Chapter V: Section IV (1)

Hatley _and others sent a cruising in the_ Mercury:
_they fall in with the_ Brilliant _man
of war._ 242

_---- would have escaped by a trick; but
through the obstinacy of_ John Sprake _are
taken._ 243

Betagh _and two more sent to_ Piura _forty
mile up the coast:_ Hatley _and the rest
sent prisoners to_ Lima _four hundred Mile
further._ 244

_The manner of travelling to_ Piura; _with_
Betagh_’s friendly reception and entertainment
there._ 245-248

_Description of_ Payta, _and the pedlers in_
Peru. 248-250

_The civility of the admiral and capt._ De
Grange. 251

Betagh _carried to_ Lima, where _he, capt._
Hatley, _and his men are likely to suffer
as pyrates._ 252

_But through the viceroy’s goodness they all
get off, the fact being_ Shelvocke_’s._ ib.

_Sailors of both ships new christend._ 253

_---- drink punch and quarel, and are put in
the inquisition._ 255

_---- they are pardond: a good story of ’em
after that._ 256

Lima _city described._ 257

_Different mixtures of people distinguisht._ 259

_Their habit, convents and riches._ 260

_Good remark upon the law._ 264

_Climate, earthquakes,_ &c. 266

_Why it never rains thereabouts._ 268

_How they make butter in_ Chili. 269

_Women and pastimes at_ Lima _described._ 270

_Story of a lady who killd her lover._ 273

_Story of two_ Englishmen _who fought a
prize there._ 275

_An attempt to find_ Solomon_’s island._ 276

_Full account of the mines of_ Chili _and_ Peru. 279

_None but_ Indians _work in them._ 281

_The discoverer has one half, the king the other._ 282

_Grinding-mills described._ 283

_Gold purifyd sooner than silver._ 284

_Vast quantities of mercury used._ 287

_Silver ore; the different names thereof._ 288

_Mine countries very cold and dry._ 290

_An observation thereon._ 291

Lavaderos _or washing places very remarkable._ 292-296

_Fine scituation of_ Coquimbo, _or_ Serena. 294

_Good account of the creation of metals._ 297-301

Frezier_’s notion about giants._ 301-305

_An opinion about the_ Mosaic _history, and
religion of the_ Indians. 307

Chap. 5. _Being a new account of Capt._ Martinet_’s
expedition; with remarks on the
trade to_ Chili. 308

_French interlopers destroyd: they and the_
Spaniards _disagree._ 313

_The_ Ruby _which met_ Shelvocke _at St._ Catherine,
_a very rich ship but then unknown._ 316 _and_ 50

_Some observations conclude the voyage._ 317-324

_The Jesuits settlement in_ Paraguay, _curious
and entertaining, translated from the_ French. 325

_Two remarks omitted._ 340

A

VOYAGE

ROUND THE

WORLD,

By Way of the GREAT

_SOUTH SEA_.

Voyages have been always well receiv’d, and especially by _Englishmen_. They seem to sute the genius of the _British_ nation, whose people are particularly distinguish’d for the curiosity of their temper, and the many great exploits of their shipping in all parts of the world. ’Tis true, this sort of history is often writ by unskilful hands; and a fact sometimes loses credit for want of method in telling it: but if the reader meets with something new and authentic, he is generally satisfied: the greatest pleasure of the mind being an addition to our knowledge.

The following book is a united journal of two ships, written chiefly to undeceive mankind in the spurious account of a voyage round the world, publish’d by captain _George Shelvocke_: which account is not only injurious to me, but is intirely the most absurd and false narrative that was ever deliver’d to the publick. And surely a man may be excus’d for setting the world right in any public affair; much more in an enterprise, where the credit and dignity of his country are concern’d. And if our resentments are allow’d to be equal to injuries receiv’d, what must mine be, when stript of property and good name? Both which the said _Shelvocke_ has done his utmost to accomplish: And though some of this treatise is to obviate his many abuses and forgeries, yet I have endeavoured to make even that part entertaining; to avoid giving the reader a mere dry story of his wickedness.

Beside our sea journal, I have collected the observations I made while in the kingdoms of _Chili_ and _Peru_, concerning the _Spanish_ dominions in _America_. The trade, customs, luxury, and gallantry of the _Creolians_. To which I have added an account of their gold and silver mines, their manner of separating the mineral from the ore, and many other things; all which together, I need not doubt, will prove an agreeable history of this voyage.

In the proceding of our two ships I have the pleasure to be well assisted; having procured the original journal of Mr. _George Taylor_, chief mate to captain _Clipperton_, who commanded this expedition, which I shall make use of to invalidate captain _Shelvocke_’s false accounts: which journal will at once let the reader into the most material transactions of _Clipperton_, and convince mankind of his faithful intentions, tho’ _Shelvocke_ has taken such mighty pains to vilify him.

Besides which, I have the concurring evidence of many who were aboard the _Speedwell_; some of which are now in _London_ ready to speak the truth: and tho I am thorowly satisfyd our story will speak it self, yet some of the chief facts are already sworn to; the affidavits being filed in Chancery, and to be seen at the office in _Chancery-lane_.

