Chapter XII: Section IV (2)

The mud is disposed in square parcels of a hundred weight a piece, upon a smooth floor made on purpose. On each of these they throw a great quantity of salt, and mix it all together for two or three days; then they sprinkle it equally with quicksilver, on each mass perhaps about fifteen pound; for the richer it is, the more mercury it requires. An _Indian_ moulds each of these squares seven or eight times a day, that the mercury may incorporate. Sometimes the ore is greasy, and then they put lime to it: wherein they are cautious; for it is very remarkable, that sometimes it is so burnt with heat, that the mercury and silver are both lost. Now and then they intermix a little lead to help the operation of the quicksilver, which is but slow in cold weather. So that at _Lipes_ and _Potosi_ they are a matter of six weeks kneading the ore: and at _Puno_ particularly, they lay a brick pavement upon arches, under which they make fires to help the works: but in other countries they do it in eight or ten days.

When the workman thinks the mercury has attracted all the silver, he takes out a little bit, and washes it in a basin. If the mercury looks dark, the ore is too much heated; to remedy which, they add more salt, which makes the quicksilver evaporate. If the mercury is white, they squeeze a drop of it under the thumb: the silver sticks to the skin, and the mercury slips away. This they find will do; so that when all the silver is gatherd up by the mercury, they give the ore three different washings: and when all the dross is gone, they put the silver in a woollen bag, which they press between boards, to get the quicksilver out. After ’tis hung up, draind and prest as much as they can, they put it into a wooden mould, generally the form of a sugar loaf, with thin copper plates at the bottom full of holes.

After taking off the moulds, these pieces are calld _pinnas_, which are set upon a frame over an earthen vessel full of water coverd with a cap, which they surround with lighted coals. When the mass grows very hot, the quicksilver that still remains will come out in smoke, which having no passage, circulates between the mass and the cap, till descending to the water, it thickens and sinks to the bottom. Thus the mercury loses but little, and will serve several times, tho’ there must be a new supply because it grows weak with using.

According to _Acosta_, they use to spend 7000 hundred weight at _Potosi_ in a year: by which one may judge what vast loads of silver they got.

When the mercury is quite evaporated, the silver remains a spongey hollow lump: and this is calld virgin silver; being pure and unadulterated. All this according to law must be carryd to the mint, and pay the fifth part to his majesty. There the silver is cast into ingots or bars of different weight, about a foot long or more. These bars which have paid the duty can have no fraud in them, but it may be otherwise with the _pinnas_ uncast: for the maker often intermixes iron or lead; therefore they should all be opend, and tryd by fire, which would discover another cheat of wetting them, to make them heavy: for their weight may be increased near a third part by dipping them in water, when they are very hot. There are also different degrees of fineness in the same piece, which might be found out: but the _Spaniards_ not having convenient places to discover these frauds, and not caring for it, they e’en let them go.

There are many sorts of silver ore, according to the different consistence of the earth. Some is blackish mixt with iron, calld _nigrillo_: another greenish of a copper mixture, calld _cobrisso_: some white with real silver veins, calld _plata blanca_; and sometimes the ore is black with lead particles, this is calld _plomo ronco_, and is commonly the best: because instead of kneading it with quicksilver, it may be melted in a fornace, and easily parted from the lead. The old _Indians_ not having, or knowing the use of mercury, got all their silver from these sort of mines; and having but little wood, used to heat their fornaces with the leaves of plants, and the dung of their sheep: they made their fornaces upon the mountains, that the wind might pass thro’ and keep the fire strong. There is another brown ore like this last mentiond, where the silver is not seen at all; but if wetted and rubd against iron, it turns ruddy, calld _rosicler_, and yields the finest of all silver. There is another sort calld _zaroche_ which shines like isinglass; and the _paco_ soft and clayish, but neither of them valuable. Lastly, there is a very choice ore found in one of the mines of _Potosi_ containing many threads of pure silver, wound up like lumps of burnt lace: this is calld _arana_, or spider, being something like a cobweb.

At _Copiapo_ there are gold mines just behind the town, and all about the country, which have brought many purchasers and workmen thither, to the great damage of the _Indians_: for the _Spanish_ magistrates take away not only their lands, but their horses, which they sell to the new proprietors, under pretence of serving the king and improving the settlement. Here is a great deal of _Magnet_ and _Lapis lazuli_ which the _Indians_ know not the value of: and some leagues in the country there is plenty of saltpetre, which often lies an inch thick on the ground. About 100 mile east upon the _Cordileer_ mountains, there is a vein of sulphur two foot wide, so fine and pure that it needs no cleaning. This part of the country is full of all sorts of mines; but in other respects is so barren, that the natives fetch all their subsistence from _Coquimbo_ and that way, being a mere desert for 300 mile together: and the earth abounds so much with salt and sulphur that the mules often perish for want of grass and sweet water. There is but one river in 200 mile, which the _Indians_ call _Ancalulac_, or hypocrite, because it runs only from sun-rise to sun-set. This is occasiond by the great quantity of snow melted from the _Cordileers_ in the day time, which freezes again at night; where the cold is often so great, that people’s features are quite distorted. Hence _Chili_ takes its name, _Chile_ signifying cold in the _Indian_ language: and we are certainly informd by the _Spanish_ historians, that some of their countrymen and others, who first traded this way, died stiff with cold upon their mules: for which reason the road is now always lower along the coast.

