Chapter XVII: Appendix (13)

All the other Indian nations we have any acquaintance with, are visibly and fast declining, on account of their continual merciless wars, the immoderate use of spirituous liquors, and the infectious ravaging nature of the small pox: but the Muskohge have few enemies, and the traders with them have taught them to prevent the last contagion from spreading among their towns, by cutting off all communication with those who are infected, till the danger is over. Besides, as the men rarely go to war till they have helped the women to plant a sufficient plenty of provisions, contrary to the usual method of warring savages, it is so great a help to propagation, that by this means also, and their artful policy of inviting decayed tribes to incorporate with them, I am assured by a gentleman of distinguished character,[148] who speaks their language as well as their best orators, they have increased double in number within the space of thirty years past, notwithstanding their widows are confined to a strict state of celibacy, for the full space of four years after the death of their husbands. When we consider that two or three will go several hundred miles, to way-lay an enemy—the contiguous situation of such a prodigious number of corrupt, haughty, and mischievous savages to our valuable colonies, ought to draw our attention upon them. Those of us who have gained a sufficient knowledge of Indian affairs, by long experience and observation, are firmly persuaded that the seeds of war are deeply implanted in their hearts against us; and that the allowing them, in our usual tame manner, to insult, plunder, and murder peaceable British subjects, only tempts them to engage deeper in their diabolical scenes of blood, till they commence a dangerous open war against us: the only probable means to preserve peace, is either to set them and their rivals on one another, or by prudent management, influence them to employ themselves in raising silk, or any other staple commodity that would best suit their own temper and climate. Prudence points out this, but the task is too arduous for strangers ever to be able to effect, or they care not about it. {259}

Before the late cession of East and West Florida to Great Britain, the country of the Muskohge lay between the territories of the English, Spaniards, French, Choktah, Chikkasah, and Cheerake.—And as they had a water carriage, from the two Floridas; to secure their liberties, and a great trade by land from Georgia and South-Carolina, this nation regulated the Indian balance of power in our southern parts of North-America; for the French could have thrown the mercenary Choktah, and the Missisippi savages, into the scale, whenever their interest seemed to require it. The Muskohge having three rival Christian powers their near neighbours, and a French garrison on the southern extremity of the central part of their country ever since the war of the year 1715; the old men, being long informed by the opposite parties, of the different views, and intrigues of those European powers, who paid them annual tribute under the vague appellation of presents, were become surprisingly crafty in every turn of low politics. They held it as an invariable maxim, that their security and welfare required a perpetual friendly intercourse with us and the French; as our political state of war with each other, would always secure their liberties: whereas, if they joined either party, and enabled it to prevail over the other, their state, they said, would then become as unhappy as that of a poor fellow, who had only one perverse wife, and yet must bear with her froward temper; but a variety of choice would have kept off such an afflicting evil, either by his giving her a silent caution against behaving ill, or by enabling him to go to another, who was in a better temper. But as the French Alebahma Garrison[149] had been long directed by skilful officers, and supplied pretty well with corrupting brandy, taffy, and decoying trifles at the expence of government, they industriously applied their mischievous talents in impressing many of the former simple and peaceable natives with false notions of the ill intentions of our colonies. In each of their towns, the French gave a considerable pension to an eloquent head-man, to corrupt the Indians by plausible pretexts, and inflame them against us; who informed them also of every material occurrence, in each of their respective circles. The force of liquors made them so faithful to their trust, that they poisoned the innocence of their own growing families, by tempting them, from their infancy, to receive the worst impressions of the British colonists: and as they very seldom got the better of those prejudices, they alienated the affections of their offspring, and riveted their bitter enmity against us. That conduct of the Christian French has fixed many of the Muskohge {260} in a strong native hatred to the British Americans, which being hereditary, must of course increase, as fast as they increase in numbers; unless we give them such a severe lesson, as their annual hostile conduct to us, has highly deserved since the year 1760. I shall now speak more explicitly on this very material point.

