Chapter XXII: Appendix (18)

As the Chikkasah fought the French and their red allies, with the utmost firmness, in defense of their liberties and lands, to the very last, without regarding their decay, only as an incentive to revenge their losses; equity and gratitude ought to induce us to be kind to our steady old friends, and only purchase so much of their land, as they would dispose of, for value.[207] With proper management, they would prove extremely serviceable to a British colony, on the Missisippi.[208] I hope no future misconduct will alienate their affections, after the manner of the super-intendant’s late deputy, which hath been already mentioned. The skilful French could never confide in the Choktah, and we may depend on being forced to hold hot disputes with them, in the infant state of the Missisippi settlements: it is wisdom to provide against the worst events that can be reasonably expected to happen. The remote inhabitants of our northern colonies are well acquainted with the great value of those lands, from their observations on the spot.[209] The soil and climate are fit for hemp, silk, indigo, wine, and many other valuable productions, which our merchants purchase from foreigners, sometimes at a considerable disadvantage—The range is so good for horses, cattle, and hogs, that they would grow large, and multiply fast, without the least occasion of feeding them in winter, or at least for a long space of time, by reason of the numberless branches of reeds and canes that are interspersed, with nuts of various kinds. Rice, wheat, oats, barley, Indian corn, fruit-trees, and kitchen plants, would grow to admiration. As the ancients tell us, “Bacchus amat montes,” so grape-vines must thrive extremely well on the hills of the Missisippi, for they are so rich as to produce winter-canes, contrary to what is known at any distance to the northward. If British subjects could settle West-Florida in security, it would in a few years become very valuable to Great Britain: and they would soon have as much profit, as they could desire, to reward their labour. Here, five hundred families would in all probability, be more beneficial to our mother-country, then the whole colony of North Carolina: besides innumerable branches toward Ohio and Monongahela. {358}

Enemies to the public good, may enter caveats against our settling where the navigation is precarious; and the extraordinary kindness of the late ministry to the French and Spaniards prevented our having an exclusive navigation on the Missisippi. Aberville might still become a valuable mart to us; and from New Orleans it is only three miles to Saint John’s Creek, where people pass through the lake of Saint Louis, and embark for Mobille and Pensacola. The Spaniards have wisely taken the advantage of our misconduct, by fortifying Louisiana, and employing the French to conciliate the affections of the savages; while our legislators, fermented with the corrupt lees of false power, are striving to whip us with scorpions. As all the Florida Indians are grown jealous of us, since we settled E. and W. Florida, and are unacquainted with the great power of the Spaniards in South America, and have the French to polish their rough Indian politics, Louisiana is likely to prove more beneficial to them, than it did to the French. They are fortifying their Missisippi settlements like a New Flanders, and their French artists, on account of our ministerial lethargy, will have a good opportunity, if an European war should commence, to continue our valuable western barriers as wild and waste, as the French left them. The warlike Chikkasah proved so formidable to them, that, except a small settlement above New Orleans, which was covered by the Choktah bounds, they did not attempt to make any other on the eastern side of the Missisippi, below the Illinois; though it contains such a vast tract of fine land, as would be sufficient for four colonies of two hundred and fifty miles square. Had they been able by their united efforts, to have destroyed the Chikkasah, they would not have been idle;[210] for, in that case, the Choktah would have been soon swallowed up, by the assistance of their other allies, as they never supplied them with arms and ammunition, except those who went to war against the Chikkasah.

From North-Carolina to the Missisippi, the land near the sea, is, in general, low and sandy; and it is very much so in the two colonies of Florida, to a considerable extent from the sea-shore, when the lands appear fertile, level, and diversified with hills. Trees indicate the goodness or badness of land. Pine-trees grow on sandy, barren ground, which produces long coarse grass; the adjacent low lands abound with canes, reeds, {359} or bay and laurel of various sorts, which are shaded with large expanding trees—they compose an evergreen thicket, mostly impenetrable to the beams of the sun, where the horses, deer, and cattle, chiefly feed during the winter: and the panthers, bears, wolves, wild cats, and foxes, resort there, both for the sake of prey, and a cover from the hunters. Lands of a loose black soil, such as those of the Missisippi, are covered with fine grass and herbage, and well shaded with large and high trees of hiccory, ash, white, red, and black oaks, great towering poplars, black walnut-trees, sassafras, and vines. The low wet lands adjoining the rivers, chiefly yield cypress-trees, which are very large, and of a prodigious height. On the dry grounds is plenty of beach, maple, holly, the cotton-tree, with a prodigious variety of other sorts. But we must not omit the black mulberry-tree, which, likewise, is plenty. It is high, and, if it had proper air and sun-shine, the boughs would be very spreading. On the fruit, the bears and wild fowl feed during their season; and also swarms of paroquets, enough to deafen one with their chattering, in the time of those joyful repasts. I believe the white mulberry-tree does not grow spontaneously in North-America. On the hills, there is plenty of chesnut-trees, and chesnut-oaks. These yield the largest sort of acorns, but wet weather soon spoils them. In winter, the deer and bears fatten themselves on various kinds of nuts, which lie thick over the rich land, if the blossoms have not been blasted by the north-east winds. The wild turkeys live on the small red acorns, and grow so fat in March, that they cannot fly farther than three or four hundred yards; and not being able soon to take the wing again, we speedily run them down with our horses and hunting mastiffs. At many unfrequented places of the Missisippi, they are so tame as to be shot with a pistol, of which our troops profited, in their way to take possession of the Illinois-garrison. There is a plenty of wild parsley, on the banks of that river, the roots of which are as large as those of parsnips, and it is as good as the other sort. The Indians say, they have not seen it grow in any woods remote from their country. They have a large sort of plums, which their ancestors brought with them from South-America, and which are now become plenty among our colonies, called Chikkasah plums.[211]

