for _Clipperton_’s behaviour at _Conception_, _Coquimbo_, and afterwards at _Guam_ it was ill judged no doubt: and tho’ it was so, I have impartially enterd it in my second section, it being much more for my purpose to tell the truth, than to stifle it: But let it be as it will; he certainly had the Owners interest in view, and thought honesty the best policy; though captain _Shelvocke_ has taken leave to think otherwise. On the next leaf he says, that upon meeting the _Success_ he expected to be treated by them as one belonging to the same interest; but found himself mistaken. Truly there’s nothing strange in that; for his was a private interest, and theirs a public one. Besides, the journal says, that he would not come into terms: which is answer enough to all his complaints of unkindness, treachery, and so forth.

After meeting with the _Success_ several times in the _South Seas_, I come now to the last time of their meeting, which was in _March 1721._ off of _Acapulco_; whereas the journal mentions, it was thought most adviseable to joyn both companies, and attempt the great _Manilla_ ship. As to the remarks that _Shelvocke_ has made upon this transaction, and the pains he has taken to represent _Clipperton_ a monstrous creature, ’tis not to be minded. The journal says, the proposal to _Shelvocke_ was this, That if he and his crew would refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to the Owners articles, and put it in a joint stock; then all faults should be forgot, both companies would unite and procede to cruise for the _Acapulco_ ship: The very next article in the journal is, that not hearing from captain _Shelvocke_, and the time for the _Acapulco_ ship setting out for _Manilla_, being several days past; Resolved in council to make our best dispatch for _East India_. Here is the plain true account of the affair, and how the treaty broke off: but _Shelvocke_ has labourd hard to pervert the truth of this fact, as he has done all the rest, thinking to gain pity from mankind, by telling what he sufferd through the deceit of _Clipperton_, never expecting that these things would be refuted and clear’d up. Besides, there may be other reasons assignd for _Clipperton_’s sudden separation, tho’ not enterd in the journal: for he knew, before he left _England_, that the _Spanish_ fleet was all taken and destroyd by admiral _Byng_; and therefore a peace was probably concluded, being two years past: and therefore Shelvocke, who had not made his fortune while the war lasted, and had really ruind the project, ought of the two to be the sufferer. ’Tis very likely, _Clipperton_ for these reasons did not care to imbarrass his ship just upon the point of his leaving the _South-Sea_; but on second thoughts, concluded it was better to keep what he had got. These, I say, are very fair conjectures: but the reason mentiond in the journal above is sufficient of it self; for _Shelvocke_ thought the conditions proposed by _Clipperton_ were too strict: He did not care to refund what he had unlawfully shared, which doubtless he ought to have done; and for the neglect of which, ’tis evident the whole affair ended.

P. 321, _Shelvocke_ talks of articles which he demanded of _Clipperton_ and _Godfrey_: That in case they took this rich prize, he and his people should be intitled to their proper shares, according to their first agreement with the Owners: This in my humble opinion is a great weakness in _Shelvocke_ to publish, tho’ he passes for a cunning fellow: for why should he insist upon a repetition or confirmation of the first articles with the gentlemen Owners, if he was not conscious of his having, some how or other, forfeited his right by a notorious mismanagement and breach of trust?

P. 327. He concludes this long invective with a smart reflexion upon _Clipperton_, that it was his fear to ingage the _Manilla_ ship, which made him recede from the proposal. For my part, I really think he had reason to fear it, having twice narrowly escaped the men of war already: and since _Shelvocke_ refused to put his plunder money in the common stock, why should _Clipperton_ risk all he had, to mend another man’s fortune? _Shelvocke_ most certainly would have been glad of so great an addition to his capture, as the _Acapulco_ ship must have afforded; and I doubt not he would have run away with a very handsome share of it, as he has done with all he took both before and after: and now he is bitterly vext with _Clipperton_, because the bite did not take.

_Shelvocke_’s next exploit is at _Sansonate_; where finding a ship at anchor call’d the _Holy Family_ he attacks her, and after some resistance takes her: She proved no great prize: but being a better sailer, he thought fit to shift the cargo of the _Jesu Maria_, and change ships with the _Spaniard_.

