Chapter XVIII: Appendix (14)

As the Indians have no public faith to secure the lives of friendly messengers in war-time, their wars are perpetuated from one generation to another, unless they are ended by the mediation of some neutral party. A very polished courtier presided in South Carolina,[162] who was said to have cast a very earnest eye on the supposed profits of the Cheerake trade, which were much lessened by the Muskohge war; and, in order to establish it at its former value, so as to be worth some hazard, he exerted himself to reconcile the Muskohge and Cheerake. If he succeeded, he was sure to be something in pocket, and could report at home, the profound peace he had effected between those nations by his unwearied endeavours. He accordingly applied to some of the most intelligent and leading traders among those warring savages, and atempted to persuade them {278} by the ruling motive of mutual interest, to be reconciled through his brotherly mediation. Though the Cheerake were great losers in the war, yet the surviving relations of those who had been killed without equal revenge of blood, were at first inflexible, and deaf to the mediation: but, by the oratory of some of their own speakers who had not suffered, connected with our traders persuasions, each separate family at last consented to meet their enemies, at the time and place appointed by brotherly request, and there bury the bloody tomohawk under ground, and smoke together, out of the friendly white pipe. But, as the Muskohge were conquerors, and frequently returned home in their favourite and public triumphant manner, and had then no mischievous views against the English, as at present, it was a very difficult task to reconcile them to our beloved man’s pacific measures: their head-men had great sway over the ambitious, and young rising warriors, and by the former manly conduct of South-Carolina, in obtaining speedy redress for every material injury, the more sensible and honest part of the old leading men were as much averse to peace, as the light-headed warriors. They well knew the fickle and ungovernable temper of their young men, and ambitious leaders, when they had no red enemies to war with, to obtain higher war-titles by scalps—and their wisdom saw at a distance, the dangerous consequences that must attend a general peace: for a considerable time, therefore, they highly inveighed, and firmly guarded against it. But when a man’s private interest coincides with what he intends to accomplish, he is assiduous and more intent to effect it. This was verified by the unwearied diligence of the prime magistrate alluded to; he knew the Indians could not kill so many deer and beaver in the time of war as of peace, and by his address, he persuaded several of the leading traders, even contrary to their own outward security and inward choice, to exert their strongest endeavours with the Muskohge for a reconciliation with the Cheerake. The chief of those trading gentlemen, who unwillingly involved himself in this pernicious affair, was the humane and intelligent L. M’G—l—wr—, Esq.[163] Each had their lessons, to set forth the reciprocal advantages of the contending parties, by such a coalition; but it was finished by that gentleman’s earnest and well-timed application, connected with his great natural sense, and easy flow of their own bold figurative way of expression—and their favourable opinion of his steady, honest principles. Since that unlucky period, he has as often lamented his success in that affair, as the discerning honest rulers of the Muskohge opposed it. He told me, that {279} when he was soliciting some of the head-men to comply with the fraternal proposals of our kindly ruler, he unexpectedly met with a very sharp repulse;—for, when he had finished his oration, on the disadvantages of frowning war, and the advantages of smiling peace, an old war-leader retorted every paragraph he had spoken, and told him, that till then he always had reckoned the English a very wise people, but now he was sorry to find them unwise, in the most material point: adding, “You have made yourself very poor, by sweating, far and near, in our smoky town-houses and hot-houses, only to make a peace between us and the Cheerake, and thereby enable our young mad people to give you, in a short time, a far worse sweat than you have yet had, or may now expect. But, forasmuch as the great English chieftain in Charles Town, is striving hard to have it so, by ordering you to shut your eyes, and stop your ears, lest the power of conviction should reach your heart, we will not any more oppose you in this mad scheme. We shall be silent concerning it; otherwise, I should be as mad as you, if I reasoned any more with one who is wilfully blind and deaf.”