By our superintendant’s strange pursuit of improper measures to appease the Muskohge, as before noticed, the watchful French engaged the irritated Great Mortar to inspire his relations to cut off some of our traders by surprise, and follow the blow at the time the people were usually employed in the corn-fields, lest our party should stop them, in their intended bloody career. They accordingly began their hostile attack in the upper town of the nation, except one, where their mischievous red abettor lived: two white people and a negroe were killed, while they were in the horsepen, preparing that day to have set off with their returns to the English settlements. The trader, who was surly and ill-natured, they chopped to pieces, in a most horrid manner, but the other two they did not treat with any kind of barbarity; which shews that the worst people, in their worst actions, make a distinction between the morally virtuous, and vicious. The other white people of that trading house, happily were at that time in the woods;—they heard the savage platoon, and the death, and war-whoop, which sufficiently warned them of their imminent danger, and to seek their safety by the best means they could. Some of them went through the woods after night, to our friend towns; and one who happened to be near the town when the alarm was given, going to bring in a horse, was obliged to hide himself under a large fallen tree, till night came on. The eager savages came twice, pretty near him, imagining he would chuse rather to depend on the horse’s speed, than his own: when the town was engaged in dividing the spoils, his wife fearing she might be watched, took a considerable sweep round, through the thickets, and by searching the place, and making signals, where she expected he lay concealed, fortunately found him, and gave him provisions to enable him to get to our settlements, and then returned home in tears: he arrived safe at Augusta, though exceedingly torn with the brambles, as his safety required him to travel through unfrequented tracts. In the mean while, the savages having by this inflamed their greedy thirst for blood, set off swiftly, and as they darted {261} along sounding the news of war, they from a few, increased so fast, that their voices conveyed such thrilling shocks to those they were in quest of, as if the infernal legions had broken loose through their favourite Alebahma, and were invested with power to destroy the innocent. The great Okwhusketown, where they reached, lay on the western side of the large easternmost branch of Mobille river, which joins a far greater western river, almost two miles below the late Alebahma; and the English traders store-houses lay opposite to the town. Those red ambassadors of the French, artfully passed the river above the town, and ran along silently to a gentleman’s dwelling house, where they first shot down one of his servants, and in a minute or two after, himself: probably, he might have been saved, if he had not been too desperate; for a strong-bodied leading warrior of the town was at his house when they came to it, who grasped him behind, with his face toward the wall, on purpose to save him from being shot; as they durst not kill himself, under the certain pain of death. But very unluckily, the gentleman struggled, got hold of him, threw him to the ground, and so became too fair a mark.—Thus the Frenchified savages cut off, in the bloom of his youth, the son of J. R. Esq;[150] Indian trading merchant of Augusta, who was the most stately, comely, and gallant youth, that ever traded in the Muskohge country, and equally blest with every social virtue, that attracts esteem. The very savages lament his death to this day, though it was usual with him to correct as many of the swaggering heroes, as could stand round him in his house, when they became impudent and mischievous, through the plea of drinking spirituous liquors: when they recover from their bacchanal phrenzy, they regard a man of a martial spirit, and contemn the pusillanimous.

While the town was in the utmost surprise, the ambitious warriors were joyfully echoing—“all is spoiled;” and sounding the death-whoop, they, like so many infernal furies commissioned to destroy, set off at full speed, dispersing their bloody legions to various towns, to carry general destruction along with them. But before any of their companies reached to the Okchai war-town, (the native place of the Great Mortar) the inhabitants had heard the massacre was begun, and according to their rule, killed two of our traders in their house, when quite off their guard: as these traders were brave, and regardless of danger by their habit of living, the savages were afraid to bring their arms with them, it being unusual, {262} by reason of the secure situation of the town. A few therefore entered the house, with a specious pretence, and intercepted them from the fire-arms, which lay on a rack, on the front of the chimney; they instantly seized them, and as they were loaded with large shot, they killed those two valuable and intrepid men, and left them on the fire—but if they had been a few minutes fore-warned of the danger, their lives would have cost the whole town very dear, unless they had kindled the house with fire-arrows.

Like pestilential vapours driven by whirlwinds, the mischievous savages endeavoured to bring desolation on the innocent objects of their fury, wherever they came: but the different flights of the trading people, as well as their own expertness in the woods, and their connections with the Indians, both by marriage and other ties of friendship, disappointed the accomplishment of the main point of the French diabolical scheme of dipping them all over in blood. By sundry means, a considerable number of our people met at the friendly house of the old Wolf-King, two miles from the Alebahma Fort, where that faithful stern chieftain treated them with the greatest kindness. But, as the whole nation was distracted, and the neighbouring towns were devoted to the French interest, he found that by having no fortress, and only forty warriors in his town, he was unable to protect the refugees. In order therefore to keep good faith with his friends, who put themselves under his protection, he told them their situation, supplied those of them with arms and ammunition who chanced to have none, and conveyed them into a contiguous thick swamp, as their only place of security for that time; “which their own valour, he said, he was sure would maintain, both against the French, and their mad friends.” He was not mistaken in his favourable opinion of their war abilities, for they ranged themselves so well, that the enemy found it impracticable to attack them, without sustaining far greater loss than they are known to hazard.—He supplied them with necessaries, and sent them safe at length to a friendly town, at a considerable distance, where they joined several other traders, from different places, and were soon after safely escorted to Savanah.