In the year 1718, during the war between their _Imperial_ and _Catholic_ Majesties, and while a rupture was daily expected between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_; some persons of distinction, and merchants of the city of _London_ agreed upon a subscription, to fit out two private ships of war, under the Emperor’s commission, to cruise upon the _Spaniards_ in the _South Seas_. The chief motives for such an expedition were the desire of being better acquainted with the navigation of that part of the world, to put their seafaring friends into a promising imployment, and the many views they had of a prosperous return from so well concerted an undertaking. But tho the said breach between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_ was known to be unavoidable, yet, upon the delay of actual hostilities, the aforesaid gentlemen were desirous to take the advantage of the war between the _Emperor_ and the king of _Spain_: and in order to have their ships in the _South Sea_ before the season was far advanced, they obtained his _Imperial_ Majesty’s commission, and mand their ships with a good number of his subjects. They named their first ship the _Prince Eugene_, and the other the _Starenberg_. Of this armament _George Shelvocke_ was appointed to be commander in chief, who had sometime serv’d as a lieutenant in the _British_ navy. Whereupon he was forthwith order’d to _Ostend_, there to receive the _Flemish_ officers, the seamen and commission aboard the _Starenberg_: and among other things, receiv’d orders not to fire any guns, or hoist any colours, while in that port; and to take aboard no more than sixty _Flemings_, with three officers; and when he had got his men, wine, and brandy, to proceed directly to the _Downs_.

In the mean time the _Prince Eugene_ arrived in the _Downs_, having been fitted and man’d in the river. Three of the owners went to _Deal_, expecting to meet with both the ships; but were uneasy to find captain _Shelvocke_ was not yet come. However upon his arrival, they inquir’d into the cause of his delay, and were surprised to find he had idly neglected joining his consort as early as he ought; had broke thro’ his orders, made entertainments, hoisted Imperial colours, brought over ninety _Flemings_ and six officers, fir’d away five barrels of powder, began upon his wine and brandy which the owners had put aboard him, and was design’d as the whole stock for both ships, to comfort them in their long and hazardous voyage. And in short so ill did he behave, as to bring his owners to change the command, and in his room appoint _John Clipperton_ captain of the larger ship, and commander in chief, who had made two voyages to the _South Sea_ before. Besides, the _Flemings_ were so many in number, and so ill chosen, that the _British_ seamen grew uneasy. The former having their own officers, seem’d to over-value themselves upon their sovereign’s commission, which was not relished by the _Englishmen_. It occasion’d a mix’d command, and produc’d frequent animosities; so that it was judged impracticable for them to go the voyage together. At length the war being begun between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_ in the _Mediterranean_, the owners agreed to get his Majesty King _George_’s commission, and to send over the foreign commission, men and officers to _Flanders_, paying their charges, and allowing two months wages to the men. After which the owners order’d their ships, being now called the _Success_ and _Speedwel_, to _Plymouth_, to be there recruited in their provision, and get their complement of men.

_Clipperton_ being thus appointed commander in chief, had also the biggest ship, the _Success_, of thirty six guns and 180 men. _Shelvocke_ had the _Speedwel_, twenty four guns, and one hundred and six men, under whose command I was appointed captain of marines. The ships lay near three months at _Plymouth_ for a wind; in which time _Shelvocke_ continually shewed his resentment at the change of command, in such a manner that there was a faction fermented from the captains to the cabin boys.[1] And tho’ he did endeavour to curb his restless spirit, yet was it so publickly apparent, that one of the owners, who was chief director of this affair, wrote to him to mind him of his conduct, and warn him of his duty: to which very man this _Shelvocke_ owes his having the _Speedwel_, being the second command in this undertaking. The same gentleman has also assur’d me, that, when _Shelvocke_ apply’d by letter to him for employment, his circumstances were so low, that he did not scruple to declare he had no bread to eat; nor a friend in the world except him, to expect any favour from. Whereupon the said gentleman having served with him in the navy aboard the same ship, generously invited _Shelvocke_ to his country house, where he made him a present of a twenty pound note on his goldsmith, till he could effectually provide for him, having then this enterprise in view. When he first told him he should command one of these ships, _Shelvocke_ was so throughly pleas’d with the news, that he vow’d it was greatly beyond his expectation; and rather than not go the voyage at all, he would content himself to be boatswain’s mate.

[1] See pag. 28. of his preface, where he says he stifled his resentment, not suffering it to break out into an open flame.

The purport of the aforesaid letter sent to _Plymouth_, was to advise _Shelvocke_ of his mutinous behaviour and rudeness to captain _Clipperton_; and that by return of the mail, if the owners did not receive assurances of his intire contentment with the post he had, a commission would be sent down for another person to command the _Speedwel_ in his room. Upon which captain _Shelvocke_ wrote at several times as followeth.

* * * * *

SIR,

“I Am favour’d with yours; but surpris’d very much at so sudden a change: but the many favours I have received from your hands, has easily brought me to a resolution of submitting.----_Dec. 13. 1718._ I am easy, perfectly easy, and very heartily thankful for all your favours. I am far from thinking it a disrepute to serve you in any capacity. For God’s sake, Sir, pardon small falts: I starve without your friendship. I know the world so well, that I have no other friend----_Dec. 19._ I assure you I shall always act like a faithful servant: and no spirit shall proceed from me, but such as honour and gratitude directs. I shall with the greatest cheerfulness shew captain _Clipperton_ all the respect in the world.----_Jan. 27. 1719._ All resentments are laid aside by me long since, and don’t doubt of brotherhood with captain _Clipperton_. Our ships are much better man’d than ever, both bearing more than their complement; and I am very glad of the addition you have been pleased to make of so many gentlemen to the service.”

All these particulars I had from the said gentleman since my return from the voyage; and captain _Shelvocke_’s letters are here inserted to shew how forward he was to promise, and how little he meant to perform.