A number of their warriors met at Charles Town, at the time appointed: their high-stationed English friend then took a great deal of pains to inform them of the mutual advantages, that would accrue to them, by a firm peace, and he convinced their senses of it, by a visible proof; for he borrowed from one of them an arrow, and holding each end of it in his hands, he readily broke it, which surprized none of the red spectators, except the owner,—they did not then regard it as a symbolical performance, but a boyish action. He again requested from the same young warrior, the loan of his remaining sheaf of arrows, who reluctantly gave them, as he feared they would all singly fare the fate of the former. But, when he held the bundle by each end in his hands, and could only bend it a little, he revived the watchful owner, and pleasingly surprized the attentive savages, as he thereby had strongly demonstrated to them, that _vis unita fortior_, upon which he expatiated, in easy fine language, to the great joy of his red audience. By such evidence, they were induced to shake hands firmly together; and likewise to endeavour to preserve a perpetual union with all their neighbouring nations, lest the wolf should attack them separately. And ever since that impolitic mediation, they have been so strongly convinced of their great advantage and security, {280} by a close friendly union with each other, that all the efforts of the wise and honest Georgia patriot, Governor Ellis, in concert with the Indian trading merchants, to dissolve it in the year 1760, proved abortive with the wary and jealous Muskohge, while we were at war with the Cheerake—and many of the out-settlers of Georgia and South Carolina were plundered and murdered by them, without sparing women or children; many instances of which we were too often well acquainted with on the spot. The Cheerake, however, stood in such great awe of about sixty Chikkasah warriors, that except once when they were repulsed by a treble inferior number, they durst not attempt any sort of attack on Georgia barriers, during the whole continuance of the war. The wisdom of the ruling members of that weak colony directed them, in their dangerous circumstances, to chuse the least of two evils,—to humour, and bear with those mischievous Muskohge, rather than involve themselves in a complicated war with those two confederated nations; which must have ruined Georgia, in the weak condition it then was. And, notwithstanding they have considerably increased since, both in wealth and number of inhabitants, it is probable, the colony is now less capable of bearing with any sort of firmness, a sudden shock from these savages, than they were at that time. For, though the people were then fewer in numbers; yet their settlements were more compact. By this means, they could easily join in social defense, on any alarm: and, as the circumstances of most of them did not tempt them to enervating luxury, so the needful exercises they daily pursued, enabled them to make a diversion of ranging the woods, when occasion required. Plantations are now settled, often at a great distance from each other, even to the outmost boundaries of the colony, where commonly the best gunsmen reside, but who probably would be cut off by surprize, at the first onset: and, lower down, their dispersed settlements are often separated, either by difficult or unpassable morasses,—slow running black waters,—or broken salt-water sounds; which of course would be a great impediment to the people supporting each other: so that each plantation is exposed to a separate assault, by a superior body of those cunning savages, who attack, and fly away like a sudden thunder gust. We have no sure way to fight them, but in carrying the war into the bowels of their own country, by a superior body of the provincial troops, mixed with regulars; and as we can expect no mercy in case of a defeat, we should not despise their power, but prepare ourselves for a sure conquest. {281}

ACCOUNT

OF THE

CHOKTAH NATION, &c.

The Choktah country lies in about 33 and 34 Deg. N. L. According to the course of the Indian path, their western lower towns are situated two hundred computed miles to the northward of New Orleans; the upper ones an hundred and sixty miles to the southward of the Chikkasah nation; 150 computed miles to the west of the late dangerous French Alebahma garrison, in the Muskohge country; and 150 to the north of Mobille, which is the first settlement, and only town, except New Orleans, that the French had in West-Florida.

Their country is pretty much in the form of an oblong square. The barrier towns, which are next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah countries, are compactly settled for social defense, according to the general method of other savage nations; but the rest, both in the center, and toward the Missisippi, are only scattered plantations, as best suits a separate easy way of living. A stranger might be in the middle of one of their populous extensive towns, without seeing half a dozen of their houses, in the direct course of his path. The French, to intimidate the English traders by the prodigious number of their red legions in West-Florida, boasted that the Choktah consisted of nine thousand men fit to bear arms: but we find the true amount of their numbers, since West-Florida was ceded to us, to be not above half as many as the French report ascertained.[164] And, indeed, if the French and Spanish writers of the American Aborigines, had kept so near the truth, as to mix one half of realities, with their flourishing {282} wild hyperboles, the literati would have owed them more thanks than is now their due.

Those who know the Choktah, will firmly agree in opinion with the French, concerning them, that they are in the highest degree, of a base, ungrateful, and thievish disposition—fickle, and treacherous—ready-witted, and endued with a surprizing flow of smooth artful language on every subject, within the reach of their ideas; in each of these qualities, they far exceed any society of people I ever saw. They are such great proficients in the art of stealing, that in our store-houses, they often thieve while they are speaking to, and looking the owner in the face. It is reckoned a shame to be detected in the act of theft; but, it is the reward they receive, which makes it shameful: for, in such a case, the trader bastinadoes the covetous sinner, almost as long as he seems sensible of pain. A few years ago, one of the Chikkasah warriors told me, he heard a middle-aged Choktah warrior, boast in his own country, at a public ball-play, of having artfully stolen several things from one and another trader, to a considerable amount, while he was cheapening goods of us, and we were blind in our own houses.