To the North West, the Missisippi lands are covered with filberts, which are as sweet, and thin-shelled, as the scaly bark hiccory-nuts. {360} Hazel-nuts are very plenty, but the Indians seldom eat them. Black haws grow here in clusters, free from prickles: and pissimmons, of which they make very pleasant bread, barbicuing it in the woods. There is a sort of fine plums in a few places, large, and well-tasted; and, if transplanted, they would become better. The honey-locusts are pods about a span-long, and almost two inches broad, containing a row of large seed on one side, and a tough sweet substance the other. The tree is large, and full of long thorns; which forces the wild beasts to wait till they fall off, before they can gather that part of their harvest.—The trees grow in wet sour land, and are plenty, and the timber is very durable. Where there is no pitch-pine, the Indians use this, or the sassafras, for posts to their houses; as they last for generations, and the worms never take them. Chinquapins are very plenty, of the taste of chesnuts, but much less in size. There are several sorts of very wholesome and pleasant-tasted ground nuts, which few of our colonists know any thing of. In wet land, there is an aromatic red spice, and a sort of cinnamon, which the natives seldom use. The Yopon, or Cusseena, is very plenty, as far as the salt air reaches over the low lands. It is well tasted, and very agreeable to those who accustom themselves to use it: instead of having any noxious quality, according to what many have experienced of the East-India insipid and costly tea, it is friendly to the human system, enters into a contest with the peccant humours, and expels them through the various channels of nature: it perfectly cures a tremor in the nerves.[212] The North-American tea has a pleasant aromatic taste, and the very same salubrious property, as the Cusseena. It is an evergreen, and grows on hills. The bushes are about a foot high, each of them containing in winter a small aromatic red berry, in the middle of the stalk: such I saw it about Christmas, when hunting among the mountains, opposite to the lower Mohawk Castle, in the time of a deep snow. There is no visible decay of the leaf, and October seems to be the proper time to gather it. The early buds of sassafras, and the leaves of ginseng, make a most excellent tea, equally pleasant to the taste, and conducive to health. The Chinese have sense enough to sell their enervating and slow-poisoning teas, under various fine titles, while they themselves prefer Ginseng-leaves. Each of our colonies abounds with ginseng, among the hills that lie far from the sea.[213] Ninety-six settlement, is the lowest place where I have seen it grow in South Carolina. It is very plenty on the fertile parts of the Cheerake {361} mountains; it resembles Angelica, which in most places is also plenty. Its leaves are of a darker green, and about a foot and half from the root; the stalk sends out three equal branches, in the center of which a small berry grows, of a red colour, in August.—The seeds are a very strong and agreeable aromatic: it is plenty in West-Florida. The Indians use it on religious occasions. It is a great loss to a valuable branch of trade, that our people neither gather it in a proper season, nor can cure it, so as to give it a clear shining colour, like the Chinese tea. I presume it does not turn out well to our American traders; for, up the Mohawk river, a gentleman who had purchased a large quantity of it, told me that a skippel, or three bushels, cost him only nine shillings of New York currency: and in Charles-Town, an inhabitant of the upper Yadkin settlements in North Carolina, who came down with me from viewing the Nahchee old fields on the Missisippi, assured me he could not get from any of the South Carolina merchants, one shilling sterling a pound for it, though his people brought it from the Alehgany, and Apalahche mountains, two hundred miles to Charles-Town.

It would be a service, worthy of a public-spirited gentleman, to inform us how to preserve the Ginseng, so as to give it a proper colour; for could we once effect that, it must become a valuable branch of trade. It is an exceeding good stomachic, and greatly supports nature against hunger and thirst. It is likewise beneficial against asthmatic complaints, and it may be said to promote fertility in women, as much as the East-India tea causes sterility in proportion to the baneful use that is made of it. A learned physician and botanist assured me, that the eastern teas are slow, but sure poison, in our American climates; and that he generally used the Ginseng very successfully in clysters, to those who had destroyed their health, by that dangerous habit. I advised my friend to write a treatise on its medical virtues, in the posterior application, as it must redound much to the public good. He told me, it would be needless; for quacks could gain nothing from the best directions; and that already several of his acquaintance of the faculty mostly pursued his practice in curing their patients. The eastern tea is as much inferior to our American teas, in its nourishing quality, as their album græcum is to our pure venison, from which we here sometimes collect it; let us, therefore, like frugal and wise people, use our own valuable aromatic tea, and thus induce our British {362} brethren to imitate our pleasant and healthy regimen; shewing the utmost indifference to any duties the statesmen of Great-Britain, in their assumed prerogative, may think proper to lay on their East-India poisoning, and dear-bought teas.