By the sequel of his behaviour throughout this book, all mankind will see what conceal’d revenge he had in his heart: Being determin’d henceforth pyratically to act, arbitrarily to manage and destroy so well concerted a scheme for the interest of all parties, and to disappoint the hopes of many other people, who were desirous to shew the _Spanish_ nation how small a force from _England_ could annoy and plunder them in their most powerful, distant settlements.

Here it must be observ’d with what care _Shelvocke_ has avoided giving the true reasons why the command was changed; and has labour’d to throw the miscarriage of the expedition on _Clipperton_’s incapacity, the change of officers, and the frequent mutinies of his own men: whereas I shall fully prove that the ruin of our voyage was the consequence of his own pride, avarice and treachery.

’Tis to be noted that captain _Clipperton_ died before _Shelvocke_ had any thoughts of writing a book: And it’s highly probable that if _Clipperton_ were alive to answer for himself, _Shelvocke_ had never been bold enough to print such a scandalous history. And as to _Shelvocke_’s officers, they were so far from being accessary to any miscarriage, that he never consulted us on any occasion whatever; tho’ he, as well as _Clipperton_, had strict orders in all enterprizes to follow that excellent scheme framed and practised by captain _Woodes Rogers_ in his memorable voyage round the globe; which is certainly the safest method for all navigators, who mean to execute any project of this kind; and for which end _Rogers_’s printed journal was put aboard each ship. It was his rule never to undertake any thing of moment, without first calling a council of his chief officers, who in writing testify’d their approbation of, and concurrence in the execution of the design: But our captain was above confining himself to any precedents or orders, his will being the only reason for all he did, so that he never kept any journal or diary at all; which is perfectly agreeable to his resolution, and the design he first had in view, never to join the _Success_ after he lost company with her in the storm mention’d in the third page of his book: And tho’ he seems sorry at the separation, yet the _Success_ had most reason to be so, for _Shelvocke_ had the whole store of wine and brandy aboard the _Speedwell_; so that _Clipperton_ was forc’d to go a tedious comfortless voyage without any. _Shelvocke_, indeed, says he offer’d him his liquors when at sea, and the other neglected to take them in; which, if true, is not a material objection, because _Clipperton_ expecting no treachery, but a punctual meeting to the windward of grand _Canary_, the first place of rendezvous, doubtless thought it might be then time enough; but I question the fact, because _Taylor_’s journal takes no notice of their speaking with each other that day, which runs thus.

“_Success Feb. 15._ these 24 hours fresh gales and squally with rain. This evening unbent our best and small bowers, stow’d our anchors, and have been oblig’d to shorten sail several times for the _Speedwell_.”

But, however, to shew that _Shelvocke_ was well enough pleas’d to part with his consort, he steer’d a course quite different from the _Success_, and contrary to his duty; as appears by _Taylor_’s journal. “_Feb. 20._ These 24 hours fresh gales and cloudy with small rain. At two this afternoon, the storm being somewhat abated, we wore and made sail, steering away south and by east.” And continuing his course to the Southward, arrived off the _Canaries_ the sixth of _March_ following, which run he made in fourteen days: Whereas _Shelvocke_ p. 4. has it thus. “_Feb. 20._ We had no sight of the _Success_ or any other vessel. At noon we set the mainsail double reefed, and at midnight the topsails, and stood to the north-west,” when it’s plain, he might have steer’d the same course to the southward, but for views of his own went to the northward; and accordingly did not arrive at the _Canaries_, till he might well judge his consort was gone: For page 9. he owns his arrival there on the seventeenth of _March_, which is eleven days difference, and with this aggravation, that instead of going to the windward, I well remember we hawl’d close in under the lee of the said island, being the north-east side thereof; because the winds govern there most part of the year in the south-west board.

The next day after losing company, _Shelvocke_ seeing a piece of a wreck float along the _Speedwell_’s side, endeavour’d to persuade us, that _Clipperton_ was lost in the storm, alledging, for his reasons, that the _Success_ was built very slight, greater regard being had to her sailing than burdening well, and that her weight of metal had torn her sides out, and so was gone to the bottom. But finding this did not pass with us, he then insisted that she bore away for _France_ or _Ireland_, to purchase wine or brandy, without which, according to him, nothing at all was to be done: And I own it was very hard to be forc’d on a long voyage to the southward, when the sun was in his northern course, without either of those chearful supports of nature. But to prove that _Clipperton_ could do his duty without wine and brandy, he like a good officer sail’d to the _Canaries_, being the first place of rendezvous; and cruising there his limited time, proceded to St. _Vincent_, one of the _Cape de Verd_ islands; at one of which places he doubted not of meeting us.

_Taylor_’s journal has it thus,

“_Success, March 15, 1719._ Having cruised ten days off the _Canaries_, without meeting our consort or taking any prize, and in little hopes of either, we steer away to the _Cape de Verd_ islands: And at six this forenoon the island _Gomera_ bore north half west, distant nine leagues, latitude 28 : 00 north, longitude 00 : 00 west, whence I take my departure.”