It is surprising how those hardy men evaded the dangers they were surrounded with, especially at the beginning, and with so little loss. One of {263} them told me, that while a party of the savages were on a corn-house scaffold, painting themselves red and black, to give the cowardly blow to him and his companion, an old woman overheard them concerting their bloody design, and speedily informed him of the threatening danger: he mentioned the intended place of meeting to his friends, and they immediately set off, one this way, and another that, to prevent a pursuit, and all met safe, to the great regret of the Christian French and their red hirelings. I was informed that another considerable trader, who lived near a river, on the outside of a town, where he stood secure in the affection of his savage brethren, received a visit from two lusty ill-looking strangers, without being discovered by any of the inhabitants. They were anointed with bear’s oil, and quite naked, except a narrow slip of cloth for breeches, and a light blanket. When they came in, they looked around, wild and confused, not knowing how to execute the French commission, consistently with their own safety, as they brought no arms, lest it should have discovered their intentions, and by that means exposed them to danger. But they seated themselves near the door, both to prevent his escape, and watch a favourable opportunity to perpetrate their murdering scheme. His white domestics were a little before gone into the woods; and he and his Indian wife were in the storehouse, where there chanced to be no arms of defence, which made his escape the more hazardous. He was nearly in the same light dress, as that of his visitants, according to the mode of their domestic living: he was about to give them some tobacco, when their countenances growing more gloomy and fierce, were observed by his wife, as well as the mischievous direction of their eyes; presently therefore as they bounded up, the one to lay hold of the white man, and the other of an ax that lay on the floor, she seized it at the same instant, and cried, “husband fight strong, and run off, as becomes a good warrior.” The savage strove to lay hold of him, till the other could disengage himself from the sharp struggle the woman held with him; but by a quick presence of mind, the husband decoyed his pursuer round a large ladder that joined the loft, and being strong and swift-footed, he there took the advantage of his too eager adversary, dashed him to the ground, and ran out of the house, full speed to the river, bounded into it, soon made the opposite shore, and left them at the store-house, from whence the woman, as a trusty friend, drove them off, with the utmost despight,—her family was her {264} protection. The remaining part of that day, he ran a great distance through the woods; called at night on such white people, as he imagined his safety allowed him, was joined by four of them, and went together to Pensacola. Within three or four days march of that place, the lands, they told me, were in general, either boggy and low, or consisting of sandy pine-barrens. Although they were almost naked, and had lived for many days on the produce of the woods, yet the dastardly Spaniards were so hardened against the tender feelings of nature in favour of the distressed, who now took sanctuary under the Spanish flag, as to refuse them every kind of assistance; contrary to the hospitable custom of the red savages, even towards those they devote to the fire. A north-country skipper, who rode in the harbour, was equally divested of the bowels of compassion toward them, notwithstanding their pressing entreaties, and offers of bills on very respectable persons in Charles-Town. But the commandant of the place soon instructed him very feelingly in the common laws of humanity; for on some pretext, he seized the vessel and cargo, and left the narrow-hearted miser to shift for himself, and return home as he could: those unfortunate traders were kindly treated however by the head-man of an adjacent town of the Apalahche Indians, who being a considerable dealer, supplied them with every thing they stood in need of, till, in time, they were recalled; for which they soon very thankfully paid him and the rest of his kind family, with handsome presents, as a token of their friendship and gratitude.

In the mean while, some of the eloquent old traders continued in their towns, where the red flag of defiance was hung up day and night, as the French had no interest there: and, in a few other towns, some of our thoughtless young men, who were too much attached to the Indian life, from an early pursuit in that wild and unlimited country, chose to run any risk, rather than leave their favourite scenes of pleasure. In the day-time, they kept in the most unfrequented places, and usually returned at night to their friend’s house: and they followed that dangerous method of living a considerable time, in different places, without any mischance. One of them told me, that one evening, when he was returning to his wife’s house on horse-back, before the usual time, he was overtaken by a couple of young warriors, who pranced up along aside of him. They spoke very kindly according to their custom, that they might shed blood, like wolves, without hazarding their own carcases. As neither of them had any weapons, except a long knife round their neck in a sheath, they were afraid to attack him, on {265} so hazardous a lay. Their questions, cant language, and discomposed countenances, informed him of their bloody intentions, and cautioned him from falling into any of their wily stratagems, which all cowards are dextrous in forming. When they came to a boggy cane-branch, they strove to persuade him to alight, and rest a little, but finding their labour in vain, they got down: one prepared a club to kill him, and the other a small frame of split canes tied together with bark, to bear his scalp—seeing this, he set off with the bravado whoop, through the high lands, and as he rode a swift horse, he left them out of sight in an instant. He took a great sweep round, to avoid an after-chase. At night, he went to the town, got fire-arms, and provisions, and soon arrived safe in Georgia.