The mine countries are all so cold and barren that the inhabitants get most of their provision from the coast: this is caused by the salts and sulphurs exhaled from the earth, which destroy the seed of all vegetables. The _Spaniards_ who live thereabout find them so stifling, that they drink often of the _mattea_ to moisten their mouths. The mules that trip it nimbly over the mountains, are forced to walk gently about the mines and stop often to fetch breath. If those vapours are so strong without, what must they be within the mine it self, where if a fresh man goes, he is suddenly benumbd with pain? and this is the case of many a one; but the distemper seldom lasts above a day; and they are not so affected the second time: But vapours have often burst out so furiously, that workmen have been killd on the spot: so that one way or other, multitudes of _Indians_ die in their calling. To fortify themselves against the aforesaid steams, they are continually chewing _coca_, a herb which is their common preservative.

An observation occurs here to my memory; that upon the road to _Piura_, the night when we lay down to sleep, our mules went eagerly to search for a certain root not unlike a parsnip, tho’ much bigger; which affords a great deal of juice, and in such a sandy plain often serves instead of water: but when the mules are very thirsty, and they can’t easily rake up the root with their feet, they will stand over it and bray till the _Indians_ come to their assistance.

Tho’ the gold mines are more peculiar to _Chili_, yet there are one or two washing places for gold in the south of _Peru_ near _Chili_, which I shall now speak of, being the next thing remarkable. About the year 1709 there were two surprising large lumps of virgin gold found in one of those places; one of which weighd thirty two pound complete, and was purchased by the count _de Moncloa_ then viceroy of _Peru_ and presented to the king of _Spain_. The other was shaped somewhat like an oxe’s heart. It weighd twenty two pound and a half, and was bought by the _corregidor_ of _Arica_.

To find these _lavaderos_ or washing places, they dig in the corners of a little brook, where by certain tokens they judge the grains of gold to lye. To help carry away the mud, they let a fresh stream into it, and keep turning it up, that the current may send it along. When they are come to the golden sand, they turn off the stream another way, and dig with mattocks; and this earth they carry upon mules to certain basins joynd together by small chanels. Into these they let a smart stream of water to loosen the earth, and carry all the gross part away, the _Indians_ standing in the basins and throwing out all the stones. The gold at bottom is still mixt with a black sand, and hardly to be seen till it is farther cleard and separated, which is easily done. But these washing places differ, for in some there are gold grains as big as bird shot: and in one belonging to the priests near _Valparaiso_, some were found from two or three ounces to a pound and half weight. This way of getting gold is much better than from the mines: here is no need of iron crows, mills, or quicksilver; so that both the trouble and expense are much less. The _Creolians_ are not so curious in washing their gold as the people in _Europe_: but great plenty makes them careless in that and many other articles.

There are abundance of iron mines in _Peru_ and _Chili_; besides lead, tin and copper, which the _Spaniards_ intirely neglect, as not worth their while to work them. Copper serves for a little kitchen furniture; but most of their utensils are of silver, even those for vulgar uses.

About the town of _Coquimbo_ there is plenty of gold found in the streams that come down from the mountains after the rain showers. These showers are only at certain times of the year: but if they came oftner, they would undoubtedly always have the same effect. And now I speak of _Coquimbo_, it would be a fault not to mention the charms of its scituation. It lies in the 30th degree south, a short mile from the sea. It stands on a green rising ground about ten yards high, which nature has regularly formd like a terras north and south in a direct line of more than half a mile, turning at each end to the eastward. The first street makes a delightful walk, having the prospect of the country round it, and the bay before it. All this is sweetly placed in a valley ever green, and waterd with a river, which having taken its rise from among the mountains, flows through the vales and meadows in a winding stream to the sea.

_Baldivia_, who built this town in the year 1544, to serve as a resting place between _Chili_ and _Peru_, pleased with the beauty of the scituation, and the happiness of the climate, calld it _la Serena_; signifying tranquillity and mildness; which name it deserved more than any place in the world. The whole country puts one in mind of the poets golden age: there the sharp north winds never blow; and the heats are fand with refreshing gales; so that the revolving year is only spring and autumn joind together.

_Conception_ lies six degrees higher in a part of the country abounding, like _Serena_, with all the comforts of life, as well as inestimable mines of gold. At the king’s station a little to eastward they have a washing-place, where they have got _pepitas_ or gold grains of four pound weight: and these sort of washes are innumerable, but remain as it were undiscovered thro’ negligence and incuriosity. The _Cordileer_ mountains abound with hardly any thing else but minerals: this is true of those which have been opend; and very likely all the rest are so. About 300 miles inwards from _Conception_, there’s one hill yields copper so remarkable, that _Melendes_ who discovered it, found lumps weighing a hundred quintals a piece, each quintal being a hundred weight. Mr. _Frezier_ says he saw one of forty quintals making into six field pieces, six pounders each. Some are part copper and part stone, which the inhabitants affirm do all in time breed and grow intirely to copper. There is another hill adjoyning which is scarce any thing but loadstone: and many of them afford sulphur and salt: About the town it self there is pit-coal a few foot under ground. In the year 1510, many mines were found near the _Cordileer_ mountains, affording at once gold, silver, copper, iron, lead and tin: which destroys the notion, that different metals are never formd together in one mine.