As their country is pleasantly interspersed with hills, and generally abounds with springs and creeks, or small brooks; and is in a happy climate, it is extremely healthful. Having no rivers in their country, few of them can swim, like other Indians; which often proves hurtful to them, when high freshes come on while they are out at war. Their towns are settled on small streams that purl into Mobille river, and another a little to the southward of it. Koosah, the largest town in their nation, lies within 180 miles of Mobille, at a small distance from the river which glides by that low, and unhealthy old capital. The summer-breezes pass by Mobille, in two opposite directions, along the channel of the river; and very unhealthy vapors keep floating over the small semicircular opening of the town, which is on the south-side of the river, opposite to a very low marsh, that was formed by great torrents of water, sweeping down rafts of fallen trees, till they settled there, and were mixt with the black soil of the low lands, carried, and subsiding there in the like manner. From thence, to the opposite shore, the river hath a sandy bottom, and at low water is so very shallow, that a person could almost walk across, though {283} it is two leagues broad. The southern side of the river is so full of great trees, that sloops and schooners have considerable difficulty in getting up abreast: and for a considerable distance from the sea-coast, the land is low, and generally unfit for planting, even on the banks of the river. About forty miles up, the French had a small settlement of one plantation deep, from the bank of Mobille river. The rest of the land is sandy pine barrens, till within forty miles of the Choktah country, where the oak and the hiccory-trees first appear; from whence, it is generally very fertile, for the extensive space of about six hundred miles toward the north, and in some places, two hundred and fifty, in others, two hundred and sixty in breadth, from the Missisippi: This tract far exceeds the best land I ever saw besides in the extensive American world. It is not only capable of yielding the various produce of all our North-American colonies on the main continent, as it runs from the south, towards the north; but, likewise, many other valuable commodities, which their situation will never allow them to raise. From the small rivers, which run through this valuable large tract, the far-extending ramifications are innumerable; each abounding with ever-green canes and reeds, which are as good to raise cattle in winter, as the best hay in the northern colonies. I need not mention the goodness of the summer-ranges; for, where the land is good, it always produces various sorts of good timber, such as oak of different kinds; hiccory, wall-nut, and poplar-trees. The grass is commonly as long and tender, as what the best English meadows yield; and, if those vacant fertile lands of the Missisippi were settled by the remote inhabitants of Virginia, the Ohio, and North-Carolina, they, from a small stock, could in a few years raise a prodigious number of horses, horned cattle, sheep, and swine, without any more trouble than branding, marking, and keeping them tame, and destroying the beasts of prey, by hunting them with dogs, and shooting them from the trees. Soon they might raise abundance of valuable productions, as would both enrich themselves and their off-spring, and, at the same time, add in a very high degree to the naval trade and manufactures of Great-Britain.

The Choktah flatten their foreheads with a bag of sand, which with great care they keep fastened on the scull of the infant, while it is in its tender and imperfect state. Thus they quite deform their face, and give themselves an appearance, which is disagreeable to any but those of their own {284} likeness. Their features and mind, indeed, exactly correspond together; for, except the intense love they bear to their native country, and their utter contempt of any kind of danger, in defence of it, I know no other virtue they are possessed of: the general observation of the traders among them is just, who affirm them to be divested of every property of a human being, except shape and language. Though the French at Mobille, and some at New Orleans, could speak the Choktah language extremely well, and consequently guide them much better than the English (notwithstanding we gave them a far greater supply of every kind of goods than they could purchase) yet, the French allowed none of them arms and ammunition, except such who went to war against our Chikkasah friends. One of those outstanding companies was composed also of several towns; for, usually one town had not more than from five, to seven guns. When the owners therefore had hunted one moon, they lent them for hire to others, for the like space of time; which was the reason, that their deer-skins, by being chiefly killed out of season, were then much lighter than now. The French commandant of Tumbikpe garrison supervised the trade, as none was ever chosen to preside in so critical a place, unless well and early acquainted in the dialect, manners, and customs of the savages. The French Indian garrisons consisted of chosen provincial families, who had not the least spark of that haughty pride and contempt, which is too often predominant, at least among the ignorant part of the soldiery, against all, except their own fraternity. (The Choktah were known to be of so fickle, treacherous, and bloody a disposition, that only three or four pedlars were allowed to go among them at a time: when they returned to the fort, the same number went out again, with as many trifles as a small barrel would conveniently contain. Thus they continued to amuse the savages of low rank, but they always kept the head-men in pay.) These, at every public meeting, and convenient occasion, gave stated energetic orations in praise of the French; and, by this means, the rest were influenced. The pedlars thus got almost what they were pleased to ask, in return for their worthless trifles. All the way up the numerous streams of the Missisippi, and down those of Canada river, their wisdom directed them to keep up the price of their goods, and, by that means, they retained the savages in the firmest amity with them; no trader was allowed among them, except those of sufficient skill, in that dangerous sphere of life, and of faithful principles to government. The French very justly say, the English spoil the savages, wherever their trade extends among {285} them. They were too wise ever to corrupt them, according to our modern mad schemes. They had two great annual marts, where the Indians came to traffic for their deer-skins, beaver, and peltry; the one, at Montreal; and the other, at the Illinois, under the cannon of those garrisons. But the Philadelphians,[165] in order to ingross the trade of the latter place, by a foolish notion of under-selling the old French traders, have ruined, and, as I am lately informed, entirely discontinued it. They who speak so much in favour of lowering the Indian trade, ought first to civilize the savages, and convince them of the absolute necessity there is of selling the same sort of goods, at various prices, according to different circumstances, either of time or place. While the present ill adapted measures are continued, nothing less than the miraculous power of deity can possibly effect the Indians reformation; many of the present traders are abandoned, reprobate, white savages. Instead of shewing good examples of moral conduct, besides their other part of life, they instruct the unknowing and imitating savages, in many diabolical lessons of obscenity and blasphemy.