Other instances may be related, but these will suffice to shew how serviceable such hardy and expert men would be to their country, as heretofore, if our Indian trade was properly regulated; and how exceedingly preferable the tenth part of their number would prove against boasted regular troops, in the woods. Though the British legions are as warlike and formidable in the field of battle, as any troops whatever, as their martial bravery has often testified; yet in some situations they would be insignificant and helpless. Regular bred soldiers, in the American woods, would be of little service. The natives and old inhabitants, by being trained to arms from their infancy, in their wood-land sphere of life, could always surround them, and sweep them off entirely, with little damage to themselves. In such a case, field-pieces are a mere farce. The abettors of arbitrary power, who are making great advances through the whole British empire, to force the people to decide this point, and retrieve their constitutional rights and liberties, would do well to consider this. Is it possible for tyranny to be so weak and blind, as to flatter its corrupt greatness with the wild notion of placing a despotic military power of a few thousand regular troops, over millions of the Americans, who are trained to arms of defence, from the time they are able to carry them—generally inured to dangers, and all of them possessing, in a high degree, the social virtues of their manly free-minded fore-fathers, who often bled in the noble cause of liberty, when hateful tyranny persisted in stretching her rod of oppression over their repining country? Tyrants are obstinately deaf, and blind; they will see and hear only through the false medium of self-interested court-flatterers, and, instead of redressing the grievances of the people, have sometimes openly {266} despised and insulted them, for even exhibiting their modest prayers at the foot of the throne, for a restoration of their rights and privileges. Some however have been convinced in the end they were wrong, and have justly suffered by the anathematizing voice of God and a foederal union. That “a prince can do no ill” is a flat contradiction of reason and experience, and of the English Magna Charta.[151]

Soon after West-Florida was ceded to Great-Britain, two warlike towns of the _Koo-a-sah te_ Indians removed from near the late dangerous Alabahma French garrison, to the Choktah country about twenty-five miles below Tumbikbe[152]—a strong wooden fortress, situated on the western side of a high and firm bank, overlooking a narrow deep point of the river of Mobille, and distant from that capital, one hundred leagues. The discerning old war-chieftain of this remnant, perceived that the proud Muskohge, instead of reforming their conduct towards us, by our mild remonstrances, grew only more impudent by our lenity; therefore being afraid of sharing the justly deserved fate of the others, he wisely withdrew to this situation; as the French could not possibly supply them, in case we had exerted ourselves, either in defence of our properties, or in revenge of the blood they had shed. But they were soon forced to return to their former place of abode, on account of the partiality of some of them to their former confederates; which proved lucky in its consequences, to the traders, and our southern colonies: for, when three hundred warriors of the Muskohge were on their way to the Choktah to join them in a war against us, two Kooasâhte horsemen, as allies, were allowed to pass through their ambuscade in the evening, and they gave notice of the impending danger. These Kooasâhte Indians,[153] annually sanctify the mulberries by a public oblation, before which, they are not to be eaten; which they say, is according to their ancient law.

I am assured by a gentleman of character, who traded a long time near the late Alebahma garrison, that within six miles of it, live the remains of seven Indian nations, who usually conversed with each other in their own different dialects, though they understood the Muskohge language; but being naturalized, they were bound to observe the laws and customs of the main original body. These reduced, broken tribes, who have helped to multiply the Muskohge to a dangerous degree, have also a fixed oral tradition, that they formerly came from South-America, and, after sundry struggles {267} in defence of liberty, settled their present abode: but the Muskohge record themselves to be terræ filii, and believe their original predecessors came from the west, and resided under ground, which seems to be a faint image of the original formation of mankind out of the earth, perverted by time, and the usual arts of priest-craft.

It will be fortunate, if the late peace between the Muskohge and Choktah, through the mediation of a superintendant, doth not soon affect the security of Georgia, and East and West-Florida, especially should it continue long, and Britain and Spain engage in a war against each other: for Spain will supply them with warlike stores, and in concert, may without much opposition, retake the Floridas; which they seem to have much at heart. A Cuba vessel, in the year 1767, which seemed to be coasting on purpose to meet some of the Muskohge, found a camp of them almost opposite to the Apalache old fields, and proposed purchasing those lands from them; in order to secure their liberties, and, the same time, gratify the inherent, ardent desire they always had to oppose the English nation. After many artful flourishes, well adapted to soothe the natives into a compliance on account of the reciprocal advantages they proposed, some of the Muskohge consented to go in the vessel to the Havannah, and there finish the friendly bargain. They went, and at the time proposed, were sent back to the same place, but, as they are very close in their secrets, the traders know not the result of that affair; but when things in Europe require, time will disclose it.