But _Shelvocke_, who never design’d to give the owners any true account of his captures or procedings, from this time stood resolved to act independently on _Clipperton_, and never meet him again, except by chance: for as soon as we had lost the _Success_, _Hendrie_ and _Dod_, as well as my self, who were at his table, often heard him declare, he never would join her again, or words to that effect: wherein he fulfill’d his promise by knocking his ship on the head at _Fernandes_, the circumstances of which, as I shall hereafter relate them, will make it plainly appear to be done on purpose. And further, he assur’d us all at several times, that on his return to _Europe_, he would avoid _England_, and go to _Hamburgh_, or some other free port, and there remain till he should bring his owners to a composition; adding with an oath, that if they went to law, he would hold them to it with their own money. And herein also he has kept his word; for though he has been in _London_ these five years, he still refuses giving the owners any satisfaction: taking care however by absconding, to avoid being served with a writ in _Chancery_; which I believe would soon put an end to the suit so long carrying on by the gentlemen adventurers, on the evidence of many who serv’d on board the _Speedwell_, as well as my own.

And such was this man’s particular affection for strong liquors, that we have often heard him say, there was but one honest fellow among all the gentlemen adventurers; for he spoke well when he desired we might have brandy and wine enough; tho’ all the time we were fitting out, he was pleas’d to call them men of worth and honour, and never failed at every fresh bottle to drink their healths: But now ’tis damn them; and for his part he would take care of number one. This new way of treating our Patrons, whose property we were then making very free with, somewhat startled us: and I fearing these frequent declarations of his would rather tend to disunite the ship’s company, and ruin our scheme, look’d often towards _Hatley_ our second captain, as expecting he would speak first; but finding him silent, I address’d my self to our commander in these words: Sir, if I may have leave to offer my thoughts upon these frank declarations of your designs, it is my humble opinion, that to act separately from captain _Clipperton_, will terminate in the ruin of this expedition. To which he answered, no, no, we have a good ship, well man’d, and found with all necessaries; we shall do well enough: I reply’d, that surely our owners would have hardly put themselves to the expense of two ships, could they have had any reasonable prospect of making a good voyage with one in these remote parts. This threw _Shelvocke_ into a great rage: He us’d me ill; said I was insolent, and ask’d me if I meant to usurp the command of the ship? The next day at dinner I drank, as usual, the gentlemens health to whom we were all indebted for this favourable prospect of making our fortunes. At this he flung his cann at my Head, while I was drinking, and took it for an insult of his authority. Nor did he spare any of his other officers; but at one time or other struck us all, except Mr. _Dod_, whose greater advance in years perhaps protected him.

This scandalous treatment I was forc’d to undergo for the honour I did the gentlemen owners, and respectfully mentioning the necessity of our rejoining the _Success_. And from this time a universal discontent appear’d in the ship’s company, not only among the officers, but was visible in the faces of the meanest of the crew. For _Shelvocke_, to improve his own design, went so far as to insinuate, that at our return the gentlemen would be cunning enough to defraud us of our proper dividends; tho’ I dare say there was none among us, who did not think it more dishonourable to mistrust a set of worthy gentlemen, than to find our selves deceiv’d by them at last.

Thus may the impartial reader see that all the uneasiness of _Shelvocke_’s men was occasioned by his own inhumanity and perfidiousness: And tho’ none of his officers, except my self, ever offer’d to controvert his base conduct, or absurd sentiments, yet he has the assurance _p_. 4. to say his people mutinied, and pretended the ship was incapable to go through the voyage.

I will allow the men that the ship was very full and much pester’d, but can’t allow _Shelvocke_ that she was so crank or tender as not to carry sail. The wind was then at S. W. or S. W. by W. and he owns he carried his topsails the next day after the storm, which was the 20^{th} of _Feb._ Could she not then make as good way to the southward with her starboard tacks aboard, as she could to the northward with her larboard?

Page 7. _Shelvocke_ gravely tells his readers that _Hatley_, second captain, disputed the command with him. The Story in short is thus: Some questions arising about seamanship, and both of them fuddled, _Hatley_ seem’d too tenacious of his opinion; at which _Shelvocke_ in a fury bolted up, “See, gentlemen, do you mind how the villain disputes the command with me?” These were his very words, using him but in a scurvy manner before all the company, and upon the quarter-deck: after which he order’d the men to call him no otherwise than Mr. _Hatley_. This we’ll suppose they submitted to, and indulg’d the mighty _Shelvocke_ in his mean vanity.

His son _George_ too contributed much to the company’s uneasiness, tho’ he had no real business to go with us; for his name is not among those who subscrib’d the articles: and he knew nothing of sea affairs, or indeed of any thing else that was commendable or manly. His imployment at _London_ was to dangle after the women, and gossip at the tea-table; and aboard us, his whole business was to thrust himself into all society, overhear every thing that was said, then go and tell his father: so that he was more fit for aboarding school than a ship of war. Yet had this insignificant fellow a dividend of 660 pound out of one prize, in prejudice to many honest brave men, destroy’d, lost and begger’d at the captain’s pleasure.

We are now to the leeward of _Grand Canary_, where our captain takes a little fisherman’s bark, I’m positive not above eight or ten ton, and which we all pray’d might be turn’d adrift for the poor owner’s use, but in vain; for tho’ of no import at all to us, yet to him she serv’d as a good pretext for santering away ten or twelve days, fitting her out in a warlike manner to peep into every creek of the lee of that and the neighbouring islands, till _Clipperton_ may be well supposed gone far enough ahead.

The next place of rendezvous he conceals from his officers. By his own account, which follows, one would suspect him to be guilty; but by the help of _Taylor_’s journal I shall convict him throughly.

_Shelvocke_ p. 9. “Having finish’d my cruise without meeting or hearing of the _Success_, I found my self in a very melancholy state, when I came to consider that the next appointed rendezvous was at the island _John Fernandes_ in the great _South Seas_.” And yet p. 11. he says, “We took our departure from _Faro_, one of the _Canaries_, in hopes of meeting captain _Clipperton_ among the _Cape de Verd_ islands, and took our prize along with us.”----which I am sure was not worth a commission ship to be troubled with 300 leagues.