When the English were taking possession of Mobille, the French commander had given previous orders to a skilful interpreter, to inform the Choktah, that his Christian Majesty, for peace-sake, had given up Mobille garrison to the avaricious English nation; but at the end of three years, the French would return and see to what purpose they had applied it. The Choktah believed the declaration to be as true, as if several of their old head-men had dreamed it. The fore-sighted French knew their fickle and treacherous dispositions, and that by this story, well supported with presents, they would be able, when occasion required, to excite them to commence a new war against us. The masterly skill of the French enabled them to do more with those savages, with trifles, than all our experienced managers of Indian affairs have been able to effect, by the great quantities of valuable goods, they gave them, with a very profuse hand. The former bestowed their small favours with exquisite wisdom; and their value was exceedingly inhanced, by the external kindly behaviour, and well adapted smooth address of the giver. But our wise men in this department, bestow the presents of the government, too often, in such a manner as to rivet the contempt they have imbibed against us; for I have been frequently upbraided, even by the old friendly Chikkasah, when inebriated, that the English in general despised their friends, and {286} were kindest to those who most insulted and injured them; and, that the surest way for the red people to get plenty of presents, was not to deserve them, but to act the murdering part of the ill-hearted Muskohge. In confirmation of their strong invectives, they recited above seventy instances of the Muskohge having murdered the English, not only with impunity, but with silent approbation; as they soon afterward received large presents, which must be either as a due for the bloodshed, or tribute given through fear. They enumerated some facts, which were attended with shocking circumstances: as, an innocent mother of good report, and two of her little children, put to slow torture in boiling water; and several of the like nature, which the Muskohge themselves had informed them of in a way of boasting, and to induce them to imitate their mischievous, but profitable example. While we bear any cool premeditated acts of Indian hostility with that crouching base behaviour, such passive conduct will serve only to tempt the Indians to advance in their favourite science of blood, and commence a general war. For cowards they always insult and despise, and will go any distance to revenge the blood of one of their tribe, even that of an old woman.

As it was confidently reported, that a military government would be continued by us in West Florida, till it was thick settled, the French inhabitants imagining that event could not happen till doom’s-day, mostly retired to New Orleans, in order to shun such a tyrannic police. They were afraid of being imprisoned, and whipped, at the Governor’s[166] caprice, and even for things unnoticeable in the eye of the law; for as he ruled imperial over the soldiery, he would expect all his orders to be readily obeyed by every other person, without any hesitation. Such things are too common in a military government, and it was fatally experienced in this. In order to establish his absolute power, as the merchants, and other gentlemen at Mobille, of generous principles despised it, he found a plea to contend with one of them, though it was both illegal, and entirely out of his element. A Choktah having bought a small brass-kettle of one of the principal merchants of that place, was persuaded by a Frenchman, to return it, bring the value to him, and he would give him a better one in its stead; for there happened to be a very small crack of no consequence, and scarcely discernible, just above the rim. The Indian accordingly went to return it; but the gentleman would not receive it, as it was good, and fairly sold at {287} the usual price. The Choktah went back to the Frenchman to excuse himself in not being able to deal with him, as proposed; who persuaded him to complain to the Governor of the pretended injustice he had received from the merchant—he did, and the ruler gladly embraced the opportunity to gratify his pride, and aggrandize his power. He immediately sent some of his underlings, with a positive verbal command to the gentleman, to cancel the bargain with the Choktah, and deliver to him what he claimed, on receiving his own: the free-born Briton excused his non-compliance, in a rational and polite manner, according to his constant easy behaviour. Upon this, like a petty tyrant, the chief sent a file of musqueteers for him. When he appeared before his greatness, he asserted the common privileges of a trading free subject of Great Britain, with decent firmness; and set forth the ill consequences of giving the troublesome savages an example so hurtful to trade, with other arguments well adapted to the occasion. The return was, an order to thrust the gentleman into the black-hole of the garrison, where he was detained and treated as a capital criminal, till, by the loss of health through the dampness of that horrid place, the love of life prompted him to comply with every demand. Had he waited the award of a court-martial, probably he would have had justice done him; for, except a couple of the officers of the commander’s own principles, all the rest blamed, if not despised him for his haughtiness and ungenerous principles. This is a genuine sample of military governments—the Canadians may expect many such instances of justice and humanity in consequence of the late Quebec act, if it be not repealed. While this military man acted in the magisterial office, though in pain when not triumphing over those peaceable subjects who would not stoop before him below the character of freemen, to flatter his lordly ambition; yet it was affirmed, he could not stand the sight of the inebriated Choktah. One instance of his passive conduct toward them, deserves to be recorded—As the centinels at the gates of his house, were strictly ordered not to resist the savages, these soon became so impudent as to insult them at pleasure; and one of them, without the least provocation, struck a soldier (while on his duty standing centry) with a full bottle on his head, with that violence, as to break his scull, the unfortunate soldier languished, and died, by the blow, without the least retaliation; though so absolutely needful in our early state of settling that part of the continent. {288}

We well know the fate of the British Americans in general, as to property, liberty, and life, if their court-enemies could but metamorphose them into asses, and quietly impose upon them military men as governors, and magistrates, to inforce a strict obedience to their grasping hand, and boundless will. But, may our wise statesmen henceforth rather keep them at home, and place them over such mean spirits as have sold their birth-rights for a mess of pottage, and are degenerated from every virtue of the true and brave Englishman!