As the Muskohge were well known to be very mischievous to our barrier-inhabitants, and to be an over-match for the numerous and fickle Choktah, the few warlike Chikkasah, by being put in the scale with these, would in a few years, have made the Muskohge kick the beam. Thus our southern colonists might have sat in pleasure, and security, under their fig-trees, and in their charming arbours of fruitful grape-vines. But now, they are uncertain whether they plant for themselves, or for the red savages, who frequently take away by force or stealth, their horses and other effects. The Muskohge chieftain, called the “Great Mortar,” abetted the Cheerake against us, as hath been already noticed, and frequently, with his warriors and relations, carried them as good a supply of ammunition, as the French of the Alebahmah-garrison could well spare: for by order of their government, they were bound to reserve a certain quantity, for any unforeseen occasion {268} that might happen. If they had been possest of more, they would have given with a liberal hand, to enable them to carry on a war against us, and they almost effected their earnest wishes, when the English little expected it; for as soon as the watchful officer of the garrison, was informed by his trusty and well instructed red disciple, the Great Mortar, that the Cheerake were on the point of declaring against the English, he saw the consequence, and sent a pacquet by a Muskohge runner, to Tumbikbe-fort in the Choktah country, which was forwarded by another, and soon delivered to the governor of New-Orleans: the contents informed him of the favourable opportunity that offered for the French to settle themselves in the Cheerake country, where the late Fort-Loudon stood, near the conflux of Great Telliko and Tennase-rivers, and so distress our southern colonies, as the body of the Cheerake, Muskohge, Choktah, Aquahpa, and the upper Missisippi-Indians headed by the French, would be able to maintain a certain successful war against us, if well supplied with ammunition. Their deliberations were short—they soon sent off a large pettiaugre, sufficiently laden with warlike stores, and decoying presents; and in obedience to the orders the crew had received of making all the dispatch they possibly could, in the third moon of their departure from New Orleans, they arrived within a hundred and twenty computed miles of those towns that are a little above the unhappy Fort-Loudon: there they were luckily stopped in their mischievous career, by a deep and dangerous cataract; the waters of which rolled down with a prodigious rapidity, dashed against the opposite rocks, and from thence rushed off with impetuous violence, on a quarter-angled course.[154] It appeared so shocking and unsurmountable to the monsieurs, that after staying there a considerable time, in the vain expectation of seeing some of their friends, necessity forced them to return back to New Orleans, about 2600 computed miles, to their inconsolable disappointment.

These circumstances are now well known to our colonies: and, if our state policy had not sufficiently discovered itself of late, it would appear not a little surprising that the Great Mortar, should have such influence on the great beloved man, (so the Indians term the superintendant) as to move him, at a congress in Augusta, to write by that bitter enemy of the English name, a conciliating letter to the almost-vanquished and desponding Choktah—for where the conquerors have not an oblique point in {269} view, the conquered are always the first who humbly sue for peace. This beloved epistle, that accompanied the eagles-tails, swans-wings, white beads, white pipes, and tobacco, was sent by a white interpreter, and _Mesheshecke_, a Muskohge war-chieftain, to the perfidious Choktah, as a strong confirmation of peace. Without doubt it was a master stroke of court-policy, to strive to gain so many expert red auxiliaries; and plainly shews how extremely well he deserves his profitable place of public trust. I am assured by two respectable, intelligent, old Indian traders, G. G. and L. M. G. Esq;[155] that they frequently dissuaded him from ever dabling in such muddy waters; for the consequence would unavoidably prove fatal to our contiguous colonies. This was confirmed by a recent instance—the late Cheerake war, which could not have commenced, if the Muskohge and Cheerake had not been reconciled, by the assiduous endeavours of an avaricious, and self-interested governor. If any reader reckons this too bold, or personal, I request him to peruse a performance, entitled, “A modest reply to his Excellency J. G. Esq;” printed in Charles-town, in the year 1750,[156] in which every material circumstance is sufficiently authenticated.

When we consider the defenceless state, and near situation of our three southern barrier colonies to the numerous Muskohge and Choktah—what favourable opinion can charity reasonably induce us to form of the continued train of wrong measures the managers of our Indian affairs have studiously pursued, by officiously mediating, and reconciling the deep-rooted enmity which subsisted between those two mischievous nations? If they could not, consistent with the tenour of their political office, encourage a continuance of the war, they might have given private instructions to some discreet trader to strive to influence them, so as to continue it.

It is excusable in clergymen that live in England to persuade us to inculcate, an endeavour to promote peace and good will, between the savages of the remote desarts of America; especially if they employ their time in spiritual affairs, to which they ought to be entirely devoted, and not as courtiers, in the perplexing labyrinths of state affairs: but what can be said of those statesmen, who instead of faithfully guarding the lives and privileges of valuable subjects, extend mercy to their murderers, who have {270} a long time wantonly shed innocent blood, and sometimes with dreadful tortures? The blood cries aloud to the avenging God, to cause justice to be executed on their execrable heads: for a while they may escape due punishment, but at last it will fall heavy upon them.