He well knew this was the next place agreed to meet at, tho’ carefully concealed from us; however _Taylor_’s journal confirms it.

“_Success, March 21._ Fresh gales, _&c._ At six this afternoon we saw St. _Vincent_, at ten next morning we anchor’d in the bay and found a _French_ merchant ship and the _Diamond_ of _Bristol_, captain _Cleader_, taking in an odd sort of cargo for _Jamaica_, _viz._ asses. This being appointed the next place of rendezvous, we were in hopes to find the _Speedwell_, but are convinced of the contrary, to our great surprise, and greater concern for the want of our liquors, without the moderate use of which, it’s dull living either ashore or at sea; so that I cannot help saying we all look like the cargo aforemention’d, for suffering _Shelvocke_ to keep our wine and brandy.”

Now let any indifferent person judge whether ’tis probable that _Fernandes_ could be the next appointed rendezvous from the _Canaries_, being a run of no less than 120 degrees.

We arrive next at the isle of _May_, and are taken for pyrates; _Shelvocke_ gives it the softer name of freebooters. Here I remember we had six silver goblets for our common drinking, and he, like a careful officer, lest they should be lost, calls up the armourer to melt and hammer five of them into circles to adorn the outside of a fine pail, made by the cooper, for the more glorious drinking of _Hipsy_, a liquor compounded of wine, water and brandy, which by the admirers of it, is also call’d mear, drink and cloth. And now I took leave of a glass of pure wine; for _Shelvocke_ labouring a little with the gout, imagined this compound to be its best antidote, and so we all lived upon it in a wanton manner, till our wine and brandy was exhausted; which, tho’ designed for the use of both ships, hardly served us a twelve month.

This also proved a means of dividing us; for those, whom hard drinking did not agree with, he distinguish’d with a sour morose behaviour, and look’d on them as malecontents; so that the quantity of _Hipsy_ was the only title to a proportion of merit in our captain’s favour.

_Taylor_’s journal gives the following account of the island of St. _Vincent_, which I thought not improper to insert. “That it affords but little provision or refreshments of any kind, except goats and young asses, which he says are good food, their men having eat very freely thereof. That it’s also but a poor place to wood and water at, there being but one small drein: and that your boats are always in danger, from the greatness of the surf.” From hence they took their departure on the 2d of _April 1719_.

But _Shelvocke_, who was not in so much haste, got no farther than the island of St. _Jago_, on the 18th of the same month, where he sold his small prize to the governer for but 80 dollars, tho’ he says 150. Then he sends away his kinsman _Adams_, our Surgeon, to the chief town of this island, to inform himself privately all that he could learn of the _Success_; and to purchase sugar, without which there was no making _Hipsy_. He return’d with the agreeable news of _Clipperton_’s being gone from St. _Vincent_’s, which, however, was concel’d from us. And now _Shelvocke_ being past all fears of meeting _Clipperton_, resolves to put it out of the power of chance to fall in with him any more, by forming a design of wintering at St. _Catharine_’s, on the coast of _Brasil_: and accordingly, on the 20th of _April_, weighs anchor and sails towards the continent of _America_.

On the 5th of _June_, 1719, we met a _Portuguese_ merchantman near _Cape Frio_. Our captain order’d the Emperor’s colours to be hoisted, which, without any reflection, look the most thief-like of any worn by honest men: those of his Imperial Majesty are a black spread eagle in a yellow field, and those of the pyrates a yellow field and black human skeleton; which at a small distance are not easily distinguished, especially in light gales of wind. So he brings her to, by firing a musket thwart her forefoot; sends aboard her the best busker (as he himself call’d _Hatley_) with a boat’s crew; each man arm’d with a cutlass and a case of pistols.

The _Portuguese_ not only imagines his ship made prize, but thinks also how he shall undergo that piece of discipline used by the merry blades in the _West-Indies_, call’d blooding and sweating; which is done by making the captain, on the ill report of his men, or his declining to discover where his money is hid, to run the gantlet naked thro’ the pyrate’s crew; each of them furnish’d with a sail-needle, pricking him in the buttocks, back and shoulders; thus bleeding they put him into a sugar cask swarming with cock-roaches, cover him with a blanket, and there leave him to glut the vermin with his blood.

_Don Pedro_, to save his bacon, took care however to be very officious or yare handed (as we say) with his present: For no sooner was _Hatley_ on his quarter-deck, but the _Portuguese_ seamen began to hand into the boat the fruits and refreshments they had aboard, as plantins, bananas, lemons, oranges, pomgranates, _&c._ three or four dozen boxes of marmalade and other sweatmeats; some _Dutch_ cheeses, and a large quantity of sugars.----If they had stopp’d here, it was well enough, and might pass as a present; but after this there came above a dozen pieces of silk, several of which were flower’d with gold and silver, worth, at least, three pound a yard, by retale; several dozen of _China_ plates and basins, a small _Japan_ cabinet; not to mention what the men took, who on seeing the _Portuguese_ so brisk at handing their things into the boat, concluded immediately they had as good a right to a present, as any body else. So on board they go, laying hold on what came next to hand: In short, as ’twas all a present, I can’t see who could pretend to restrain them. Among other things, _Hatley_ brought the last and handsomest present of all, a purse of 300 moydors.