The industry of the uncorrupt part of the Indians, in general, and of the Chikkasah, in particular, extends no farther than to support a plain simple life, and secure themselves from the power of the enemy, and from hunger and cold. Indeed most of them are of late grown fond of the ornaments of life, of raising live stock, and using a greater industry than formerly, to increase wealth. This is to be ascribed to their long intercourse with us, and the familiar easy way in which our traders live with them, begetting imperceptibly an emulous spirit of imitation, according to the usual progress of human life. Such a disposition, is a great advance towards their being civilized; which, certainly must be effected, before we can reasonably expect to be able to bring them to the true principles of christianity. Instead of reforming the Indians, the monks and friars corrupted their morals: for, in the place of inculcating love, peace, and good-will to their red pupils, as became messengers of the divine author of peace, they only impressed their flexible minds with an implacable hatred against every British subject, without any distinction. Our people will soon discover the bad policy of the late Quebec act, and it is to be hoped that Great-Britain will in due time, send those black croaking clerical frogs of Canada home to their infallible mufti of Rome.

I must here beg leave to be indulged, in a few observations on our own American missionaries. Many evils are produced by sending out ignorant and wicked persons as clergymen. Of the few I know,—two among them dare not venture on repeating but a few collects in the common prayer. A heathen could say, “if thou wouldst have me weep, thou must first weep thyself:” and how is it possible we should be able to make good impressions on others, unless they are first visible on ourselves? The very rudiments of learning, not to say of religion, are wanting in several of our missionary Evangelists; the best apology I have heard in their behalf, is, “an English nobleman asked a certain bishop, why he conferred holy orders on such a parcel of arrant blockheads? He replied, because it was better to have the ground plowed by asses, than leave it a waste full of thistles.” {363}

It seems very surprising, that those who are invested with a power of conferring ecclesiastical orders, should be so careless in propagating the holy gospel, and assiduous to prophane holy things, in appointing and ordaining illiterate and irreligious persons to the service. What is it? but saying, “go teach the American fools. My blessing is enough. Cherish confidence, and depend upon it, they will not have confidence to laugh at you: Leave the remote and poor settlements to the care of divine providence, which is diffusive of its rich gifts. The harvest is great elsewhere. Only endeavour to episcopize the northern colonies; it is enough: there they are numerous, and able to pay Peter’s pence, as well as our old jewish, and new parliamentary tithes; and in time your labours will be crowned with success.”

That court however, which sends abroad stupid embassadors to represent it, cannot be reasonably expected to have success, but rather shame and derision. What can we think at this distance, when we see the number of blind guides, our spiritual fathers at home have sent to us, to lead us clear of the mazes of error? but, that they think of us with indifference, and are studiously bent on their own temporal interest, instead of our spiritual welfare. There are thousands of the Americans, who I believe have not heard six sermons for the space of above thirty years—and in fact they have more knowledge than the teachers who are sent to them, and too much religion to communicate with them. And even the blinder sort of the laity not finding truth sufficiently supported by their purblind guides, grow proud of their own imaginary knowledge, and some thereby proudly commence teachers,—by which means they rend the church asunder; and, instead of peace and love, they plant envy, contempt, hatred, revilings, and produce the works of the flesh, instead of those of the spirit.

Not so act the uncivilized Indians. Their supposed holy orders are obtained from a close attention to, and approved knowledge of their sacred mysteries. No temptations can corrupt their virtue on that head: neither will they convey their divine secrets to the known impure. This conduct is worthy to be copied, by all who pretend to any religion at all, and especially by those who are honoured with the pontifical dignity, and assume the name of “Right reverend, and Most reverend Fathers in God.” I have been importunately requested at different times, by several eminent gentlemen, {364} who wish well to both church and state, to represent the evils resulting from such missionaries, in hope of redress; and on this occasion, I thought it criminal to refuse their virtuous request. The representation is true, and the writer is persuaded he cannot give the least offence by it, to any but the guilty.

My situation does not allow me, to fix the bounds our legislators claim on the Missisippi: but I have good reason to believe that the fine court title which France, in her late dying will, has transferred to Great-Britain, mostly consists in ideal possessions she never enjoyed. The monopolies already made, are equally unjust and pernicious. They, who take up valuable lands, especially on such a barrier, ought to settle them in a reasonable time, or be prevented from keeping out industrious inhabitants, and causing the place to continue in a defenceless condition. Before we can settle the Missisippi, with any reasonable view of success, the government must build sufficient places of strength, both to make the colony appear respectable in the eyes of the Indians, and guard it from the evil eye of the Spaniards, who are watching at New Orleans, and over the river, to impede our interests, in that valuable but dangerous quarter. It might become an impenetrable barrier, if proper encouragement was given to the laborious and hardy inhabitants of our northern settlements, on the various branches of the Ohio, and in the back settlements of North Carolina, who are now almost useless to the community. As Great-Britain would be the chief gainer by their removal, she ought to encourage them to remove.[214] Great numbers of them were preparing to come down,[215] even in the years 1768 and 1769; but finding too many inconveniences and hazards in their way, they declined the attempt. As it is natural for every colony to endeavour to increase its number of industrious inhabitants, it cannot be expected, even if the mother country behaved more prudently than of late, that any of them would exert themselves much on such an occasion, as to raise dangerous rivals in their own staple commodity.—However rice, indigo, silk, hemp, wine, and many other valuable productions are suitable to so fine a soil and climate; besides great quantities of beef, pork, and every kind of useful timber for Jamaica, which is contiguous to the mouth of the Missisippi. So great an acquisition of raw materials would soon prove very beneficial to Great-Britain, as well as a great safe-guard to the best part of our other colonies, and a very needful check to Spanish insolence. {365} Such a material undertaking, as the colonizing of so important a barrier, deserves public encouragement to put it in a fair way of doing well; and the continuance of a supply, and protection through its infant state, to secure it from any artful attempts the Spaniards and their French subjects might plot to disturb its tranquility, and thereby check its growth.