When the superintendant’s deputy[157] convened most of the Muskohge head-men, in order to write a friendly mediating letter to the Chikkasah, in behalf of the Muskohge, the Great Mortar, animated with a bitter resentment against any thing transacted by any of the British nation, introduced a considerable number of his relations, merely to disconcert this plan. The letter, and usual Indian tokens of peace and friendship, were however carried up by a Chikkasah trader: but the Great Mortar timed it so well, that he soon set off after the other with ninety warriors, till he arrived within 150 miles of the Chikkasah country, which was half way from the western barriers of his own; there he encamped with 83, and sent off seven of the staunchest to surprize and kill whomsoever they could. Two days after the express was delivered, they treacherously killed two young women, as they were hoeing in the field; all the people being off their guard, on account of the late friendly tokens they received, and the assurance of the white man that there were no visible tracks of any person on the long trading path he had come. This was the beginning of May, in the year 1768, a few hours after I had set off for South-Carolina. As soon as the sculking barbarians had discharged the contents of their guns into their innocent victims, they tomohawked them, and with their long sharp knives, took off the scalps, put up the death _whoo-whoop-whoop_, and bounded away in an oblique course, to shun the dreaded pursuit. The Chikkasah soon put up their shrill war-whoop, to arm and pursue, and sixty set off on horse-back, full speed. They over-shot that part of the woods the enemy were most likely to have fled through; and four young sprightly Chikkasah warriors who outran the rest, at last discovered, and intercepted them;—they shot dead the Great Mortar’s brother, who was the leader, scalped him, and retook one of the young women’s scalps that was fastened to his girdle. Three continued the chase, and the fourth in a short time overtook them: soon afterward, they came up again with the enemy, at the edge of a large cane-swamp, thick-warped with vines, and china briers; there they stopped, and were at first in doubt of their being some of {271} their own company: the pursued soon discovered them, and immediately inswamped, whereupon the four were forced to decline the attack, the disadvantage being as four to eight in an open engagement. In a few days after, I fell in with them; their gloomy and fierce countenances cannot be expressed; and I had the uncourted honour of their company, three different times before I could reach my destined place, on account of a very uncommon and sudden flow of the rivers, without any rain. Between sunset and eleven o’clock the next day, the river, that was but barely our height in the evening, was swelled to the prodigious height of twenty-five feet perpendicular, and swept along with an impetuous force.

It may not be improper here to mention the method we commonly use in crossing deep rivers.—When we expect high rivers, each company of traders carry a canoe, made of tanned leather, the sides over-lapped about three fingers breadth, and well sewed with three seams. Around the gunnels, which are made of sapplings, are strong loop-holes, for large deer-skin strings to hang down both the sides: with two of these, is securely tied to the stem and stern, a well-shaped sappling, for a keel, and in like manner the ribs. Thus, they usually rig out a canoe, fit to carry over ten horse loads at once, in the space of half an hour; the apparatus is afterwards commonly hidden with great care, on the opposite shore. Few take the trouble to paddle the canoe; for, as they are commonly hardy, and also of an amphibious nature, they usually jump into the river, with their leathern barge a-head of them, and thrust it through the deep part of the water, to the opposite shore. When we ride only with a few luggage horses, as was our case at _Sip-se_, or “Poplar,” the abovementioned high-swelled river, we make a frame of dry pines, which we tie together with strong vines, well twisted; when we have raised it to be sufficiently buoyant, we load and paddle it across the stillest part of the water we can conveniently find, and afterward swim our horses together, we keeping at a little distance below them.