Though the French Americans were as desirous of purchasing Indian deer-skins and beaver as the English could well be; yet they wisely declined, where the public peace and security required it. By their wisdom, they employed the savages, as occasion offered, and kept them entirely dependant. They distributed through each nation, a considerable number of medals and flourishing commissions, in a very artful gradation, so as to gratify their proud tempers, and obtain an universal sway over them. They also sent a gun-smith to each of their countries, to mend the locks of their guns, at the expence of government: and any warrior who brought his chieftain’s medal as a certificate, was waited on, and sent off with honour, and a very _bon grace_, to his entire satisfaction: with this, and other instances of good conduct, they led the savages at pleasure. When the French evacuated the Alebahma garrison, the Muskohge despitefully objected against receiving any such favours from us. Even our old friendly Chikkasah were only tantalized with our friendship on that occasion, for the gun-smith was recalled—which, joined with the rest of the bad conduct of our managers of Indian affairs, vexed them so exceedingly, that they were on the point of committing hostilities against us, in the year 1769; so widely different is our Indian-trading conduct from that of the French.

They wisely preferred the security of their valuable, but weak country to the dangerous profits of trade; they kept the best orators and the head-men as pensioners, on their side, and employed the rest of the warriors in their favourite science against the Chikkasah. As with the high placed mercenaries in Great Britain, so it will be a very difficult task (for some time) to manage any of the Indians well, particularly the Choktah, unless they in {289} some manner receive a favourite bribe, under the name of presents, as they usually had from the French. By reason of our misconduct, and the foolish distribution of presents, since Florida was ceded to us, they have been twice on the point of breaking with us, though the managers of our Indian affairs were at the same time echoing in the public papers of Georgia and South-Carolina, the peaceable and friendly disposition of all the savage nations around the colonies. The Choktah were designed to strike the first blow on their traders, and immediately to follow it on the inhabitants of Mobille; which, they imagined, they could easily effect by surprise in the night, and so enrich themselves with an immense booty. The first of those bloody plans was concerted against us, October the 18th 1765. The cause of which I shall relate.

In the eastern part of the Chikkasah nation, there is a young, and very enterprising war-leader, called “the Torrepine Chieftain,” or “The leader of the land-tortoise family:” his ambitious temper, which one of the traders at first imprudently supported against our old friendly war chieftain, _Pa-Yah-Matahah_, has unhappily divided the nation into two parties, which frequently act in opposition to any salutary measure, which is either proposed, or pursued by the other. The Torrepine chief received an embassy from the Muskohge Great Mortar to engage him against us, through a false pretence that we intended to take their lands, and captivate their women and children; as the vast strides we lately made through that extensive tract, from Georgia to New Orleans, and up the Missisippi, all the way to the Illinois, he said, would clearly convince so wise a people. He exhorted the Choktah war-leaders and old beloved men to rouse their martial tempers to defend their liberty and property, and preserve their holy places, and holy things, from the ambitious views of the impure and covetous English people, to listen to the loud call of liberty, and join heart and hand in its generous defence, which they now could easily effect, by crushing the snake in its infant state; whereas delay would allow it time to collect strength, to the utter danger of every thing they held as valuable—that now was the time to avert those dangerous evils, and that their mutual safety was at stake. He assured them from repeated experience, that the very worst that could befall them would be only a trifling scolding in their ears, and presents in their hands to make up the breach. The aspiring Chikkasah leader was, in a great measure, induced to fall {290} in with that cunning deceiver’s measures by having seen above sixty of the Muskohge head-men and warriors, who received considerable presents from Geo. Johnstone, Esq; Governor of West-Florida, at Pensacola. They told him our liberality proceeded intirely from fear; that when they killed any of our despicable and helpless swarms, they always received the like quantity, to quiet the martial hearts of their gallant young warriors; and that the sole reason we were so frugal to the Chikkasah, was owing to their unwise attachments to us; but if they followed their copy, they would soon become as rich as themselves.

If the sagacious, and gallant governor could have executed his will, they would not have thus boasted—he warmly debated in council to order each of them to be secured, as hostages, and kept aboard a man of war in the harbour, till satisfaction was remitted for the unprovoked, and wilful murders that nation had committed on several of his majesty’s peaceable subjects: but his spirited resolution was overborne by a considerable majority of votes. However, when they got home, they told our traders that his excellency’s speech was quite different to that of the beloved white man, meaning the super-intendant, for it was very sharp and wounding; and that his eyes spoke, and glanced the fire also which was burning in his heart. No people are more observant of the passions in the honest face than they. Their eyes and judgment are surprisingly piercing; and in consequence of this Governor’s open, steady, virtuous conduct, all our neighbouring nations honour and love him, to this very day.