There might be introduced even among the Indian nations I have described, a spirit of industry, in cultivating such productions as would agree with their land and climates; especially, if the super-intendency of our Indian affairs, westward, was conferred on the sensible, public-spirited, and judicious Mr. George Galphin, merchant, or Lachlan M’Gilwray, Esq; of equal merit. Every Indian trader knows from long experience, that both these gentlemen have a greater influence over the dangerous Muskohge, than any others besides. And the security of Georgia requires one or other of them speedily to superintend our Indian affairs. It was, chiefly, the skilful management of these worthy patriots, which prevented the Muskohge from joining the Cheerake, according to treaty, against us in the year 1760 and 1761,—to their great expence and hazard of life, as they allowed those savages to eat, drink, and sleep at Silver-Bluff, below New Windsor garrison, and at Augusta fifteen miles apart, and about 150 miles from Savanah. I write from my own knowledge, for I was then on the spot, with a captain’s commission from South Carolina. A Muskohge war against us, could easily be prevented by either of those gentlemen, if chosen, and the destructive plan of general licences was repealed. It is to be hoped, that they who are invested with the power, will retract their former error, and have the pleasure of knowing the good effect it would produce, by giving an opportunity of civilizing and reforming the savages; which can never be effected by the former usual means. Admit into Indian countries, a sufficient number of discreet orderly traders.—This needful regulation will likewise benefit trade, which is almost ruined; and our valuable weak frontier colonies would thereby increase in numbers, proportionable to their security.

Formerly, each trader[216] had a licence for two towns, or villages; but according to the present unwise plan, two, and even three Arab-like pedlars sculk about in one of those villages. Several of them also frequently emigrate into the woods with spirituous liquors, and cheating trifles, {366} after the Indian hunting camps, in the winter season, to the great injury of a regular trader, who supplies them with all the conveniences of hunting: for, as they will sell even their wearing shirt for inebriating liquors, they must be supplied anew in the fall of the year, by the trader. At my first setting out among them, a number of traders who lived contiguous to each other, joined through our various nations in different companies, and were generally men of worth: of course, they would have a living price for their goods, which they carried on horseback to the remote Indian countries, at very great expences. These set an honest copy for the imitation of the natives, for as they had much at stake, their own interest and that of the government co-incided. As the trade was in this wise manner kept up to its just standard, the savages were industrious and frugal. But, lowering it, through a mistaken notion of regaining their affections, we made ourselves too cheap to them, and they despised us for it. The trade ought to be raised to a reasonable fixed price, the first convenient opportunity—thus we shall keep them employed, and ourselves secure. Should we lower the trade, even fifty per cent below the prime cost, they would become only the more discontented, by thinking we had cheated them all the years past. A mean submissive temper can never manage our Indian affairs. The qualities of a kind friend, sensible speaker, and active brisk warrior, must constitute the character of a superintendant. Great care ought to be taken, not to give the Indians offence, or a mean opinion of the people or government our Indian superintendants represent.

At a general congress in Mobille, Anno 1765, where were present his Excellency the learned, cheerful, patriotic Governor of West-Florida, George Johnstone Esquire, the present superintendant of Indian affairs, and the head-men and warriors of the Choktah, and warlike Chikkasah nations, a tariff of trade was settled on every material article, in the most public and solemn manner,[217] mostly according to the Muskohge standard, and to the great satisfaction of the Indians. The price for which the corrupt and shamefully-indulged vagrant pedlars forced the traders at the risque of their lives, to traffic with them, being then about 70 per cent, below the French tariff in Indian trade up the Missisippi. Each of these traders took out Indian trading licences, to which the fixed prices of various goods were annext, thereby impowering them to traffic during the space of a twelvemonth; and they gave penal bonds of security to the {367} secretary, for the just observance of their instructions. This proved however, through a bare-faced partiality, only a shameful farce on œconomy and good order. His Excellency, and the honourable Col. W——n,[218] were so strongly convinced of my former integrity, that in order to testify publicly their approbation of my good conduct, they did me the honour to pass security in the secretary’s office, for my dealing with the Indians in strict conformity to the laws of trade. As I lost in the space of a year, to the amount of two and twenty hundred dollars-worth of goods at prime cost, by the disorderly conduct of other licensed traders, and had just reason to hope for redress on exhibiting a well-supported complaint; I drew up on my own account, and at the importunate request of the Chikkasah head-men, a memorial, setting forth their having notoriously violated every essential part of their instructions, enticing the Indians also to get drunk, and then taught them to blaspheme their maker. This I proved, and that some of the lawless traders had furnished the Indians, in the space of a few months, with so great a quantity of prohibited liquors, as either did, or might enable some of them to decoy the savages to squander away thousands of drest deer-skins,—but they escaped with impunity.