This convinc’d _Shelvocke_ he was not deceiv’d in calling _Hatley_ the best busker, that is, an impudent sharp fellow, (from the _Spanish_ word _buscar_, to look out sharp,) who, perhaps, to reingratiate himself, did the devil’s work; by whose laudable example our boat’s crew robb’d the man of more than I can pretend to say: but I remember the boat was pretty well laden with one trade or other; and none of the officers dared so much as peep into her, till all was out. While these things were handing into the ship, a sham kind of quarel ensues between our chieftains.

* * * * *

Shel. _Zounds! what do you mean by all this, Sir?_

Hat. _By what, Sir?_

Shel. _Bringing me these baubles?_

Hat. _Sir they are very cheap._

Shel. _But I shall want my money for other uses._

Hat. _They’ll fetch double the cost at our next port._

Shel. _You always act contrary to my orders._

Hat. _Sir, I laid out my own money in the same things as I did yours._

Shel. _It’s a hard case I have no officer worth trusting; I can have nothing well done, except I go out of the ship my self upon every occasion._

Hat. _I thought I had done for the better._--

Shel. _I’ll have you know, Sir, I’ll be obey’d._

Hat. _Your commands shall always be to me as a law._

Shel. _Where’s the account or bill of parcels?_

Hat. _Sir, not easily understanding one another, we lump’d it; but I can draw one out._

Shel. _Pray see you do._

Hat. _Yes Sir._

Shel. _Whither is he bound?_

Hat. _To_ Pernambucco.

Shel. _Where belonging to?_

Hat. _To_ Rio Janeiro, _whence he brought these fruits and refreshments, which he presents you with; desiring me to give you his humble service, and that any thing in his ship is at your disposal._

Shel. _Well, I believe he’s a very honest fellow. Take the trumpet; tell him I thank him, and that he may persue his voyage._

Hatley with the speaking trumpet. _O senior capitan, O ho?_

Capt. _Ho la senior._

Hat. _Amigo, Prosiga v, m, su camino con dios_; that is, go on friend, and God bless you.

Capt. muttering. _Y, v, m, el voestro con mille demonios, perro ladron_; that is, go you on, you thieving dog, and a thousand devils along with you.

The _Portuguese_ captain thus fleeced, hoisted his topsails and away he goes, glad enough ’twas no worse. _Shelvocke_ will have it, p. 16. that there were but four or five pieces of silk, but I have as good a memory as himself: And supposing, tho’ not allowing there was no more, and as the 80 dollars, prize money, was laid out in sugar and some refreshments at St. _Jago_, whence must the cost of those silks, china and cabinet come? since I am positive we could not muster up five pounds amongst us all when we left _Plymouth_; answering in that respect the character of right privatiers men; but in no other instance.

He likewise says, p. 22. that _Hatley_’s moydors were but 80 or 100, whereof ten were given the cockswain, and six to each of the boat’s crew, which shall, in the sequel, be set in a fairer light, when _Hatley_ and I were taken prisoners, and 96 of the moydors found upon him.

In a few days after this, all our petty officers and boat’s crew appear’d in their fine silk waistcoats, caps and breeches; our commander himself in a silken skin, as the word _peaud’soy_ implies, and the beau gentleman his son, in a cinnamon colour’d sute of fine silk, all wondrous gallant and gay!

_Shelvocke_ soon perceived by the whispering and shyness of his officers in the cabin, that this management did not please them, tho’ none of us dared to speak the least about it: So to make us easy, as he would have it (tho’ in reality to make us accomplices) he order’d us to bring into the cabin all our scarlet sutes;--the Gentlemen who fitted us out, having given the chief officers, to the number of twenty five in both ships, a scarlet sute each;--When he made us the following speech.

* * * * *

Gentlemen,

“We have yet a long voyage in hand, and ’tis uncertain where or how we shall be furnish’d with cloaths, when these we have are worn out or impair’d. To shew you therefore that I have your interest as much at heart as my own, I have consider’d that your sleeve cuffs and pocket flaps will be first subject to the injuries of time; which to prevent, I here make each of you a present of as much gold and silver flower’d silk as will serve to cover them. To you gentlemen sea officers, scarlet with gold; and to you gentlemen of the marines, green with silver.” For this kind offer we all return’d humble thanks, beging leave at the same time to be excus’d from this piece of finery: but all in vain; for our captain would not be outdone in point of generosity: we must appear something like himself. And he in his black _peaud’soy_ sute trim’d with large silver loops down the breast, made a ridiculous figure enough.

He has somewhere, I think, call’d me a _Cape of Good Hope man_; which noted headland I never saw, and therefore know not what he means by it: But ’tis certain this transaction with the _Portuguese_ proved _Shelvocke_ a right _Cape Frio_ man, which I believe is very easily understood.

Tho’ _Shelvocke_ never kept any journal, or intended to give the gentlemen any fair account of his actions; yet at his arrival in _England_, finding this story was blown, he was under a necessity of removing from himself the imputation of Pyracy as well as he could: and therefore confidently tells the world, page 23. that he made a protest against _Hatley_, and deliver’d it to captain _Clipperton_, in the _South-Sea_, which, if true, instead of mending makes the story worse.

Now, this is mere invention, founded upon the difficulty there seems to be of confuting him; for _Clipperton_ died in _June 1722_. I was left a prisoner at _Lima_ in _Peru_, and probably sacrificed. As for _Hatley_, he indeed did arrive at _London_ in 23; but went immediately for _Jamaica_, never shewing his face to any one of the owners: so that _Shelvocke_ imagin’d there was no witness of consequence to reveal his craft and treachery; having had three or four years to frame and complete this romantic libel.