About twenty mile to the eastward of _Serena_ are the washing places of _Andacol_, whose gold is twenty three carats fine: and the inhabitants all affirm that after seventy or eighty years they find them recruited with gold as plentifully as at first. And the governer of _Coquimbo_ as well as others have assured, that on the mountains the gold mines are so numerous that, forty or fifty thousand men might easily be imployd: but for want of hands, the king of _Spain_ must content himself without the treasure.

Spain _in_ America _had two designs;
To plant the_ gospel _and to seise the_ mines:
_For where there is no real supply of wealth
Men’s souls are never worth the charge of health.
And had the kings of that new world been poor,
No_ Spaniard _twice had landed on their shore
’Twas gold the_ Pope’s _religion there that planted,
Which, if they had been poor, they still had wanted._

CHAP. IV.

_Some account cf the origin of Metals, with various opinions
concerning their formation in the earth._

The old _Creolian Spaniards_, and some others imagine that this plenty of gold in _Chili_ was occasiond by _Noah_’s flood, which threw down the mountains, and broke up the mines, and washd away the gold into the lower grounds where it now continues. But, besides the great probability that that deluge was only upon the land of _Palestine_, _Moses_’s history on which this fancy is founded, rather contradicts it; and tells us that the deluge made very little alteration in the surface of the earth. Besides, by all the late discoveries in _America_, we are convinced that the mountains yield more gold than the rivers. Common rains may send the gold to the lower parts: for in _Chili_ the showers that fall from _May_ to _September_, are daily making new gutters upon the hills, which bring down the golden grains with them.

Without doubt earthquakes have made great alterations in this part of the world; some of which, according to several historians, have changd the scituation of mountains, and turnd rivers into lakes: and some authors have supposed that these subversions have proceded from an inward fermentation, which has burst open the hills, and forced the minerals, before they were duly formd, into the water chanels where they are so often found. Tho’ this does not at all answer how metals are formd, yet great commotions have often happend in the bowels of the earth, and put many things out of their natural position; particularly shells, which in most countries have been found, sometimes in heaps, and far enough from the sea where they were first formd.

The native _Indians_ believe that gold and silver breed in the earth without any original vein; because after certain years the mines and washing-places have afforded a perfect new supply; several instances of which I have before mentiond. And it is undeniable, that in _Chili_ these _lavaderos_ are common in the low grounds, where infinite treasure lies conceald for want of labourers: for the _Spaniards_ apply chiefly where the profit is most obvious; and when any new mine is sprung, they all flock thither.

I have been informd at _Lima_, that several _Frenchmen_, whose effects were confiscated by his _Spanish_ majesty’s order for carrying on an interloping trade between _France_ and _Chili_, have thought it better to stay in the country at any rate than return home: and so made shift to purchase a _Nigro_ or two, whom they imployd to fish for gold in some of these washing places, which turnd to so good a profit that they were inabled to settle in _Chili_. I spoke with two of them at _Conception_. They told me they had but little trouble in doing of it; that they us’d to watch for the showers, and then carry only a few sieves to refine the earth. These places were chiefly at the small cataracts and water-falls, where they told me they had often taken up considerable grains of gold with their hands: but the _corregidors_ always take care they shall not grow too rich.

As for metals being formd by the sun; ’tis a weak notion and sufficiently exploded. About forty years ago a violent lighting fell on the _Illimanni_ mountain, which is between _Chili_ and _Peru_. Great pieces and splinters thereof were found scatterd about the country, and they were all plentifully veind with gold, tho’ the mountain is ever known to be coverd with snow. Therefore that heat which is not strong enough to thaw the snow, can never be able to generate and form gold in the mountain under it.

But as those opinions are most rational, which are grounded on real discoveries, one may find out a better way to account for this thing, than any before mentiond: and from what has been said, fairly conclude, that all metals are made and formd by subterraneous fires, which burn as it were in a kiln, conveying their heat far and near through all the passages of the earth, as well as the solid mass itself.

These fires are known to be in all the mine countries of _America_; and may well be supposed to dwell in other parts yet unknown. This intestine heat gives motion to the salts and sulphurs, being the chief principles of metals. And tho’ their operation is incomprehensibly different from all that we know or practise, yet may we form a notion, that these spirituous vapours are forced by fire into the pores of stone; where being condensed they insinuate themselves like veins, extend and grow upwards to the surface.

* * * * *

I shall now collect some authorities to confirm the opinion that there are a race of men in the world calld giants.

_Don Pedro Molina_ governer of _Chiloe_ and several other eye-witnesses have affirmd that in the country behind the _Cordileer_ mountains, there is a nation of Indians calld _Caucahues_, of an uncommon _size_, being near four _varas_ or _Spanish_ yards high; which is ten foot _English_. These are the people antient travelers speak of calld _Patagonians_, who live on the eastern side, about 50 degrees south latitude. I know this has been taken as a fable, because many ships going down that way, have not chanced to see them; the men who appear on the _Patagonian_ coast and in _Magellan_ straits being generally of the common stature: and this is what deceived _Froger_ in his account of _Degennes_ voyage; for some ships have seen both sorts at once.