A few months before this period, some family disputes rose very high between the Chikkasah, on the following account. The Indians being ambitious, free, and jealous of their liberties, as well as independent of each other, where mutual consent is not obtained; one half of the nation were exceedingly displeased with the other, because, by the reiterated persuasions of a certain deputy, the latter had disposed of a tract of land, twelve miles toward the south, on the upper trading Choktah, or Mobille path, to one of those disorderly traders. By the application of the deputy, the head-men of both parties met him according to appointment, and partook of a plentiful barbicued feast, with plenty of spirituous liquors. As such conduct was against his majesty’s proclamation, and appeared to me to be calculated, either for a clandestine trade, or family-job, I rejected the invitation, lest otherwise I might be charged as a party. When they became intoxicated with liquor, a war-leader of the dissenting party, struck his tomohawk at the head of a noted chieftain, upbraiding him for bringing a strange fire into their land; but happily the blow missed its aim. Their disputes consequently rose higher every day; and the {368} dissidents informed the Muskohge of their then situation, and future intentions. _Yah-Yah-Tustanage_, “the Great Mortar,” a bitter enemy of the English, soon sent up a company of his war-relations, to persuade them to guard in time, against our dangerous encroachments, by killing all the English, that planted their lands without the general consent of the owners, and to take their black people as a good prize; because they were building and planting for the reception of an English garrison, which was to come from the Missisippi, and be the first means of enslaving them. While their transport of madness lasted, it was fruitless to reason with them; but at every convenient opportunity, I used such plain, friendly, and persuasive arguments to sooth them, as I imagined might regain their lost affections, and procrastinate the dangerous impending blow. They consented at last to forbear every kind of resentment against our late suspicious conduct, on condition of my writing to those who could redress them, and our people speedily withdrawing from their land the intruding planters. This I did; and at Mobile I delivered my remonstrance to the superintendant. Upon my urging the absolute necessity of pacifying our old steady friends, by removing the ungenerous cause of their jealousy, he assured me, that he would gladly comply with so just a request, especially, as it exactly coincided with his majesty’s proclamation, then fixed on the fort-gate.

In the space of about ten days after, by order of Governor Johnstone, all the Chikkasah and Choktah traders were cited to appear before him and the superintendant, in order to know the merit of, and answer to, my numerous complaints. When they appeared, and every thing was properly adjusted, his secretary read paragraph by paragraph, and his excellency, very minutely examined all the reputable traders, who confirmed to his full satisfaction, the truth of every thing in my complaint. But tho’ the memorial set forth, among other instances, that “but a few minutes after I had once a troublesome dispute with the abovementioned Chikkasah leader, on account of the traders prohibited and poisoning liquors, he went home distracted, and finding none but his aged mother, he would have killed her with his tomohawk, only for her earnest entreaties, and then sudden escape,”—yet none of those disorderly people were either suspended from trading with the Indians, or forfeited the penalty of their bonds—neither was the Indians request complied with. Though, I believe, the termination was to the no small mortification of his excellency. {369}

Anno 1767, the super-intendant’s deputy convened all the Chikkasah traders and head-men of the nation, declaring that he had received positive orders from the superior over Indian affairs, to bring the trade to the late standard of the Muskohge. The head-men replied, that if their traders, or the superintendant acted unwisely, they were not bound to follow the copy. We urged, that he had already exceedingly lowered the Missisippi-Indian trade, and had, at the Mobille congress, fixed a Tariff, a copy of which every one of us had, as well as a regular licence, having given approved security for our peaceable conduct, and fair dealing with the Indians, for the space of a year: and that besides the wrong policy of such an edict, as he now proposed, if we proved rogues to our own interest with them, we ought to be arrested as fools below. We concluded, by observing the great disadvantage of navigation that Mobille lay under, to which Charles-town was no way exposed in imports and exports; and that if the aforesaid Indian trade should, by any act be reduced below its present standard, it must necessarily cease of itself, unless as free-men, we said No to the command. Which the traders did, and resolved to support it.

The deputies[219] treatment of Capt. J. C—l—b—rt,[220] who has lived among the Chikkasah from his childhood, and speaks their language even with more propriety than the English, deserves to be recorded—but I hope the gentleman will soon do it himself, to shew the higher powers the consequences of appointing improper, mercenary, and haughty persons to such offices. Sir William Johnson acted very differently—he was kind, intelligent, intrepid—he knew when to frown and when to smile on the Indian nations he was connected with, and blended the serpent with the dove. He chose his deputies or representatives in the Indian countries, according to their qualifications in the Indian life; and not unskilful men, and mere strangers, like some who have been obtruded into our southern nations. His prudent and brave deputy Col. Craghan,[221] did our chain of colonies more real service in a few months, than all our late southern commissioners of Indian affairs could possibly have done in ages. In the dangerous time of our settling the Illinois-garrison, 500 leagues up the Missisippi, he went from Johnson’s Hall, in the lower part of the Mohawk country, and from thence coursed through the various nations of Indians, to the head-branches of Canada; and in like manner, down those of the Missisippi, to the garrison, amidst the greatest dangers; pleasing and reconciling the savages as he proceeded. {370} The Chikkasah first informed me of his journey and success—and I had it some time after, circumstantially confirmed to me by Sir W. Johnson. When I spoke to the Col. himself on his fatigues and perils, he modestly replied “that while he was performing the needful duties of his office, and acting the part of a beloved man with the swan’s wing, white pipe, and white beads, for the general good of his country, and of its red neighbours, he had no leisure to think of any personal dangers that might befall a well-meaning peacemaker.” Having reconciled the Kuskuske Indians,[222] whom the French garrison had decoyed by their false painting of us, to remove with them over the Missisippi,—he from thence proceeded down by water to New Orleans; afterwards, along the gulph-stream of Mexico, to the place from whence he set off, amounting nearly to 5000 miles, in the oblique course he was forced to take.