_Shelvocke_ says p. 331, that this ship was fitted out and commission’d on purpose to take him; and would have us believe he has performed wonders in the ingagement. I own I am at a loss to account for this man’s extravagant assurance, when he and I, and every body knows the viceroy never grants commissions to merchantmen. There were three men of war out already; and had this been a commission ship, there would have been officers and sailors aboard making a regular force of 150 men at least; who would never have submitted, especially in the condition they found _Shelvocke_. He owns himself it was a merchantman, and yet stupidly says they were commission’d to take him.

Just as he was going to sea, he receives a letter from the governer with notice that there was a truce between _England_ and _Spain_; wherein he demanded restitution of the ship and cargo; on refusal of which he should be declared a pyrate. Tho’ _Shelvocke_ did not depend upon this for truth; yet being greatly reduced and wanting all necessaries of life, he was willing in some measure to treat about it. He sends ashore lieutenant _Brook_ his next officer with five men under a flag of truce; who were immediately made prisoners.

Thus he gets rid of six more of his people, under the show of a treaty with the governer, for they were never since heard of. I don’t expect the world will judge of this affair as I do, because those who are ignorant of the circumstances of these things, and unacquainted with _Shelvocke_’s personal behaviour, cannot make a proper censure. When a man dies in a course of physic, who knows whether ’tis chance, or design in the doctor? the patient is gone by legal prescription. So here a gentleman is fairly orderd ashore into an enemy’s hand: and if he never returns, who can say it is a design or accident? Thus much is certain, they went without a hostage, tho’ _Shelvocke_ always had strong notions of the _Spaniards_ resentment, and their manner of revenge; especially in _Mexico_, where the _Indians_ are the cruelest people alive. And while he was speaking of _Mitchel_’s story, we find him quick enough to leave it past doubt, that he and his men perishd in some obscure manner: and yet he must now send a young gentleman ashore into the clutches of this enemy, at a time when he knew the whole coast was exasperated, and himself destitute of all common necessaries; with a very indifferent force, and consequently not able to resent any affront, much less to avenge himself on the governer, in case he detaind _Brook_ and his men. _Shelvocke_ immediately before and after this acted in a hostile manner on that coast; and even in their view he took this ship called the _Holy Family_, where the countermaster lost his life: so that if poor _Brook_ and his men were sacrific’d by way of atonement, ’tis no severe supposition. For my own part, I know he hated _Brook_, for adhering to the constitution of his country; and because he could not digest the jacobite healths, that _Shelvocke_ usd to drink: I have observed before, how he abused him for discovering _Clipperton_’s name on the tree, when we first touchd at _Fernandes_; and _Shelvocke_ himself explains the jealousy he had of him, when they were there the second time: all which being considerd, I leave those to make inferences, who have been long in the world, and studyd mankind.

There’s another gentleman this author has made free with, _Randal_ by name, _Brook_’s brother in law, who having gone round the world with _Shelvocke_ was arrested by the Owners at his landing, as were several others, and secured in the King’s bench prison, where he died. This lieutenant _Randal_ has not escaped the malice of his pen; but in many places of the book, is very ill treated. And I cannot help observing that a great part of captain _Shelvocke_’s voyage is libelling the dead: such as _Clipperton_, _Davison_, _Randal_, and others. This way of accusing is infamous, and abhorrd by all civilized nations; which I hope is some excuse, for my appearing in their defense: and tho’ I can but poorly perform the office, yet what I do offer, is founded upon certain knowledge and truth.

Before I leave this prize calld the _Holy Family_, I must inform the reader, that _Shelvocke_, far from having any merit in taking her, ought to have lost the command of his own ship for deserting his post upon the quarter deck. After two or three of his men were wounded, _Shelvocke_ expecting warm work, sculkd with his son behind the boat which lay upon the main deck; and left _David Griffith_ alone to ply the gun upon quarter deck: for which desertion, _Griffith_ ought in justice to have succeded as captain of the ship. Moreover, whenever _Shelvocke_ ventured from the said barricade and judged a shot was coming, he would skilfully plant himself behind the main mast, leaving _David_ by himself to fight the _Philistines_. But to return.