At the time we first began to search for convenient floating timber, I chanced to stand at the end of a dry tree, overset by a hurricane, within three feet of a great rattle snake, that was coiled, and on his watch of self-defence, under thick herbage. I soon espied, and killed {272} him. But an astrologer, of twenty years standing among the Indians, immediately declared with strong asservations, we should soon be exposed to imminent danger; which he expatiated upon largely, from his imagined knowledge of a combination of second causes in the celestial regions, actuating every kind of animals, vegetables, &c. by their subtil and delegated power. I argued in vain to hush his groundless fears: however, while the raft was getting ready, another gentleman, to quiet his timorous apprehensions, accompanied me with fire-arms, pretty near the path in the beforementioned cane-swamp, and we staid there a considerable while, at a proper distance apart—at last we heard the well-mimicked voice of partridges, farther off than our sight could discover, on which one of us struck up the whoop of friendship and indifference; for I knew that the best way of arguing on such occasions, was by a firmness of countenance and behaviour. I then went near to my companion, and said, our cunning man was an Aberdeen wizard, as he had so exactly foretold the event. The savages had both discovered our tracks, and heard the sound of the ax. We soon met them; they were nine of the mischievous _Ohchai_ town, who had separated from the rest of their company. We conversed a little while together upon our arms, and in this manner exchanged provisions with each other—then we went down to the bank of the river, where they opened their packs, spread out some hairy deer and bear skins with the fleshy side undermost, and having first placed on them their heavy things, and then the lighter, with the guns which lay uppermost, each made two knots with the shanks of a skin, and in the space of a few minutes, they had their leathern barge afloat, which they soon thrust before them to the other shore, with a surprisingly small deviation from a direct course, considering the strong current of the water. When our astrologer saw them safe off, he wished them a speedy journey home, without being exposed to the necessity of any delay. He was soon after carried safe over on our raft, though once he almost over-set it, either by reason of the absence, or disturbance, of his mind. Had he contracted a fever, from the impending dangers his knowledge assured him were not yet past, the cold sweat he got when left by himself, while we were returning with the raft, and afterward swimming with the horses, must have contributed a good deal to the cure. Soon afterwards, we came in sight of their camp in a little spot of clear land, surrounded by a thick cane-swamp, where some traders formerly had been killed by the Choktah. Our astrologer {273} urged the necessity of proceeding a good way farther, to avoid the danger. I endeavored to convince him by several recent instances, that a timorous conduct was a great incentive to the base-minded savages, to do an injury, not expecting any defence; while an open, free, and resolute behaviour, a show of taking pleasure in their company, and a discreet care of our firearms, seldom failed to gain the good will of such as are not engaged in actual war against our country: he acquiesced, as I engaged to sit next to the Indian camp, which was about a dozen yards apart from our’s. He chose his place pretty near to mine, but in the evening, I told him, that as I did not understand the Muskohge dialect, nor they much of the Chikkasah language, I would give him the opportunity of diverting himself at leisure with them, whilst on account of the fatigues of the day, I would repose myself close at the root of a neighbouring tree. This method of encamping in different places, on hazardous occasions, is by far the safest way. I told them, before my removal to my night quarters, that he was almost their countryman, by a residence of above twenty years among them,—their chieftain therefore readily addressed him, and according to what I expected, gave me an opportunity of decently retiring. But when he expected a formal reply, according to their usual custom, our astrological interpreter spoke only a few words, but kept pointing to the river, and his wet clothes, and to his head, shaking it two or three times; thereby informing them of the great danger he underwent in crossing the water, which gave him so violent a head-ach, as to prevent his speaking with any pleasure. I laughed, and soon after endeavoured to persuade him to go over a little while to their camp, as I had done, and by that means, he might know better their present disposition; he replied with a doleful accent, that he was already too near them, to the great danger of his life, which he now too late saw exposed, by believing my doctrine of bringing them to observe friendly measures, instead of pushing beyond them as he had earnestly proposed. I asked him how he could reasonably fear, or expect to shun a sudden death, no[158] account of his knowledge of the starry influences, and skill in expounding dreams, and especially as he seemed firmly to believe the deity had pre-determined the exact time of every living creature’s continuance here: upon this he prevaricated, and told me, that as I knew nothing of astrology, nor of the useful and skilful exposition of important dreams, neither believed any thing of witches and wizards being troublesome and hurtful to others, he could not imagine I believed any thing of a divine providence or a resurrection of the dead; which were evidently, {274} alike true, as appeared both by divine writ, and the united consent of every ancient nation. He said, people were ordered to watch and pray; I therefore could not be ruled by the scripture, for why did I go to bed so soon, and leave all that trouble to him. I told him, I wished he might by prayer, obtain a calm composure of mind. He said, I was the cause of all his uneasiness, by inducing him, contrary to his over night’s bloody dream, to lie so near those wolfish savages. Then, in an angry panic, he cursed me, and said, he should not that night have prayed there, only that the devil tempted him to believe my damned lies, and sin against the divine intimations he had received just before.

Within half a day’s ride of Augusta, I met the gentlemen who were appointed to meet certain head-men of the Muskohge, to run a line, between Georgia and the Muskohge country. The superintendant’s deputy before-mentioned, accompanying them; I then informed him of the bad situation of the Indian trade, both in the Chikkasah, and Muskohge nations—The cause thereof—The dangerous policy of having reconciled those jarring warlike savages—the ill disposition of the latter toward us,—and it was the opinion of all the traders (one excepted) that nothing, but their hot war with the Choktah, prevented them from executing their mischievous intentions against us. I said this to the commissary before the several gentlemen; but his conduct, and that of his brother officer in the Chikkasah country, were no way correspondent to the advice. While he benefited the ungrateful Muskohge, and gave them a plea to injure the traders, he was free from personal danger, from the red quarter; but one night at camp, after the line had been, at the friendly and artful persuasions of G. G. Esq; run above twenty miles beyond the southern limites agreed upon, he almost fatally experienced the effects of their revengeful temper; which cannot be restrained when they imagine themselves really injured, and afterwards insulted: for as he was chiding a noted warrior with sharp language, the savage leaped up, seized the other’s gun, cocked, and presented it against his breast; but luckily he could not discharge it, as it was double-tricker’d, contrary to the model of their smooth-bored guns. The public prints, however, echoed the success of our directors of Indian affairs, on this important occasion; though it was entirely owing to the abilities and {275} faithful application, first, of Mr. G. G. and afterwards of Mr. L. M. G. which the deputy almost prevented by his imprudent conduct, that had nearly cost him also his life, and endangered the public tranquility.