In brief, able superintendants of Indian affairs, and who will often visit the Indians, are the safest and strongest barrier garrisons of our colonies—and a proper number of prudent honest traders dispersed among the savages would be better than all the soldiers, which the colonies support for their defence against them. The Indians are to be persuaded by friendly language; but nothing will terrify them to submit to what opposes their general idea of liberty. In the disputes between governors, superintendants, their deputies, and the traders, care should be taken to keep them very secret from the Indians,—for they love such traders as are governed by principle, and are easily influenced by them. Several agents of governors and superintendants have experienced this, when dispatched into their countries to seize either the goods or persons of one and another trader, who was obnoxious by not putting the neck under their lordly feet. Some have hardly escaped from being tomohawked and cut to pieces on the spot by the enraged Indians, for the violence offered to their friendly traders.—When an Indian and trader contract friendship, they exchange the clothes then upon them, and afterwards they cherish it by mutual presents, and in general, will maintain it to the death. As early as 1736 the Georgia governor began to harrass the licensed traders, and sent a commissioner to seize the goods of several Carolinian traders: in executing his commission, he was soon encircled by twenty-three Indians, and would have been instantly dispatched, but for the intercession of one of the suffering traders, Mr. J. G—r of Tennase.[223] When a governor of any of our colonies, is either weak in his {371} intellects, or has self-interested pursuits in view, incompatible with the public good, he will first oppress the Indian traders, and misrepresent all under his government who oppose him; and then adopt and pursue the low and tyrannical court maxim “divide, and you will subdue and rule them.” Whether the animosities that subsisted among the inhabitants of Georgia, when Mr. Ellis went to preside there, sprung from any such cause, I will not say, but I well know that by his wisdom, cheerful and even temper, and an easy winning behaviour, he soon reconciled the contending parties in his gay and friendly hall.

The grateful and polite in that colony, have taught their rising families to revere his name, on account of his generous and patriotic spirit. He instructed the inhabitants of that infant colony, by example, how to fortify themselves against hostile dangers. The people were few, weak, harrassed, and disheartened: but as soon as the father and general put to his helping hand, their drooping spirits recovered. Then, defensible garrisons sprung up, after the manner of ancient Thebes; but as he knew that peace with the numerous nations of neighbouring Indians was essential to the welfare of a trading colony, he acted the part of the Archimagus, or great beloved man, with the swan’s wing, white pipes, and tobacco, between the mischievous Muskohge and our colonies, at Savanah, in concert with the two worthy gentlemen before-mentioned. At that time our Indian affairs in general wore a most dangerous aspect—and the public stock was expended:—when the governor saw that he could not shake hands with the Indians, empty handed, he cheerfully supplied their discontented head-men with his own effects, and even his domestic utensils. They set a high value on each gift, chiefly for the sake of the giver, whom they adopted as brother, friend, father. He gave the colony a strong example of public spirit, by sacrificing his ease, and private interest, to the welfare of the people; whom he faithfully patronized (during his too short stay) according to the paternal intentions of his late Majesty. He was never ordered by his Prince to inform the legislative body of the colony, that, if the electors petitioned his majesty for the liberty of chusing representatives, he, through his own grace and goodness, would order his governor to inform them he was pleased to indulge them in the object of their submissive prayer. But had it been otherwise, Mr. Ellis would have deemed such a ministerial order, a gross attack upon his honour, if not on the constitutional rights of British subjects, and {372} have rejected it with contempt. When a gentleman of abilities employs his talents, in his proper sphere, in promoting the general good of society (instead of forwarding only his own interest) he is both an honour and a blessing to the community: the grateful public always revere such a character, and fail not to hand it down to the latest posterity, to stimulate others to follow the example. Such was Mr. Ellis in Georgia; and such was the learned, wise, polite, affable, and now much lamented Sir Henry Moore Bart., the late governor of New-York colony. His virtues so strongly endeared him to those he governed, and to every one who had the pleasure of his acquaintance, that his memory will never be forgotten. He came to his government at the most confused time America ever knew. He found the senior member of the council strongly barricaded in the fort,—but presently he ordered away the cannon, and put a stop to other hostile preparations. He conversed with the people as a father. They were soon convinced of his upright intentions, and he lived triumphant in their hearts. If strict integrity, great abilities, and the most ardent desires and endeavours to promote the mutual interests of prince and people,—if the most impartial administration of justice to every denomination of faithful subjects—if indefatigable application to public business, and a cheerfulness to redress every grievance that had the least tendency to affect the lives or property even of the meanest person: if these be the characteristics of one of the best of governors, our hearts feelingly testify, and the tears of a grateful people plainly shewed, he enjoyed them in the most eminent degree. His stay, however, among them was but short, for having given a finished copy for others to pursue, heaven called him home to reward him for his shining virtues: and, though the other worthy patriot is in being, yet the honest sons of Georgia deeply lament his being lost to them.[224] {373}