_Shelvocke_ unable to get provision at _Sansonate_, retires with fresh apprehensions that he must be forced to surrender whether peace or war; and chose therefore to go to _Panama_, where he hoped for tolerable usage, there being an _English_ factory: And what excuse can he invent for not going there before the loss of these six men? Conscious of his guilt, he frames a long protest against the governer’s procedings, which doubtless is a thing all invented since, and no original. Accordingly he steers away for the gulf of _Amapala_, where among the islands he hoped for a recruit of water; but found none: and being now indeed in a deplorable condition, forced to drink the sea water or their own urine; they agree, weak as they are, to bear away again for _Quibo_ to get water. In their way to this place, they providentially met with a small supply at the isle of _Cano_, with the apparent hazard of _Randal_’s life. For _Shelvocke_, tho’ he was so liberal with the lives of other men, took care of his son, tall boy _George_, and his minion _Stewart_, keeping them safe aboard; and never orderd either of them ashore when there was any appearance of danger; nor is there one instance of it in all his book. At last with miserable difficulties they reach _Quibo_, where they wood and water at leisure; thinking however still to surrender at _Panama_, if fortune did not throw some agreeable prize in their way, which happend very soon: For a few days after they left _Quibo_, a small bark laden with beef and pork fell accidentally into their hands, taking them for _Spaniards_: Tho’ she proved a lucky prize to _Shelvocke_, at a time when his people were near starving, and had not provision enough to hold them to _China_, yet he tells us p. 266, that they were all so tired of the sea, and past hopes of making a considerable dividend of money, that they chose rather to go ashore at any rate and surrender.

While things were in this doubtful state, and nothing material happend for three days; but it was really expected a period must be put to _Shelvocke_’s privatiering, a sail presented her self standing along shore to _Panama_, which he immediately gave chase to, leaving the bark which he had in tow, with four of his men and five _Nigros_ to take care of her. He made all the sail he could ’till night, when fearing the chafe would give him the slip, he advised, as he says, bringing to, that the bark might come up again; but having otherwise resolved, they continued their sail all night. Early the next morning, being the 20th of _May_, he came up with the chase, and after a small dispute carryd her. I must not omit that when they returnd to the bark, they found her quite deserted, and the decks coverd with blood: so that he has now four more of his men destroyd, and leaves it past question that they were murderd. After which he would patch the story up with an idle supposition, that the _Spanish_ crew he left in the bark all jumpd into the sea and drownd themselves: Is it not as easy to imagine they saw a boat coming by before they acted the murder? or if not, ’tis common for the natives of that part of the world to swim several leagues. All people naturally secure their method of escape before they commit a violence of this nature: and I am sure ’tis a more rational conjecture, than to think they would destroy the _English_ first, and murder themselves afterwards. _Shelvocke_ crys out it was a cruel return for his civilities, having lent them these four men to assist them, p. 374. Sure this cannot be captain _Shelvocke_ himself, but his son _Georgy_ who talks of sending men aboard a prize out of civility. This is such a sort of complaisance, as when an officer takes the defendents goods in execution, and out of pure good nature sends a man into the house to keep possession. Such stuff as this is worth reading for the great rarity of it; but who would ever expect to meet with it in a book calld A voyage round the world. He goes on and says, “It seemd strange to me, that our men should suffer themselves or run the least hazard of exposing themselves to be thus butcherd.” Indeed, captain, I believe they could not help it; otherwise it would have been somewhat strange: and I am apt to fancy no man alive can help it when he is overpowerd. But what sort of language is this, “to run the least hazard of exposing themselves to be thus butcherd?” Did you ever hear of peoples voluntary exposing themselves to have their throats cut? Did not he hazard and expose the men who left them there without an officer? _Shelvocke_’s reason why this seemd strange is as good as the rest; for says he, they were four in number! a mighty number indeed against a ship’s crew. He owns they were five _Spaniards_, and there might be ten for any thing we know: it was certainly for his purpose to lessen the number: and why might not the five _Nigros_ joyn in the massacre upon certain views and promises? I have as much reason to suppose the one as the other. But the whole story is such a piece of dull thinking and poor language, that ’tis time I have done with it.