The Chikkasah chief sent his bloody embassy to the Choktah by a cunning and trusty uncle, who accompanied me to the late Tumbikpe-fort. I was ignorant of the mischievous plan, till we arrived at camp, near the Great Red Captain’s: there, in bed at night, I plainly overheard the whole, and saw the white swan’s wings, and others painted red and black,—persuasive and speaking emblems of friendship to the one party, and war, blood, and death to the other. They received those base tokens, according to the mischievous intention of those who sent them. As they are fond of novelty, the news was conveyed through the nation, with profound secresy: besides, they were very much rejoiced at so favourable an opportunity of making peace with the Muskohge, who awed them exceedingly, on account of their repeated losses, which were chiefly occasioned by their want {291} of skill in swimming. Tumbikpe garrison, a little before this time, was very unwisely removed; but, to supply that wrong measure, our super-intendant of Indian affairs, stationed here one of his representatives. He was as much unacquainted with the language, manners, and customs of the Indians, as his employer: and yet wrote a considerable volume how to regulate Indian affairs in general, and particularly in the Choktah country. Besides his want of proper qualifications in so nice and difficult an office, he was in his temper so turbulent, proud, and querulous, that his presence instead of quieting the savages, was more than sufficient to disoblige, and distract them, in the most friendly times. He lived in the deserted garrison, as a place of security, kept weighty pullies to the gates, and his own door shut, as if the place had been a monastery; which was the worst measure he could possibly have pursued, considering the proud and familiar temper of those he had to deal with, and the late soothing treatment of the French to them. _Kapteny Humma Echeto_ “the Great Red Captain,” sent word to him he would call there, on a certain day, to confer with him on some material business. On account of their fluctuating councils in so weighty an affair as the intended war, he prolonged the time of going there, for the space of eight days; the gentleman engaged me to stay till the affair was decided. I continued without the least reluctance, as I saw the black storm gathering, and hoped I might be able in some measure to dispel it. When the Red Captain came, his chief business was to demand presents, in the same manner they received them from the French, as the war-chiefs and beloved men were grown very poor; and to know whether our government would enable them to revenge their dead, by bestowing on them ammunition to continue the war against the Muskohge, who highly despised us, and frequently committed acts of hostility against our people. Contrary to my advice, he gave a plain negative to each of his queries, without considering contingencies—Because the neighbouring town was silent, and very few of them came near the fort, he flattered himself that those dangerous tokens proceeded intirely from the cold reception, and frequent denials he had given them; and that for the future, he could live there in a retired and easy manner. But had he taken the trouble to go among them, as I did, he might have seen by their gloomy faces what bitter rancour was in their hearts. Next day, I discovered at the most unfrequented part of the fort, which was near the south east corner, on the river-side, that the wary savages had in the night time {292} forced two of the great posts so far apart, as one person could easily pass through at a time; as such ocular proof might have made my host uneasy, I thought it wrong to molest his tranquillity by the discovery. The Red Chief would now drink no spirituous liquors, though I pressed him to it. They know their weakness then, which might lead them to divulge their country’s secrets,—a great disgrace to a warrior. He went home with his heart greatly inebriated however, on account of the flat denials he had received; especially, as the warriors would depreciate him for his ill success.

In a few days after, I set off with my red companion, and lay all night at the Red Captain’s house, which stands in one of their northern barrier towns. He walked out with me in the evening, but in his discourse, he used as much evasion and craft, as an old fox in his intricate windings to beguile the earnest pursuers. At night his house was very quiet, as if their long heads and treacherous hearts were equally at rest;—but I plainly saw into their favourite and laboured plan, and one of their females told me there was at that time, a great many head-men of different towns, at a neighbouring house, conferring together concerning the white people; and that she believed their speech was not good, as they did not allow any women or boys to hear it. The Red Chief and I parted like courtiers; it soon began to rain, so as to swell the waters to such a considerable height, as rendered them unpassable to horsemen, whose circumstances were not quite desperate. The Choktah leader sent a sprightly young man, his nephew, with me, under pretence of accompanying me and the above-mentioned Chikkasah warrior; but I was not without strong suspicion, that he was sent to shoot me by surprise, as soon as he heard the whooping death-signal in pursuit of me. For they had sent runners to call home those who were hunting in the woods, and the last company of them we met, reaching our camp in the night, staid there till the morning. We conversed together without the least disguise; they were confident the traders were killed, and their favourite war and death-cry would soon reach their listening ears. I thought it improper to make a jest of so serious an affair, and determined to set off, though my red companions endeavored to delay me as much as they could. Early in the morning I took out my saddle, which the Choktah mentioned to the others through a suspicion I intended to make my escape: but they quieted his jealousy, by telling him I did so, only because I was lazy to walk. About half a mile from camp, I soon catched and mounted one of {293} my horses, and set off, keeping clear of the trading path for about four miles, in order to perplex any pursuers that might be sent after me. When my horse tired, I led it on foot through the pathless woods about fifty miles, and heard no more of them. Had the Choktah known how to obtain a sufficient supply of ammunition, they would at this very time, have commenced war against us. That only checked their bloody aim, to their unspeakable grief, and prevented our being engaged in a dangerous war.