GENERAL
OBSERVATIONS
ON THE
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS;
DISPLAYING

Their love to their country—Their martial spirit—Their caution in
war—Method of fighting—Barbarity to their captives—Instances of
their fortitude and magnanimity in the view of death—Their rewards
of public services—The manner of crowning their warriors after
victory—Their games—Method of fishing, and of building—Their
utensils and manufactures—Conduct in domestic life—Their laws, form
of government, &c. &c.

GENERAL

OBSERVATIONS

ON THE

NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.

In the following pages, the reader will find as great a variety of entertainment, as can well be expected in describing a rude and uncivilized people. The Indians having for a long time no intercourse with the rest of the world, and seldom one nation of them with another, their rites and customs are in several respects different. But as they agree in essentials through the whole extent of the American world, such agreement is apparently owing to tradition, and the usage of their ancestors, before they were subdivided as at present. Uniformity cannot be attributed to chance.

Through the whole continent, and in the remotest woods, are traces of their ancient warlike disposition. We frequently met with great mounds of earth, either of a circular, or oblong form, having a strong breast-work at a distance around them, made of the clay which had been dug up in forming the ditch, on the inner side of the inclosed ground, and these were their forts of security against an enemy. Three or four of them, are in some places raised so near to each other, as evidently for the garrison to take any enemy that passed between them. They were mostly built in low lands; {377} and some are overspread with large trees, beyond the reach of Indian tradition. About 12 miles from the upper northern parts of the Choktah country, there stand on a level tract of land, the north-side of a creek, and within arrow-shot of it, two oblong mounds of earth, which were old garrisons, in an equal direction with each other, and about two arrow-shots apart. A broad deep ditch inclosed those two fortresses, and there they raised an high breast-work, to secure their houses from the invading enemy. This was a stupendous piece of work, for so small a number of savages, as could support themselves in it; their working instruments being only of stone and wood. They called those old fortresses _Nanne Yah_, “the hills, or mounts of God.”

Probably, different parties, and even nations, were formed at first, either by caprice, differences, or the fear of punishment for offences. The demon of persecution however was never among them—not an individual durst ever presume to infringe on another’s liberties. They are all equal—the only precedence any gain is by superior virtue, oratory, or prowess; and they esteem themselves bound to live and die in defence of their country. A warrior will accept of no hire for performing virtuous and heroic actions; they have exquisite pleasure in pursuing their own natural dictates. The head-men reward the worthy with titles of honour, according to their merit in speaking, or the number of enemies scalps they bring home. Their hearts are fully satisfied, if they have revenged crying blood, enobled themselves by war actions, given cheerfulness to their mourning country, and fired the breasts of the youth with a spirit of emulation to guard the beloved people from danger, and revenge the wrongs of their country. Warriors are to protect all, but not to molest or injure the meanest. If they attempted it, they would pay dear for their folly. The reason they are more earnest than the rest of mankind, in maintaining that divine law of equal freedom and justice, I apprehend, is the notion imbibed from their (supposed) Hebrew ancestors of the divine theocracy, and that inexpressible abhorrence of slavery, which must have taken place after their captivity by the Assyrians, or the Babylonians.

Every warrior holds his honour, and the love of his country, in so high esteem, that he prefers it to life, and will suffer the most exquisite tortures {378} rather than renounce it: there is no such thing among the Indians as desertion in war, because they do not fight like the Swiss for hire, but for wreaths of swan-feathers. If the English acted on that noble principle, or were encouraged by an able, public-spirited ministry, to cherish it, Britannia need neither sue, nor pay any of the German princes for protection, or alliances.

The equality among the Indians, and the just rewards they always confer on merit, are the great and leading—the only motives that warm their hearts with a strong and permanent love to their country. Governed by the plain and honest law of nature, their whole constitution breathes nothing but liberty: and, when there is that equality of condition, manners, and privileges, and a constant familiarity in society, as prevails in every Indian nation, and through all our British colonies, there glows such a chearfulness and warmth of courage in each of their breasts, as cannot be described. It were to be wished, that our military and naval officers of all ranks, instead of their usual harsh and imperious behaviour, would act the part of mild and good-natured patrons to those under them: kind, persuasive language has an irresistible force, and never fails to overcome the manly and generous heart, and love is strong as death. If the governed are convinced that their superiors have a real affection for them, they will esteem it their duty and interest to serve them and take pleasure in it. The late gallant Lord Howe, General Wolfe, and Admiral Warren, are still alive in the grateful hearts of the Americans, and also of the soldiers and seamen, who fought under them. No service was too difficult to oblige them, and they were ashamed to do any thing amiss. If every British officer set the like example, there would be little occasion for new mutiny acts, and other such like penal regulations. We have frequent instances in America, that merely by the power of affability, and good-natured language, the savage Indian, drunk and foaming with rage and madness, can be overcome and brought to weep. Lately, some came among us, inflamed and distracted foes; we persuaded them of our constant kindly intentions, and they repented, made atonement in regard to themselves, and checked the mad conduct of others.