THIS being the great crisis of captain _Shelvocke_’s voyage, I shall be more particular in relating the affair of this last prize, which will open the most notorious scene of villany and deceit that has appeard yet, p. 371. The ship was called the _Conception_, _Don Stephen de Recova_ commander bound from _Callao_ to _Panama_ having on board several persons of distinction, particularly the _Conde de la Rosa_ a _Spanish_ nobleman who had been sometime governer of _Pisco_ and was now going home to _Spain_: “laden with flower, sugar, marmalade, peaches, grapes, limes, _etcætera_.” Now, _Be it known to_ ALL MEN, _That, that_ et cætera _was A hundred and eight thousand six hundred and thirty six pieces of eight_: and _Shelvocke_ little thought when he took this prize or compiled his book, that I of all men should have this exact state of the affair. He often said, he would never give the gentlemen Owners a fair account; and I have often promised in this treatise to prove that he did say so; and now we have both made our words good. I have not only an authentic account; but I’ll declare also how I got it. When I was taken and carried prisoner to _Lima_, I had leisure enough to reflect on my misfortunes: how likely I was to be ruind, and the Owners to be cheated. So that to prepare them in defense of their rights, I wrote over to one of them the substance of what had occurrd to me: how _Shelvocke_ had mismanaged; how arbitrarily he had acted in defiance of their articles, and what his private intentions were in the future part of the voyage. As soon as I came to _London_, which was in _October 1721_, I confirmd the purport of my letter with several new circumstances. For all which performance of my duty, I do suppose my name has met with so much accusation and reproach in captain _Shelvocke_’s book. But beside my advices, the gentlemen had many proofs from other prisoners and other people. Eleven months after, being _August_, captain _Shelvocke_ himself arrived, and waits immediately on the said gentleman to compound in the lump for all his transactions; not owning any thing of this prize, which he had unlawfully shared, and every thing else among three and thirty of them. Instead of compromising the matter, the gentleman read him my letter, secured him, and the same day had him confined in _Wood-street_ counter. A few days after his pupil _Stewart_ arrives at _Dover_, and was seized by the honest warden of the castle according to directions; who faithfully secured his book of accounts and brought it with the prisoner to the Owners, from whom I had the book and copyd the dividend, which is as follows.

+---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+
| Names. | Quality | Number |Dollars. | English Money.|
| | |of Shares.| | |
+---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+
|_George Shelvocke_ |Commander | 6 | 11325 2642 10 00 |
|_Samuel Randal_ |Lieutenant | 2½ | 4718 } |
|_John Rayner_ |Capt. Marines| 2½ | 4718 } 1100 17 4 |
|_Blowfield Coldsea_ |Master | 2½ | 4718 } each. |
|_Nicholas Adams_ |Surgeon | 2½ | 4718 } |
|_Matthew Stewart_ |First Mate | 2 | 3775 } |
|_Monsieur Laporte_ |2 Mate | 2 | 3775 } 880 16 8 |
|_George Henshal_ |Boatswain | 2 | 3775 } each. |
|_Robert Davenport_ |Carpenter | 2 | 3775 } |
|_William Clark_ |Gunner | 2 | 3775 } |
|_James Daniel_ |Midshipman | 1½ | 2830 } |
|_David Griffith_ |Ditto | 1½ | 2830 } |
|_Christop. Hawkins_ |Ditto | 1½ | 2830 } |
|_Oliver Lefevre_ |Sail Maker | 1½ | 2830 } |
|_John Doydge_ |Surgeons Mt. | 1½ | 2830 } 660 00 00 |
|_William Morgan_ |Ditto | 1½ | 2830 } each. |
|_John Popplestone_ |Armourer | 1½ | 2830 } |
|_James Moyet_ |Cooper | 1½ | 2830 } |
|_John Pearson_ |Carpent. Mt. | 1½ | 2830 } |
|_Geo. Shelvocke jun._|Nothing | 1½ | 2830 } |
|_William Clement_ |Able Seaman | 1 | 1887¼ } |
|_John Norris_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } |
|_James Moulville_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } |
|_George Gill_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } 440 7 2 |
|_Peter Fero_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } each. |
|_John Smith_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } |
|_Edward Atcocks_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } |
|_John Theobald_ |Barber | 1 | 1887¼ } |
|_William Burrows_ |Ord. Seaman | ¾ | 1415¾ } |
|_Daniel mac Donald_ |Ditto | ¾ | 1415¾ } 330 6 10 |
|_Richard Croft_ |Ditto | ¾ | 1415¾ } each. |
|_John Robins_ |Grommet | ½ | 943¾ } 220 04 02 |
|_Benedict Harry_ |Cook | ½ | 943¾ } each. |
+---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+
| 33 | | 52¼ | 98604¾ | 23007 15 6 |
+---------------------+-------------+----------+---------------------------+