In 1704, captain _Harrington_’s men belonging to a ship of St. _Malo_, saw seven of these giants in _Gregory_’s bay. The crew of the St. _Peter_, a ship of _Marseiles_ saw six of the same; among whom there was one distinguisht from the rest by a net-work cap that he wore made of birds entrails stuck round with feathers. Their garments were skins with the hair inwards; and they all had bows with cases of arrows: they helpd the sailors with their boat ashore, and gave them some of their darts: the men offerd them bread, brandy and wine; but they refused them all. The next day 200 of them appeard in a body. These men they believed were more sensible of the cold, tho’ larger than others: for the ordinary size people along that coast had only a single skin thrown over their shoulders, whereas the others were cloathed.

* * * * *

_The following are Mr._ Frezier_’s words translated._

“What I here deliver on the testimony of creditable persons, is so agreeable to what I read in many good voyages; that ’tis my opinion there is much truth in it: and a man may believe there is a nation of people in the southermost part of _America_, much exceding the common proportion, without being thought fanciful: the time, place and circumstances all agreeing, seem to carry a truth sufficient to overcome the general opinion to the contrary. Perhaps the strangeness of the sight may have caused their size to be somewhat magnifyd: but if we consider the height of these men not actually measured, but only ghest at, we shall find that travelers differ very little from each other. To strengthen what I have advanced, the reader will excuse me if I collect what I find in various authors upon this article.

“_Leonardo Argensola_ in the first chapter of his history of the _Molucca_ islands, says that the same _Magellan_, in the straits that bears his name, took some men who were fifteen spans, that is eleven foot high: but they soon pined away and died. In the third chapter he says that _Sarmiento_’s men fought with some of these people, who were above three _Spanish_ yards high, that is above eight foot. They repulsed the _Spaniards_ once: but being attackt the second time, they took to their heels and run at so great a rate, that according to the _Spanish_ saying, a bullet would not overtake them.

“There is something like this in _Sibald Dewert_’s voyage 1559, who being at anchor in the _Green-Bay_ in _Magellan_ straits with five ships, saw seven _Indian_ imbarkations full of giants; who they ghest were ten or eleven foot high. The _Dutchmen_ fired at them and drove them ashore, but they were so terrifyd at the fire arms, that they tore up the trees to shelter themselves from the musket balls.

“_Oliver North_, who came there a few months after _Dewert_, tells us that he saw giants ten or twelve foot high: tho’ he had seen other men of the common size.

“_Spilbergen_, as he enterd _Magellan_ straits in 1615, saw on _Terra del fogo_ a man of surprizing height got upon a rising ground to see the ships go by.

“_Shouten_ in the same year being in _Port Desire_, his men went ashore and found heaps of stones laid in such a form that they had a mind to see what was under them: and they found bones of a human body between ten and eleven foot long, that is nine or ten _English_ measure; to which measure _North_’s account and _Dewert_’s must be reduced.

“Other authorities as well living as dead might be brought to justify this relation: and tho’ some people have doubted it, yet the several testimonies aforementiond, joind with the account of giants which we have in holy scripture, should incline us to receive it for truth.”

* * * * *

_Frezier_ has a notion that the _Almighty_ framed at first three different colors of men; _white_, _black_ and the dark _copper_, which last is the hue of all the _Indians_ in _America_: and tho’ the holy scripture is silent as to the origin of these, yet he doubts not that the _Nigros_ or _Blacks_ are children of _Cush Noah_’s grandson, which is an _African_ word and signifies black. But however piously affected he and others may be to that divine history, it is impossible this way to account for the originals of people; or even conjecture how this great extended continent was first planted: and without admitting _Preadamites_ we shall meet with endless absurdities. _Grotius_, who was hardly inferior to any man in wit and learning, rather than disallow mankind’s beginning with _Adam_, would have it that _America_ was peopled from _Norway_. The _Norwegians_ planted _Iceland_; from thence came the _Greenlanders_, who overspread the north-west islands; and so at last all _America_ came to be peopled. But when one comes to consider, that the _Americans_ are no more like the _Norwegians_ than the _Nigros_ are like the _Indians_; and that in all respects the natives of this new world are quite different from the other, that reasoning of _Grotius_ is weak and insufficient: and had he lived to see the _Danish_ account of the _Greenlanders_ with other north discoveries, it would have confounded him; Moreover ’tis certain that the _Chilians_ never lived in a social manner like other nations, but in single families only; nor have they any ideas of God or religion in any kind, or the being of a soul, all which they make a jest of. And tho’ it is said, that at the conquest of these countries the _Spaniards_ found golden and other images in _Peru_, which the _Indians_ used to worship; yet it’s probable they were made only to represent some of their kings, whose memory they held in great veneration. But as this subject requires a separate treatise rather than a place in this book, I shall procede in my other design. And I am persuaded that there must be some more divine influence than the example and arguments of the priesthood, to produce among the _Indians_ so good as an effect a true belief of the _Gospel_.

CHAP. V.