The Indians are not fond of waging war with each other, unless prompted by some of the traders: when left to themselves, they consider {379} with the greatest exactness and foresight, all the attending circumstances of war. Should any of the young warriors through forwardness, or passion, violate the treaty of peace, the aggressing party usually send by some neutral Indians, a friendly embassy to the other, praying them to accept of equal retribution, and to continue their friendship, assuring them that the rash unfriendly action did not meet with the approbation, but was highly condemned by the head-men of the whole nation. If the proposal be accepted, the damage is made up, either by sacrificing one of the aggressors, of a weak family, or by the death of some unfortunate captive, who had been ingrafted in a wasted tribe. If a person of note was killed, the offended party take immediate satisfaction of their own accord, and send back the like embassy, acquainting them, that as crying blood is quenched with equal blood, and their beloved relation’s spirit is allowed to go to rest, they are fond of continuing the friend-knot, and keeping the chain of friendship clear of rust, according to the old beloved speech: but, if they are determined for war, they say _Mattle, Mattle_, “it is finished, they are weighed, and found light.” In that case, they proceed in the following manner.

A war captain announces his intention of going to invade the common enemy, which he, by consent of the whole nation, declares to be such: he then beats a drum three times round his winter house, with the bloody colours flying, marked with large strokes of black,—the grand war signal of blood and death. On this, a sufficient number of warriors and others, commonly of the family of the murdered person, immediately arm themselves, and each gets a small bag of parched corn-flour, for his war-stores. They then go to the aforesaid winter house, and there drink a warm decoction of their supposed holy consecrated herbs and roots for three days and nights, sometimes without any other refreshment. This is to induce the deity to guard and prosper them, amidst their impending dangers. In the most promising appearance of things, they are not to take the least nourishment of food, nor so much as to sit down, during that time of sanctifying themselves, till after sunset. While on their expedition, they are not allowed to lean themselves against a tree, though they may be exceedingly fatigued, after a sharp day’s march; nor must they lie by, a whole day to refresh themselves, or kill and barbicue deer and bear for their war journey. The more virtuous they are, they reckon the greater will be their success against the enemy, by the bountiful smiles of the deity. To {380} gain that favourite point, some of the aged warriors narrowly watch the young men who are newly initiated, lest they should prove irreligious, and prophane the holy fast, and bring misfortunes on the out-standing camp. A gentleman of my acquaintance, in his youthful days observed one of their religious fasts, but under the greatest suspicion of his virtue in this respect, though he had often headed them against the common enemy: during their three days purification, he was not allowed to go out of the sanctified ground, without a trusty guard, lest hunger should have tempted him to violate their old martial law, and by that means have raised the burning wrath of the holy fire against the whole camp. Other particulars of this sacred process for war, have been related in their proper place.[LVII]

Footnote LVII:

Vide p. 143 &c.

When they have finished their fast and purifications, they set off, at the fixed time, be it fair or foul, firing their guns, whooping, and hallooing, as they march. The war-leader goes first, carrying the supposed holy ark: he soon strikes up the awful and solemn song before mentioned, which they never sing except on that occasion. The rest follow, in one line, at the distance of three or four steps from each other, now and then sounding the war whoo-whoop, to make the leader’s song the more striking to the people. In this manner they proceed, till quite out of the sight, and hearing of their friends. As soon as they enter the woods, all are silent; and, every day they observe a profound silence in their march, that their ears may be quick to inform them of danger: their small black eyes are almost as sharp also as those of the eagle, or the lynx; and with their feet they resemble the wild cat, or the cunning panther, crawling up to its prey. Thus they proceed, while things promise them good success; but, if their dreams portend any ill, they always obey the supposed divine intimation and return home, without incurring the least censure. They reckon that their readiness to serve their country, should not be subservient to their own knowledge or wishes, but always regulated by the divine impulse. I have known a whole company who set out for war, to return in small parties, and sometimes by single persons, and be applauded by the united voice of the people; because they acted in obedience to their _Nana Ishtohoollo_, “or guardian angels,” who impressed them in the visions of night, with the friendly caution. As their dreams are reckoned ominous, so there is a small uncommon bird, called the “kind ill messenger,” which they {381} always deem to be a true oracle of bad news. If it sings near to them, they are much intimidated: but, if it perches, and sings over the war-camp, they speedily break up. This superstitious custom prevailed with the early heathens, who pretended to prophesy by the flight of birds, and it reached even down to the time of the Romans.

Every war captain chuses a noted warrior,[225] to attend on him and the company. He is called _Etissû_, or “the waiter.” Every thing they eat or drink during their journey, he gives them out of his hand, by a rigid abstemious rule—though each carries on his back all his travelling conveniences, wrapt in a deer skin, yet they are so bigoted to their religious customs in war, that none, though prompted by sharp hunger or burning thirst, dares relieve himself. They are contented with such trifling allowance as the religious waiter distributes to them, even with a scanty hand. Such a regimen would be too mortifying to any of the white people, let their opinion of its violation be ever so dangerous.