However, I desire this invisible gentleman to answer me these following questions.

Why such protest was not made while _Hatley_ was on board the _Speedwell_, to be confronted by a cloud of witnesses?

Why that protest (if any such ever was made) should be deliver’d to captain _Clipperton_, whom _Shelvocke_ from page 22. to 25 of his preface, and all along has made such a sad insignificant fellow; and to whom he had too much pride to think himself accountable? and,

Why was not a copy of that protest printed in his book, fairly vouch’d by his chief officers, as well as that long impertinent one against the governer of _Sansonate_; on the opposite part of the globe? page 340. I really believe one would have been much more to his credit than the other.

We arrive next at St. _Catherine_’s on the coast of _Brazil_, lat. 27 : 30 S: where our captain shews us a masterpiece of machiavilian politicks; making by the following stratagem the greatest number of his ships company rogues against their own inclinations: and knowing this could not be suddenly brought about, he had long been preparing for that purpose his instrument, one _Mathew Stewart_; who, as his own steward, waited on us in the cabin, till our arrival at the _Canary_ islands, when and where _Shelvocke_ had promoted him to be first mate of the ship, tho’ not seaman enough to distinguish between a brace and a bowline. This was done to gain him greater credit with the men; tho’ it was a direct prejudice to three or four clever young fellows who were good seamen and artists. His accepting a steward’s place at first is an undeniable argument he was no seaman. The

The weight of my argument depending much on proving _Stewart_ no seaman, the reader I hope will pardon my inserting this account of him. He was the son or apprentice of a shopkeeper at _Glasgow_ in _North Britain_, and went supercargo of a small ship to _Maryland_ or _Virginia_. On his return from his first voyage he touch’d at _London_, where he squander’d away most of his money: so not caring to look his friends in the face, he desir’d of captain _Shelvocke_ to be imploy’d in our expedition; who made him his steward. He was a young man of good sense and good education: so that it’s plain if he were qualified for doing the duty of a sea-officer, his ambition would not have suffer’d him to accept a steward’s place: and how fit this man was for first mate of a private ship of war, I leave other judges than my self to determine. In this article I appeal to Mr. _James Moffat_ and Company, mercers in _St. Martins le Grand_.

This spark had not been long tampering with the men, before he brought them to any thing he pleased; especially when they saw he always had the captain’s ear, and was so very much in his favour also; which gave us all a kind of emulation, wondering what rare qualifications _Shelvocke_ could discover in a fellow, who but a few days before rinsed our glasses and filled us our wine.

But the mystery was here unravell’d, on our finding a round robine sent up by the men to _Shelvocke_, by this minion of his. Robine is a mutinous letter, at the bottom of which every subscriber sets his hand in a round ring, to avoid being called first in the mutiny. The tenor of this letter set forth their diffidence of the gentlemen owners, and their fears of being all cheated: which the fellows before had no notion of, if not prompted to these apprehensions, as I said before, by _Shelvocke_ himself; who finding all that he had done and said fail of the desired effect, had now made use of this emissary _Stewart_, to poison the men’s minds, when otherwise they would have been quiet at their duty. I need no stronger argument to prove the honest and orderly disposition of the ship’s company, than this writer’s own words, page 4. who says himself, they were four fifths landmen; whose first complaint, ’tis well known, is always for want of provisions; which they, however do in a more submissive manner. But this was quite out of the case; as what they never could or did complain of. Besides, if the boatswain and his mates were supported in the discharge of their duty, they were sufficient enough to keep them under. Add to this, that we were nine officers at his table, an unusual number for such a ship, being so design’d that we might effectually oppose any intended mutinies: but this despotic man had so intimidated us, that had we offered our service, by promising to assist him in bringing those pretended mutiniers to reason, the very proposal from us would have been construed a real mutiny. And further it may be easily imagined, that no one would have had the confidence to deliver this arbitrary captain any proposal savouring of discontent and mutiny, except a pupil so instructed; and such was _Stewart_, whom I might more properly call _quartermaster_, since he officiated as one who had rather been used to the _Jamaica_ discipline, than a well regulated private ship of war.

None therefore but a man void of truth and shame could impute, as _Shelvocke_ does, all his innovations and wilful mismanagements to the mutinies of his men; when any six of his cabin officers, having the small arms always in our own custody, would have drove the rascals over the forecastle, without deserving to be recorded as heroes.

In fine, new regulations and articles were made and introduced by _Stewart_, allowing an additional perquisit to _Shelvocke_ himself of 5 _per cent_. upon the whole capture to be made; which, after his example, we all sign’d.

To give the better countenance to this preceding, _Shelvocke_ asked us officers of his mess, whom we would chuse for our agent? to this not one of them even dared to say a word, waiting his own direction to point out the man: At last I said, that since the whole ship’s company, except our selves, had vested such a power in Mr. _Stewart_, I could see no reason why he might not make one trouble of it, and pay us all our respective shares. To this he answer’d with a menacing sneer, ay by god, I suppose you want that preferment your self. I replyd, I was so well satisfyd with my own shares, and the imployment given me by the Gentlemen at home, that I never coveted or thought of any other. This too gave a great deal of offense. However _Shelvocke_ modestly told us, that unless we chose his own nephew _Adams_ the surgeon, we should make a voyage for a _knife_ and _sheath_. It was no sooner said than done: the doctor drew up an Instrument immediately, and we were constraind to sign it.