_Observations on the_ Chili _trade._

The town of _St. Malo_ has always been noted for good privatiers. They annoyd the _English_ and _Dutch_ very much in their trade during the whole reign of king _William_, and part of queen _Anne_: and tho’ some religious-headed people fancy that money got by privatiering won’t prosper, yet I may venture to say the St. _Malo_ men are as rich and florishing as any people in _France_. It has thrived so well with them, that all their _South Sea_ trade is owing to their privatiering; and in the late war they were so generous, that they made several free gifts to _Lewis_ XIV. And tho’ our _English Admiralty_ always kept a stout squadron cruising in the _Atlantic_ ocean, yet we never took one of their _South-Seamen_; and my reason for it is this, they kept their ships extremely clean, having ports to careen at which we did not think of. For in the year 1709, when I belongd to his majesty’s ship the _Loo_, being one of the convoys that year to _Newfoundland_, we saw upon that coast a 50 gun ship, which we chased, and soon discoverd she was _French_ built; but she crowded sail and left us in a very little time. She had just been cleand at _Placentia_: and we might well wonder to find such a ship in that part of the world, but were afterwards informd by _French_ prisoners that she was a _South-Seaman_ bound to St. _Malo_, with two or three million of dollars aboard; and was then so trim, that she trusted to her heels and valued no body. By their going so far to westward and northward withal, they had the advantage of westerly winds, which seldom faild of sending them into soundings at one spirt, if not quite home. But since _Placentia_ has been yielded to _Great Britain_, they now make use of St. _Catharine_, the island _Grande_ on the coast of _Brasil_, and _Martinico_ in the _West Indies_.

This trade succeded so well that they all fell into it, sending every year a matter of twenty sail of ships: I my self saw eleven sail together on the coast of _Chili_ in the year 21: among which were several of 50 guns, and one that would mount 70 calld the _Flower de Lis_, formerly a man of war. All this being contrary to the _Assiento_ treaty between _Spain_ and _Great Britain_, frequent memorials were presented at _Madrid_: and the king of _Spain_ willing to keep up his ingagements with _England_, resolved to gratify the _British_ court by destroying the _French_ trade to the _South-Sea_. His _Catholic_ majesty knew there was no way to do this, but by a squadron of men of war. He knew likewise that few of his own subjects were acquainted with the navigation of _Cape Horne_, or could bear the extreme rigor of the climate: therefore was obliged to make use of foreigners for this expedition; and three of the four ships that he sent were mand with and commanded by _Frenchmen_, according to the old saying, Set a thief to catch a thief.

The first was the _Glocester_ of 50 guns and 400 men, formerly an _English_ man of war: the second was the _Ruby_ 50 guns and 350 men another _English_ ship: the third was a fregat of 40 guns and 200 men: the fourth was the _Leon Franco_, a _Spanish_ man of war of 60 guns and 450 men all _Spaniards_. _Monsieur Martinet_ a _French_ gentleman was commodore of this squadron, and commanded the _Glocester_: _Monsieur La Jonquiere_ had the _Ruby_; the rest I forget. The _French_ performd their navigation well enough, and got round the _Cape_ tho’ it was in the middle of winter: but the last of the four being _Spaniards_, after several attempts, could not weather _Cape Horne_, but was forced by utter necessity to bear away back to the river of _Plate_, where at last the ship was unfortunately cast away.

It looks here as if an experiment was made to see if the _Spaniards_ were hardy enough to go through that terrible navigation: but as they have little or no trade into any cold climates, and unused to hard work, ’tis no wonder they faild in that point. The _Biscayners_ indeed are robust fellows enough, and if the _Leon Franco_ had been mand with them, she had certainly doubled the cape with the other three ships: but the _Spaniards_ in general, ever since their possessions in _America_, are grown so delicate and indolent, that it would be hard to find an intire ship’s company able to perform that navigation.

The great advantage of the trade of _Chili_ this way is so manifest, that his _Catholic_ majesty is obliged by treaties to shut out all nations from it as well as the _English_, tho’ he makes nothing of it himself: and it’s very rare that a _Spanish_ ship has gone by _Cape Horne_. From hence arises the extraordinary price all _European_ goods fetch at _Chili_ and _Peru_: I have been told at _Lima_ that they often are sold at 400 _per cent._ profit; and I may say the goods that are carryd from _France_ by _Cape Horne_ are in themselves 50 _per cent._ better than those that go in the _Flota_ from _Cales_ to _Cartagena_, or _La vera Cruz_: because the former are delivered fresh and undamaged in six months; whereas the other are generally eighteen months before they can come to _Chili_: so that the _French_, during the foresaid interloping trade, made their markets, furnishd themselves with provision, and got home again in twelve or fourteen months time.

When _Martinet_ arrived at _Chili_, in the year 17, with the king of _Spain_’s commission to take or destroy all his countrymen that were trading there clandestinly, he soon found imployment for his three ships, the fourth being lost as aforesaid. And of fourteen sail of St. _Malo_ men there was but one escaped him; she being landlockt in a little creek, where she lay hid till he was got to leeward: after which she weighd and came away with half her cargo unsold.