All our Indian-traders well know, that the misconduct and obstinacy of the first super-intendant of Indian affairs, was the sole occasion of irritating the Great Mortar to become bitter-hearted against us, and devoting himself with a blood-thirsty desire to injure us, wherever his black policy could reach. And as the first, by his stiff behaviour set on the Mortar,—his successor, by ill-timed presents instead of demanding satisfaction, gave him as good an opportunity as he could have desired, to impress the warriors of his own and other nations, with a strong opinion of our timid disposition, and incapacity of opposing them. The impression of Governor Johnstone’s speech, plainly declares they would not have been so weak as to utter their base threats against us, to the Chikkasah leader at Pensacola, only that they were previously corrupted by the mismanagement of Indian affairs. I am well assured, they frequently applauded his martial conduct when they returned home, and said he was a man and a warrior, which is as great an encomium, as they can bestow on any mortal. May West-Florida, and New Georgiana on the extensive and fertile lands of the meandring Missisippi, have a continual succession of such chief magistrates as Mr. Johnstone, and his worthy successor Montfort Browne, Esq; to study and promote the public good, and cause the balance of justice to be held with an even hand!

The following relation will serve to display what should be our manner of treating the Indians—A white man, on Mobille river, sold spirituous liquors to a couple of the Choktah, till they were much intoxicated, and unable to purchase any more; he then strenuously denied to credit them: their usual burning thirst exciting them to drink more, they became too troublesome for any spirited person to bear with. He took up an ax, at first in his own defence, but when they endeavoured to run off, he, in the heat of passion pursued; and unhappily killed one of them. The other ran, and told his {294} relations the sad disaster. Presently, nothing could be heard through the nation, but heavy murmurs and sharp threats. Governor Johnstone had the murderer soon apprehended, and confined him to be tried in due course of law. This delay of executing justice on one, and whom we only secured from their resentment as they imagined, tempted them to think on a general massacre. Soon after the sitting of the general court, their revengeful hearts became easy: for the man was fairly tried, and condemned, because he did not kill the savage in his own defence, but while he was retreating from him. I have reason to believe the Indians would not have allowed the French, when in garrison among them, to delay shooting any of their people, whom they but even suspected of having killed the meanest of their kindred: for, in the year 1740, the Muskohge, on a false suspicion, forced the commanding officer of the Alebahma garrison, by their loud threats, to kill one of the militia soldiers. When they were leading him to the place of execution, he requested the favour of a bottle of wine, to enable him to die with the firm constancy of an honest French warrior: he received, and drank it off, and declared his innocence of the imputed crime, with his last words. The signal was given, and the soldiers, by order, quickly shot the unfortunate man. But the Englishman, who had been likewise a soldier, would not have been condemned by the mere assertion of the Choktah savage, cost what it would; as it was both repugnant to our law, and too dangerous a precedent to give to so treacherous a people. He was justly condemned on his companion’s oath. His excellency Governor Johnstone acted so fairly and tenderly in this affair, that, by his request, one of the Chikkasah traders was summoned to sit on the trial, as he of a long time knew the base disposition of the Choktah; but no favourable circumstances appearing on his side, he was condemned.

Although the Choktah had their desired revenge, yet, when their leader came parading into Tumbikpe garrison, with a gun he had taken from a white man, whom he murdered on the Chikkasah trading path; our super-intendant’s representative shamefully refused to act the part of the magistrate, or to impower the commanding officer of the Fort to secure the murderer, though he pressed him with manly earnestness, and protested that he would gladly confine him, were it not contrary to the tenour of his commission. The savage having boasted a while after his triumphal entrance, {295} returned exultingly to his country-men, to the shame and regret of the traders. Our white beloved man thought himself best employed in other affairs than these, and doubtless, profitable family jobbs ought to be well minded.

His successor was equally skilful in managing the Indians as himself, though much his inferior. His only merit was, the having been a clerk to the Chikkasah white beloved man, who resigned his place, on account of the discontinuance of his British pay. He corrupted and practised with the Indians, according to the system his teacher pursued. One instance, among many, will shew this: a gentleman came to view the Missisippi lands, from the settlements which are on the Yadkin, a large and beautiful river, that, after gliding down 300 miles to the Sand-hill, Wilmington, and the waste Brunswick, is stiled Cape-Fear-River.[167] He was highly pleased with the soil, climate, and situation of the lands he came in quest of: but told me, in a humorous manner, that, when he was at a French man’s house, on the Spanish side of the river, a very lusty Choktah called there, in company with others upon a hunt. As the French Choktah was desirous of ingratiating himself into the favour of the host, he began to ridicule my friend with gestures, and mocking language: the more civilly the Englishman behaved, so much the more impudently the savage treated him. At length, his passions were inflamed, and he suddenly seized him in his arms, carried him a few steps off, and threw him down the bank into the Missisippi. The laugh now turned against him loud; for, if the Indians saw their grandmother break her neck by a fall from a horse, or any other accident, they would whoop and halloo. The Baptist, or dipped person, came out ashamed, but appeared to be very good-humoured after his purification, as he found he had not one of the French wood-peckers to deal with. However, one night, when the gentleman was on his return, the savages pursued, and endeavoured to kill him, and did seize his horses and baggage. He had a narrow escape for his life before he came to Quansheto, where the towns-people of the late Great Red Shoes had settled, and our white beloved man resided. He made his complaint to him, which might have been expected to produce both pity and justice in any heart that was not callous. But, instead of endeavouring to redress his grievance, which he could have easily effected, he aggravated his sufferings {296} by abuse. As the savage had been brought up with the English traders, so as to be called the boy of one of them, and lived in _Yashoo_, the town of the present Red Shoes, our chief could easily have had every thing returned, had he only demanded it in form. But, like his predecessor, he endeavoured to keep in with the Indians—he deemed their favourable report of his friendly conduct toward them, to be the main point he ought to observe, in order to secure the embassy from suffering damage, whatever became of truth, or justice.