In the year 1749, when I was going to Charles-town, under the provincial seal of South-Carolina, with a party of the Chikkasah Indians, the small-pox attacked them, not far from the Muskohge country; which becoming general through the camp, I was under the necessity of setting off by myself, between Flint river, and that of the Okmulgeh. I came up with a large camp of Muskohge traders, returning from the English settlements: the gentlemen told me, they had been lately assured at Augusta by the Cheerake traders, that above a hundred and twenty of the French Shawano might be daily expected near that place, to cut off the English traders, and plunder their camps, and cautioned me, with much earnestness at parting, to keep a watchful eye during that day’s march. After having rode fifteen miles, about ten o’clock, I discovered ahead through the trees, an Indian ascending a steep hill: he perceived me at the same instant, for they are extremely watchful on such dangerous attempts—Ambuscade is their favourite method of attack. As the company followed their leader in a line, each at the distance of a few yards from the other, all soon appeared in view. As soon as I discovered the foremost, I put up the shrill whoop of friendship, and continually seemed to look earnestly behind me, till we approached near to each other, in order to draw their attention from me, and fix it that way, as supposing me to be the foremost of a company still behind. Five or six soon ran at full speed on each side of the path, and blocked up two vallies, which happened to be at the place of our meeting, to prevent my escape. They seemed as if their design was to attack me with their barbed arrows, lest they should alarm my supposed companions by the report of their guns. I observed that instead of carrying their bow and quiver over their shoulder, as is the travelling custom, they held the former in their left hand, bent, and some arrows. I approached and addressed them, and endeavoured to appear quite indifferent at their hostile arrangement. While I held my gun ready in my right hand about five yards distant from them, their leader who stood foremost came and struck my breast with the but-end of one of my pistols, which I had in my left hand: I told him with that vehemence of speech, which is always requisite on such an occasion, that I was an English Chikkasah; and informed him by expressive gestures that there were two tens of Chikkasah {276} warriors,[159] and more than half that number of women, besides children, a little behind, just beyond the first hill. At this news, they appeared to be much confused, as it was unexpected for such a number of warlike enemies to be so near at hand. This Shawano party consisted only of twenty-three middle sized, but strong bodied men, with large heads and broad flat crowns, and four tall young persons, whom I conjectured to be of the Cheerake nation. I spoke a little to a hair-lipped warrior among them, who told me he lived in _Tukkasêhche_, a northern town of that country. The leader whispered something to his waiter, which, in like manner, was communicated to the rest, and then they all passed by me, with sullen looks and glancing eyes. I kept my guard till they were out of arrow-shot, when I went on at a seemingly indifferent pace. But, as soon out of their view, I rode about seventy miles with great speed, to avoid the danger of a pursuit, as I imagined they would be highly enraged against me for their double disappointment. About sun-set of the same day, I discovered more Indians a-head; but, instead of sounding the usual whoop of defiance, I went on slowly, and silently, a little way, reasoning with myself about the safest method in so dangerous a situation: I had apprehensions of their being another party of the Shawano company, separated in that manner to avoid a pursuit; which otherwise might be very easy, by the plainness of their tracks, through the long grass and herbage. But, at the critical time, when I had concluded to use no chivalry, but give them leg-bail instead of it, by leaving my baggage-horses, and making for a deep swamp, I discovered them to be a considerable body of the Muskohge head-men, returning home with presents from Charles Town, which they carried chiefly on their backs. The wolf-king (as the traders termed him)[160] our old steady friend of the Amooklasah Town, near the late Alebahma, came foremost, harnessed like a jack-ass, with a saddle on his back, well girt over one shoulder, and across under the other. We semed equally glad to meet each other; they, to hear how affairs stood in their country, as well as on the trading path; and I to find, that instead of bitter-hearted foes, they were friends, and would secure my retreat from any pursuit that might happen. I told them the whole circumstances attending my meeting the Shawano,[161] with their being conducted by our deceitful Cheerake friends, who were desirous of spoiling the old beloved white path, by making it red; and earnestly persuaded them to be on their guard that night, as I imagined the enemy had pursued me when they {277} found I had eluded their bloody intention. After a long conversation together, I advised them to go home through the woods, to prevent a larger body of the lurking enemy from spoiling them, and their beloved country, by the loss of so many old beloved men, and noted warriors. I said this, to rouse them against the Cheerake; well knowing that one pack of wolves, was the best watch against another of the same kind. They thanked me for the friendly notice I gave them, and the care I shewed for their safety, and engaged me to call the next day at a hunting camp, where was a war-leader, the son of the dog-king of the Huphale-Town, with a considerable number of their people, and desire them to remove with all speed to their camp, at the place they then fixed on. We smoked tobacco, and parted well pleased. According to promise, I went the next day to the camp, and delivered their message, which was readily complied with. The Shawano whom I had eluded, after rambling about, and by viewing the smoke of fires from the tops of high hills and trees, and carefully listening to the report of guns, fell in with two Chikkasah hunters, who were adopted relations of the Muskohge, and killed, and scalped them, and then ran off to the northern towns of the Cheerake. This was the true and sole cause of the last war between the Muskohge and Cheerake: and the following account of the cause of those nations entering into amity with each other, will, on the strictest enquiry, be found as true. The cause and direful effects are still feelingly known to great numbers of the suffering inhabitants, which I insert by way of caution to states-men hereafter.