Tho’ all this was to execute the orders of his _Catholic_ majesty, and doing a sensible pleasure to the _British South-Sea_ company: yet the _Creole Spaniards_, especially the trading part of them, found themselves almost ruind by it; because it hinderd the circulation of money, and spoild business, so that they could not bear the sight of the _French_ men of War, tho’ they liked the _French_ merchantmen well enough. On the other hand, the _French_ imagining they had done the _Spaniards_ effectual service, expected, no doubt, civil treatment while they stayd among them. But as soon as _Martinet_ brought his prizes into _Callao_, and the _Frenchmen_ had received their proper shares, they forgetting the old antipathy of the _Spanish_ to the _French_ nation, gave themselves extravagant airs ashore by frisking and drinking that still incensed the _Creolians_ more against them, who calld them _Gavachos_ and _Renegados_ for falling foul on their own countrymen. From one thing or other their mutual quarels grew so high that the _Frenchmen_ were forced to go in parties about _Lima_ and _Callao_, the better to oppose public outrages and affronts. At last a young gentleman, who was ensign aboard the _Ruby_ and nephew to captain _Jonquiere_, was shot from a window in one of these frays; and the malefactor took sanctuary in the great church at _Callao_. _Martinet_, _Jonquiere_ and the other captain join in a petition to the viceroy, that the murderer may be deliverd to justice: but the viceroy being an archbishop would by no means violate mother church to humour any body. Upon which they orderd all their men aboard by public beat of drum, and brought their three ships with their broadsides to bear on the town of _Callao_; threatning to demolish the houses and fortification, unless the rogue was deliverd up or executed. All this blustering could not prevail with the viceroy to give them any satisfaction, tho’ they had several other men killd beside the gentleman. At last _Jonquiere_ unwilling to use extremities, and no longer able to bear the place where his nephew was murderd; obtaind of his commodore _Martinet_, that he might make the best of his way home.

About this time many fathers and other rich passengers were got together at the town of _Conception_, intending when this squadron came by, to take their passage to _Europe_: for they knew that all ships bound by _Cape Horne_ must touch at _Conception_, or thereabouts, for provision. Herein _Jonquiere_ got the whip hand of his commodore having now the advantage of so many good passengers in his ship; for as the king of _Spain_ has no officers at _Conception_ to register the money shipt there, so it’s unknown what great sums these passengers and missionaries put on board the _Ruby_. The reason why there are no such officers, is because ’tis not worth while, all the money going the north way to come home in the _Flota_.

By this opportunity the _padres_ and others gaind two great advantages; first they were spared the trouble of a voyage to _Panama_ or _Acapulco_; and thence traversing the continent to _Portobello_ or _La vera cruz_, where they must expect to have had their coffers visited to see if the _Indulto_ to his Majesty was fairly accounted for. And then they saved every shilling of the said indulto or duty, because the _Ruby_ touchd first in _France_, where no cognisance at all was to be taken of the affair. So that as they saved one moiety of the duty payable in _America_, they likewise got clear of the other payable in _Spain_, because the ship arrived in _France_ where they put all their money ashore.

There was on board the _Ruby_ beside these passengers money, a considerable sum arising to his _Catholic_ majesty from the confiscation of the thirteen interlopers taken by this squadron. All which together I was well informd amounted to four million of dollars aboard that ship. What a fine booty then have we missd, thro’ _Shelvocke_’s obstinate conduct? For when this same ship _Ruby_ found us in the harbour of St. _Catherine_; _Jonquiere_’s company, as I said in my first section, were so infirm, that he had not more than sixty well men in 400 souls: so that he really was afraid of us; and would not even send his boat ashore to the watering place, where we kept guard, and our coopers and sailmakers were at work, till he had first askd our captain leave. Nor is this at all strange, for understanding we had a consort, he was really in pain all the time he was there, lest the _Success_ should come in: and if _Shelvocke_ had not wilfully lost company with _Clipperton_, and perversly determined never to joyn him, which he might have done at _Canarie_, there is probability enough that we should have met with _Jonquiere_ at sea, if not at _St. Catherine_: then our business had been done for this time without going any farther: and we were certainly able as it was, to carry the _Ruby_ our selves, had we known her condition.

After captain _Martinet_ had cleard the coasts of _Peru_ and _Chili_ of his countrymen; he sent express with the news to _Madrid_ his brother in law _monsieur de Grange_, who came by way of _Portobello_, _Jamaica_ and _London_. Upon delivering his message the king askd him, what he should do for him. _De Grange_ humbly beggd, that his majesty would please to give him the command of a ship to go round _cape Horne_ again. He accordingly had the _Zelerin_ of fifty guns. He came first to _Cales_ where the ship was getting ready, but was surprizd to find a very cold reception from the _French_ merchants and other gentlemen of his acquaintance residing there, for as there were merchants of several nations interested in the ships taken and confiscated as aforesaid, they unanimously lookd upon him and all the _French_ aboard that squadron to be false brethren for serving a foreign power to the prejudice of their own countrymen: and while he expected a valuable cargo consignd to himself, being what he aimd at, he found himself quite disappointed; for no man would ship the value of a dollar with him.

Captain _Fitzgerald_ who was then at _Cales_ seeing this, made him a considerable proposal for the privilege of going his next officer, and to take aboard what goods he could procure in his own name. _De Grange_ being a little imbarrast accepted the offer, and obtaind from court a commission for him as second captain. Accordingly they mand the _Zelerin_ chiefly with _French_, and some _English_ seamen; and away they went, getting very well round the _cape_. When our two privatiers _Success_ and _Speedwel_ were known to be in the _South-Sea_, this same ship _Zelerin_ was one of those commissiond by the viceroy of _Peru_ to cruise for us. _Fitzgerald_ sold his goods at _Lima_ to great advantage, where he continued, while _De Grange_ served as captain under the admiral _Don Pedro Midranda_ who took me and the rest of us prisoners.