The Choktah have a remote, but considerable town, called _Yowanne_, which is the name of a worm that is very destructive to corn in a wet season. It lies forty miles below the seven southernmost towns of the nation, toward Mobille, and 120 computed miles from thence, on a pleasant small river, that runs south of the town. As it is a remote barrier, it is greatly harrassed by the Muskohge, when at war with them. Here, a company of them came lately looking for prey; but missing it, as the Choktah were apprized, and staid at home, their pride and disappointment excited them to injure those strangers who chanced to fall in their way. About six miles below the town, they came to the camp of two white men, who were just ready to set off to Mobille, with loaded horses; being resolved not entirely to miss their errand of blood and plunder, they attacked them with their tomohawks, cautious of not alarming the neighbouring enemy by the report of their guns. They speedily dispatched one of them; but the other being strong bodied, very fiery, and desperate, held them a sharp struggle, as it appeared afterward: his gun was found much battered, and the long grass quite beat down for a considerable way round the place where the Yowanne Indians found him suspended in the air. For as soon as those savages perpetrated that diabolical act, they hanged each of them on trees, with the horses halters, and carried away six of the horses loaded with drest deer-skins, as far as Mobille-river. _Minggo Humma Echeto_, the Great Red Chieftain, of the aforesaid town, on his return from war with the Muskohge, fortunately intercepted them, killed and scalped two, and retook the horses and leather. These, he sent home, as he imagined the owner then resided in the nation, and would gladly redeem them with reasonable presents: while he went down to Mobille to shew his trophies of war, in full hopes of getting a new supply of ammunition from the deputy super-intendant,[168] to be used against the common enemy. He flattered himself that the scalps brought into our maritime town, in solemn {297} triumph, would prove a gladsome sight to our people, and enlarge their hearts towards him and his fatigued poor warriors. But he perceived nothing of this kind, of which he complained to me with very sharp language, and returned home, highly incensed against his new English friends.

I have reason to remember this too well; for, a little after those white men were murdered, business calling me to Mobille by myself, I chose to decline the eastern path, and the middle one that leads by the _Chakchooma_ old fields, as they were much exposed to the incursions of the Muskohge; and rode through the chief towns of the nation, along the horse-path that runs from the Chikkasah, nearest the Missisippi, to Mobille. About six miles below the seven-towns that lie close together, and next to New Orleans, I met a considerable party of the leaders and head-warriors returning home from war. We shook hands together, and they seemed very glad to see me. They earnestly dissuaded me from proceeding any farther, advised me to return to their friendly town, and rest awhile among them, declaring, that if my ears were mad, and would not hear their friendly speech, I should surely be killed, the enemy were ranging the woods so very thick. They were good judges of the danger, as they knew the treacherous plan they had concerted together at _Yowanne_. But the memory of past times, moved them to give me that kindly caution. I thanked them, and said, I wished business allowed me to act according to their advice, and accept of their generous invitation; but it did not: however, if my limited days were not finished before, I would shortly have the pleasure to see them again. I proceeded, and met several parties of the same main company, several miles distant from each other, carrying small pieces of a scalp, singing the triumphal song, and sounding the shrill death-whoop, as if they had killed hundreds. On my resting and smoking with the last party, they informed me, that their camp consisted of two hundred and fifty warriors, under great leaders, who were then returning from war against a town of the Koosaahte Indians, who had settled twenty-five miles above Mobille, on the eastern side of the river; that they had killed and wounded several of them, suspecting them of abetting the Muskohge, and fortunately got one of their scalps, which the warriors of separate towns divided, and were carrying home, with joyful hearts.

A stranger would be much surprised to see the boasting parade these savages made with one scalp of a reputed enemy. To appearance, more {298} than a thousand men, women, lusty boys, and girls, went loaded with provisions to meet them; and to dance, sing, and rejoice at this camp, for their success in war, and safe return. Their camps were made with the green bark and boughs of trees, and gave a striking picture of the easy and simple modes of early ages. Their chieftains and great warriors sat in state, with the assuming greatness of the ancient senators of imperial Rome. I had the honour to sit awhile with them, and was diverted with the old circling and wheeling dances of the young men and women. I smoked with them, and then took my leave of this last camp of rejoicing heroes. The Choktah are the most formal in their addresses, of all the Indian nations I am acquainted with: and they reckon the neglect of observing their usual ceremonies, proceeds from contempt in the traders, and from ignorance in strangers.