Here the reader perceives the sum total of this dividend to be short of what I said the capture amounted to: but in order to set that matter right, there is a secret article of 627 quadruples of gold, which _Shelvocke_ graciously shared among private friends; each of which quadruple or double doubloon is worth sixteen dollars or pieces of eight,

_dollars_ _l._ _s._ _d._
And makes in } { which at 4 s. and }
the whole } 10032 { 8 d. each, makes } 2340 16 00

which being }
added to the } 98604¾ ---- or ---- 23007 15 06
---------- ----------------
makes 108636¾ ---- or ---- 25348 11 06

All which money _Shelvocke_ has the prodigious modesty to conceal; and only says the prize was laden with flower, sugar, fruit, _&c._ _Stewart_’s book mentions the 627 doubloons, but not a word how they were divided. So that we must imagine them to be sunk among both the _Shelvockes_ and _Stewart_: perhaps _Adams_ came in for a little. For as _Stewart_ was agent, cashier and paymaster, it was an easy matter to hide a bag of gold from the public, and dispose of it afterwards in a committee of two or three.

When _Shelvocke_ orderd me upon that expedition in the lighter, as I gave my fortune over for lost, so I judged my person to be in a very precarious condition: and thinking my money safer in the _Speedwel_, I deliverd it to Mr. _Hendrie_ the former agent, being about 350 dollars: for I little dreamd of the scheme that _Shelvocke_ had formd, to lose the ship and seize all for himself; but that if my money came to _England_ I should have it some time or other. However, all these effects were shared at _Fernandes_, as aforementioned. So among other things I left a wig with _John Theobald_ the barber on the list, who sold it afterwards to _Coldsea_ the master for ten dollars: but as soon as _Theobald_ found me out in _London_, he honestly came and paid me the money, and told me his share of this prize was as it stands in the account: but he knew nothing of the second dividend.

By the above account it’s plain _Shelvocke_’s dividend of the silver taken in the _Conception de Recova_ came to 2642 l. 10 s. of which he afterwards made thirty _per cent._ in _China_, reckoning at a medium; for sometimes it is there at forty, but never under twenty five. The gold he doubtless brought home, being there less than value. He sold the ship for about 650 pound; but says, p. 457. he paid twice that sum for port charges: and therefore I don’t place it to account; tho’ I know very well he had wit enough to make all his people contribute. And, as there is no minding what he says, it was certainly for his purpose when he writ the book, to lessen that money he sold his ship for, and to swell the sum he paid for anchorage. For why should he pay 2166 pound port charges, and _Clipperton_ but 396, as _Taylor_’s journal mentions, when we all know _Shelvocke_’s was but a merchant ship, and _Clipperton_’s a warlike ship, carrying forty guns and above three times the number of hands! This great disparity, and the reason I just now mentiond, makes my captain strongly suspected: but however, as I am not certain, I shall reckon nothing for it. Add to this the amount of the St. _Fermin_ and other prizes taken on the coast of _Chili_, which was at least 2000 pound, all shared as before, tho’ not set down. Then lastly, the ship’s cargo is unaccounted for, which he gently slips over, and forgets he ownd, p. 313, it was a valuable one. This is intirely his own perquisit and pocket-money; for as no soul but himself can now tell what that value was, or what he made of it: I can only remain an unhappy, ignorant, injured sufferer; and wonder that so much baseness and treachery can appear, and yet live unpunisht.