The _St. Malo_ merchants, tho’ great sufferers by so many confiscations, were not much discouraged; for in the year 20, we found the _Solomon_ of _St. Malo_ carrying 40 guns and 150 men at _Hilo_ on the coast of _Chili_ with several small _Spanish_ barks at her stern. She sold her cargo in six weeks time, got a fresh supply of provision and left the coast without interruption; for by this time _Martinet_’s squadron was all come away. The _Solomon_’s good success gave them such incouragement that they immediately fitted out fourteen sail together; all which arrived in the _South-Sea_ beginning the year 1721: three of whose commanders having the best acquaintance among the _Creolians_, quickly sold their cargos and returnd home.

About this time the people of _Lima_ judged the _English_ privatiers were gone off the coast, at least that no more hostilities would be committed, because of the truce made between the two crowns. Whereupon the three _Spanish_ men of war fitted out chiefly to cruise on us, were orderd against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the _Advice_ boat calld the _Flying Fish_ in company with the said three men of war, when they came up with the eleven sail of _St. Malo_ men altogether on the coast of _Chili_; and instead of firing upon them, the _Spaniards_ joynd them like friends. The _French_ expecting to be attackt, kept all together in a line and dared the men of war to begin. This to me seemd new, that three such ships purposely fitted for this cruise, should on their own coast decline doing their duty: for had they proved too weak they had ports of their own under their lee. In short, the men of war contented themselves to watch the others motion, keeping them always in sight: and when any of the _French_ ships steerd to the shore, the _Spaniards_ sent their pinnace or long boat with the _Spanish_ flag hoisted; the sight of which effectually deterrd the _Creoles_ from treating or trading with the _French_. Thus they made shift to hinder all these ships disposing of their goods: except they were met by chance at sea and sold some clandestinely. At length, being tired out, the _Frenchmen_ got leave to take in provision, and went home with at least half their goods unsold. Notwithstanding all this and the severe edicts against it in _France_, I know they still continue the trade, tho’ privately: nor is it probable they will ever leave off so sweet a commerce, except some other power prevent it.

With these remarks I shall bring this book to a conclusion; having indeavourd through the whole, to make all the subjects agreeable: even the controversial part of it, as it was unavoidable, I hope is inoffensive. After all my difficulties and sufferings, my personal pain and anxiety of mind, I have one pleasure remaining; which is gratefully to thank those gentlemen who used me and my ship-mates with great kindness and generosity while it was our fate to be confined in so remote a part of the world.

_Don Pedro Midranda_ the admiral who took us, used us with great humanity, and permitted me to eat with him while aboard.

_Monsieur de Grange_ his second captain who gave me a whole sute of apparel as soon as we were taken, having been stript by the soldiers that first boarded us.

_Don Jeronimo Baldevieso_ and _Don Antonio Chierose_, who handsomly entertaind three of us at _Piura_ at the admiral’s request, before we were sent to _Lima_.

Captain _Nicholas Fitzgerald_ who passd his word for me at _Lima_; entertaind me in his house; gave me money and all necessaries during the eleven months I was there, and afterwards gave me and twenty more our passage to _Cales_, and wages to those who workd.

_Don Juan Baptista Palacio_ a worthy _Spaniard_ of _Biscay_, knight of the order of _St. James_, who came weekly to the prison at _Lima_, and gave money to all our men as well as _Clipperton_’s, according to their degree.

To captain _John Evers_ of the _Britannia_, who gave me his table and my passage to _London_.

And to the following persons of honour and worth who presented me ten guineas each upon my appearance in _London_, as a token of their concern for my hardships.

The right honorable _Henry_ earl of _Lincoln_.

_Edward Hughes_ }
_William Sloper_ } Esquires.
_Alexander Strahan_ }

_Samuel Winder_ }
_Beake Winder_ }
_Henry Heal_ } Merchants.
_John Barnes_ }

_Humphry Thayer_ }
_Thomas Stratfield_ } Druggists.

Thus have I led my reader through the voyage.--When I first thought of this work, I intended only to clear my self from the infamous reflexions of captain _Shelvocke_; but being authorised by men of worth and distinction, I determined not only to justify my self and fellow-sufferers, but to give this full account of the whole expedition: for _Shelvocke_’s is no account of the voyage at all, but a libel invented to give a gloss to all his evil actions, and blind those who knew nothing of the story. And tho’ the undertaking proved abortive, ’tis fit mankind should know the true reason of it, and not be deceived with base accounts to palliate base actions. Neither do I think it should be any discouragement to a future subscription of this kind; for the mistakes in this voyage may be of great use to others, tho’ they have ruind some of us, and been injurious to all.

_An_ ACCOUNT _of the_ JESUITS settlement in the province of_
Paraguay _in south_ America.(_translated from the_ French.)

Tho’ many of the _European_ powers have planted colonies in _America_ since the _Spanish_ conquest, yet there never was in any country one so remarkable, as the settlement of the jesuits in _Paraguay_: The beginning of it was only about fifty families of _Indians_, which these fathers collected together, and seated in the middle of the country: since which it has multiplyd so fast, that there are now 300,000 families; which at the usual computation is two million of souls. These possess some of the finest land on all the continent, lying along the river _Paraguay_, between twenty and thirty degrees south latitude; 600 mile north of _Buenos Ayres_; as much to the south of the _Portuguese Paulists_, and 400 from the province of _Tucuman_: being separated from _Chili_ by the _Cordileer_ mountains.