But the merriest agent of all, was _Shelvocke_ himself, who calling the next day to Mr. _Hendrie_, the Gentlemen’s agent, told him that he himself would now be agent for the owners, and _Hendrie_ might be purser of the ship, if he pleased: at which arbitrary usurpation, Mr. _Hendrie_ was very much shockt; well knowing that as agent he had a right to twenty shares; but as purser, only what _Shelvocke_ was pleased to allow; for as yet we had no such officer mentiond aboard the ship: wherefore seeing the difficulties we lay under, he believed it was in vain to struggle, and only made this gentle return.----Sir, I hope I have done nothing unbecoming my duty, either in my office, or personally to you; and therefore beg leave to remind you, that those gentlemen who gave you your commission in this ship, made me also their agent for all such captures as she should make: for which _Hendrie_ got no satisfaction, but _Shelvocke_’s adding with an oath that if he did not accept a purser, he should neither be one nor the other. Whereupon Mr. _Hendrie_ demanded, in his own right, to have a council of the officers calld who should hear and determine the case; which being absolutely refused, _Hendrie_ drew up a protest against the captain’s arbitrary procedings, a copy of which he gave into his own hand, and deliverd one to each officer of his mess: which is a proof of _Hendrie_’s honest spirit, and that he was worthy of the post the gentlemen gave him.

My reader may possibly question how so much craft, so much treachery, such an abuse of power, could meet together in the person of one man: but I here solemnly aver every circumstance of this affair to be true; and appeal to all persons concernd therein, besides the depositions aforesaid.

Nor is it so much to be wonder’d at, if we consider a commander of a ship in a far distant latitude, with unlimited power, bad views, ill nature and ill principles all concurring.----I say, it’s not to be wondered at whatever such a Man does, for he is past all restraint.

A late instance of this kind is captain _Jayne_, of _Bristol_ who, in a most extraordinary lingering manner, cruelly starved and tortured his cabin boy to death; nor could his whole ship’s company hinder it, tho’ it was long a doing: however, when ashore, the men were freed from that tyrannical power, and were bold enough to speak the truth, which hanged him.

But to return. Thus was _Shelvocke_’s great estate to be got suddenly, without any one in the ship to be a check upon him, or even a witness of the _quantum_ or _quomodo_, _how_ or _how much_; for now ’tis evident all must pass through his own and his two creatures hands; _Shelvocke_ being agent for the owners, his kinsman for us of the cabin, and _Stewart_ agent for the petty officers and men.

Nor did he stop here; for he also proposed to reduce me from captain of marines to lieutenant, and the two lieutenants of marines to petty officers: but I having a letter from _Edward Hughes_, Esq; directed to captain _Mitchel_, then the commanding officer of the _Speedwel_, to receive me and my servant on board, and to enter me on the roll of equipage, as captain of marines, which I produced, he desisted, and I heard no more of it: but this I remember, that in two days time my pocket-book was stole from me, wherein I kept the said letter, and some memorandums of our captain’s very fine procedings.

Instead of coming into this harbour of St. _Catharine_’s, it’s plain _Shelvocke_’s duty was to make the best of his way to the southward, that he might be early with the enemy the _Spaniard_; for _Clipperton_, about this time, was actually in the great _South Sea_. But our commander found it more comfortable to pass the winter away near that glorious luminary the sun, than at the hazard of losing his liquors to follow his orders and his commodore into the frozen straits of _Magellan_, where _Clipperton_ and his men suffer’d extreme hardships, being quite destitute of those supports which we super-abounded with.

To palliate these mismanagements _Shelvocke_ tells ye, p. 51. that to save his _English_ provisions, he bought twenty one head of black cattle; which, I am sure, was but four: one hundred and fifty bushels of cassader meal; which was no more than five or six: and as for other provisions (excepting three or four hogs) ’tis a forgery; for the inhabitants hearing from our deserters of the _Cape Frio_ story, would no longer deal with us; tho’ Monsieur _Laport_, one of our lieutenants, who was a roman catholic, apply’d to the _padre_, one Sunday after divine service, to sell _Shelvocke_ what he wanted.

He says, in his home made story, page 48. that _Hatley_ burn’d the _Portuguese_ house, tho’ we have often heard him blame _Randal_, his lieutenant, for so doing, he being really the man. This indeed was but a brutish return to the people, who out of fear or complaisance had quitted their house, for our coopers and sail-makers to work in, and likewise served us for a guard house. But _Shelvocke_ says nothing of _Coldsea_ the master, the most quarelsome turbulent fellow in the ship, because whatever imperfect reckoning they had, was kept by him, having made the tour of the globe together. This man at St. _Catharine_’s was doom’d by _Shelvocke_ for transportation to _Europe_, because he insulted his kinsman _Adams_; and to save himself an oath, that he never should come over the ship’s side again, he suffer’d him, at the intreaty of Mr. _Dodd_, to enter at a gun-port.

As to the awning, which he set up page 51. and which he intends as a justification of his coming in here, it proved rather a nusance than a benefit; for as the place afforded not the proper materials, he could not make it staunch and tight, so that the rain, as it fell from the clouds, was not half so troublesom, as the streams it made through this imperfect piece of work, into the poor men’s necks: besides, it very much hinder’d our walking the deck. Captain _Clipperton_ had twice made the voyage before, and therefore was something of a judge; and he, as well as the gentlemen at home, thought the _Speedwel_ completely enough fitted out without any additions of captain _Shelvocke_’s.