From all which particulars it is evident captain _Shelvocke_ has secured to himself and brought to _England_ a great sum of money, being neither his merit, nor his due: and tho’ he is probably possest of much more than we can make out, yet even _Stewart_ himself assured me, that _Shelvocke_ could not be less than seven thousand pound gainer by the voyage.

P. 371, he says this was the second of those warlike merchant ships that was fitted out in an extraordinary manner and commissiond to take him. This is another instance of his vain-glory and absurdity, and is sufficiently answerd by referring to what I said about the other ship calld _The Holy Family_, which he also said was commissiond to take him. But how particularly silly it appears in this case, let any one judge that reads it. Can it be believed or imagined that the _Conde de la Rosa_, whose property this money chiefly was, would venture so great a sum aboard a ship that was commissiond to take a privatier? I never heard, nor the oldest man alive, that a ship fitted out for warlike enterprize, was stored with money instead of ammunition. Suppose two or three honest fellows were equipt to take a highwayman that had long infested the roads and plagued the country; can any one believe they would furnish their pockets with half crowns instead of a pair of pistols? Sure _Shelvocke_ must take his reader for an _Ignoramus_; and having lost all morals himself, thinks other people have lost their senses.

After this, I think, I need not be very studious to prove captain _Shelvocke_ a sad fellow. I have hitherto labourd diligently; but now I believe his and my readers will come easily on my side. This fact is too flagrant to be denyd: ’tis self-evident and known to every body. All the anteceding circumstances of his voyage are mean dishonest actions, tending to this one perfidious end: and whoever reads his preface after seeing this account, must read it with indignation. What pretense has he there to talk of reputation, truth and integrity? P. 31, he councils all those who may hereafter subscribe for another cruising expedition, to regulate well their articles; and look out for a commander of strict _honour_ and _honesty_: which advice from captain _Shelvocke_ can be of no other use, than that it certainly excludes him for life. And how black soever he appears, he may thank himself: for tho’ his transactions were never so foul and unjust, I should perhaps have lived and died a private sufferer; and not given my self the excessive trouble of being public defendent, had not _Shelvocke_ turnd public author, and added folly to his villainy, by putting it in print. But it’s high time to disabuse mankind, when an author not content with doing private injuries, shall print and publish whatever his wicked heart can invent, and thus indeavour to make his poison universal.

P. 378, he says, “he took out of the _Conception_ twelve months provision of bread, flower, sugar and sweatmeats; with a like proportion for the _Success_, which he expected to find at _Tres Marias_, being then a stranger to _Clipperton_’s faithless desertion.” Not to mention the falshood of his expecting to meet _Clipperton_, who never promised to meet him, ’tis a piece of barefaced hypocrisy to say he put up any provision for the _Success_. _Shelvocke_ knew better what to do with his money and time, than to venture the loss of both to look for a man whom he always shund and hated for having the chief command: besides he speaks immediately of going to _Asia_; for being well supplyd with money and necessaries, their thoughts of surrendering were laid aside, and all their despair vanishd. He twice calls it a hazardous experiment going over to _Asia_; and gives us some trifling reasons, but the others he says he will keep a secret, being needless there to mention, p. 380: one of which I have lately unfolded for him; which was really a fear lest he and all his money should be seized at _China_.

Any one acquainted with the story may discover all his thin disguises, and easily perceive that every word he says from p. 381 to 385 makes plainly against him. He talks of cakes of virgin silver found in the prize, moulded into marmalade boxes to defraud the king of _Spain_ of his fifths; while he, at the same time, appears much more guilty to defraud the gentlemen Owners, and us prisoners, and imposing now this notorious sham upon his disinterested readers. Does so much fruit, marmalade and passengers aboard, prove that the ship was commissiond to take him? or why does _Shelvocke_ talk so much of sweatmeats, except the money run in his head. Twenty five thousand pounds and upwards, besides rich plunder, is a fine box of marmalade truly.