The jesuits have not been able yet to carry their mission farther among the _Indians_ for want of more fathers: otherwise they could take in 5 or 600 mile of as good pasturage as the world affords. But the country they now possess is as fruitful as any, and as well waterd; having their meadows full of sheep and black cattle. They have also stock enough of timber, corn, indigo, flax, cotton, sugar, pulse and fruit: and what excels all this, they have mines of gold and silver tho’ the good fathers won’t own it: however, there have been so many proofs of it, that it is now indisputable.

The natives are good humourd, tractable and laborious; and by management of the jesuits learn all useful trades. They are divided into forty two parishes, which like towns lye five, ten and twenty mile asunder. Every parish has a _Padre_ for their sovereign, who is obeyd with exact fear and respect. He punishes every crime as he thinks fit: so that he is both their absolute priest and king.

The common discipline is a certain number of stripes with a whip, according to the nature of the transgression. The magistrates whom they put in under them, are not excused from the same punishment: but which is very particular, he that is soundly flogd comes humbly and kisses the father’s sleeve, owns his fault and thanks him for the chastisement. And this is the way one man governs seven or eight thousand families: so that there never was a more complete dominion, or a more passive, obedient people.

The same method is not only observed in all the parishes, but is also attended with perfect satisfaction of mind. The _Indians_ are content with food and rayment; and happy in their condition, tho’ the jesuits intirely reap the fruit of all their labour. They are taught to expect the felicities of another life, and stedfastly believe the reverend fathers have the distribution of that happiness. There are warehouses in each parish, where the people carry all their manufacture, goods and provision: for they must not eat a chicken of their own, without it comes in their daily allowance.

Next let it be considerd what vast profit these sovereign ecclesiastics make of the work of such a multitude of hands. If it is only allowd that each family brings them clear three pound a year: the total produce of 300,000 families will be nine hundred thousand pound _per annum_. Then consider the trade they have to all _Chili_, _Peru_ and _Mexico_ for the herb _Camini_, or _Paraguay_ tea; where a prodigious quantity is drank, and at a moderate computation brings them 200,000 pound a year, (all _East-India_ tea being there prohibited.) Their other commodities must be likewise sold to good advantage; and the gold dust which the _Indians_ gather up from the washes, when the river waters have left them, is an unknown revenue. Nevertheless, these fathers will tell ye, their gospel mission costs them a great deal of money and pains, and that their income is inconsiderable: but the jesuits gold and silver coind and uncoind, which comes every now and then into _Europe_, the shining magnificence of their churches, and their commerce, which is known to all the _Spaniards_ as well as others, are demonstrations to the contrary.

’Tis not amiss here to describe the church and habitation of one of those fathers, as it was related by two _Frenchmen_ belonging to a ship of _Nants_ commanded by _monsieur d’Escaseau_.

When that ship set sail from the port of _Maldonad_ designing for _France_, the said two _Frenchmen_ happend to be ashore; and at so great a distance, that when they came down the boat was gone off without them. One of these was captain of the small arms, and the other a serjeant. Being at a loss what to do on a desert coast, they resolved to advance up the country, and live upon what their muskets would bring them. In three days they met _Indians_ with beads round their necks, who kindly received them; and, understanding they were _French_, made many signs of respect: for they are taught to love that nation and distinguish them from all others.

They led them up to the _Mission_, several days journey from the place where they met; and in their way lived upon wild cows, which the _Indians_ catch when they please, by throwing a noose at ten or fifteen yards distance so cleverly round their horns, that they easily come to: which done, they hamstring them and cut their throats.

The _Frenchmen_ being arrived at the _Mission_, were handsomly entertaind by the jesuit, lord of that parish; at whose apartment they stayd four months without going once abroad. After this they returnd to _Buenos Ayres_ under a guard of _Indians_.

The account they gave is as follows. That _Father_’s parish church is long and spacious, enterd by a portico of several handsome steps; and supported by eight columns of a good order and well wrought. Over the door within is a gallery for the music in divine service, which consists of sixty persons, voices and instruments. There are seats in the church, where the men are placed according to their seniority and office: the women sitting in a neat gallery by themselves. The great altar is defended by a ballustrade of _India_ wood curiously turnd. The military officers are placed on the right, and the _Caciques_ or civil magistrates, on the left.

The back of the altar is very richly coverd. In the middle are three large paintings, framed with solid gold and silver. Above these are several gravings, and _base relieves_ in gold. The top is finisht with wood-work richly wrought and gilt up to the roof. On either side the altar is a wooden pedestal, plated at top with gold, upon which stand two saints of solid silver. The tabernacle is gilt with gold; and the _pyx_ wherein the host is kept is of solid gold, set round with emeralds and other costly stones. The ends and foot of the altar are hung with brocades fringed with gold. In short, the candlesticks and other vessels of plate, with which the altar is drest in service time amidst a great number of wax-lights, make a splendor beyond expression.

There are two small altars, on the right and left of the church, adornd in proportion to the other: and in the middle towards the ballustrade, is a large silver candlestick of thirty gilt branches, hanging from the roof by a silver chain. By all which a man may form some idea of the riches of that settlement, if the other parishes are like this, which is very rational to believe.

The _presbytery_ or father’s dwelling consists of several rooms and a hall furnisht with images and pictures, where the _Indians_ wait the good father’s levee till he comes forth to give audience. These lodgings are surrounded with green walks, gardens, and out-houses for servants. The whole with the church making a large noble square and walld in.