Chapter VIII: Appendix (4)

The Indians call the lightning and thunder, _Eloha_, and its rumbling noise, _Rowah_, which may not improperly be deduced from the Hebrew. To enlighten the Hebrew nation, and impress them with a reverential awe of divine majesty, God spoke to them at Sinai, and other times during the theocracy, with an awful or thundering voice. The greater part of the Hebrews seem to have been formerly as ignorant of philosophy, as are the savage Americans now. They did not know that thunder proceeded from any natural cause, but from the immediate voice of Elohim, above the clouds: and the Indians believe, according to this Hebrew system of philosophy, that _Minggo Ishto Eloha Alkaiasto_, “the great chieftain of the thunder, is very cross, or angry when it thunders:” and I have heard them say, when it rained, thundered, and blew sharp, for a considerable time, that the beloved, or holy people, were at war above the clouds. And they believe that the war at such times, is moderate, or hot, in proportion to the noise and violence of the storm.

I have seen them in these storms, fire off their guns, pointed toward the sky; some in contempt of heaven, and others through religion—the former, to shew that they were warriors, and not afraid to die in any shape; much less afraid of that threatening troublesome noise: and the latter, because their hearts directed them to assist _Ishtohoollo Eloha_[XVI]. May not this {65} proceed from an oral tradition of the war which the rebellious angels waged against the great Creator; and which the ancient heathens called the war of the giants? Nothing sounds bolder, or is more expressive, than the Cheerake name of thunder, _Eentaquàróske_. It points at the effects and report of the battles, which they imagine the holy people are fighting above. The small-pox, a foreign disease, no way connatural to their healthy climate, they call _Oonatàquára_, imagining it to proceed from the invisible darts of angry fate, pointed against them, for their young people’s vicious conduct. When they say, “I shall shoot,” their term is, _Ake-rooka_. The radix of this word is in the two last syllables; the two first are expressive only of the first person singular; as _Akeeohoosa_, “I am dead, or lost;” and _Akeeohooséra_, “I have lost.” _Rooka_ seems to have a reference to the Hebrew name for the holy Spirit.

Footnote XVI:

The first lunar eclipse I saw, after I lived with the Indians, was
among the Cheerake, An. 1736: and during the continuance of it, their
conduct appeared very surprizing to one who had not seen the like
before; they all ran wild, this way and that way, like lunatics,
firing their guns, whooping and hallooing, beating of kettles, ringing
horse-bells, and making the most horrid noises that human beings
possibly could. This was the effect of their natural philosophy, and
done to assist the suffering moon. And it is an opinion of some of the
East-Indians, that eclipses are occasioned by a great monster
resembling a bull-frog, which now and then gnaws one edge of the sun
and moon, and would totally destroy them, only that they frighten it
away, and by that means preserve them and their light. (A). Mooney
says that the belief that the eclipse monster can be so frightened
away was universal among primitives. (W)

The most southern old town, which the Chikkasah first settled, after the Chokchoomah,[27], Choktah, and they, separated on our side of the Missisippi, into three different tribes, they called _Yanèka_, thereby inverting _Yahkàne_, the name of the earth; as their former brotherhood was then turned into enmity[XVII]. The bold Creeks on the opposite, or north side of them, they named _Yahnàbe_, “killing to God,” or devoting to death; for the mid consonant expresses the present time. And their proper names of persons, and places, are always expressive of certain circumstances, or things, drawn from roots, that convey a fixed determinate meaning.

Footnote XVII:

They call the earth Yahkàne, because Yah formed it, as his footstool,
by the power of his word. In allusion also hereto, Nakkàne signifies a
man, because of the mother-earth; and Nakke a bullet, or arrow. When
the Cheerake ask a person, Is it not so? they say, Wahkane? The divine
essential name, and Kane, are evidently the roots of these words.

With the Muskohge, _Algeh_ signifies “a language,” or speech: and, because several of the Germans among them, frequently say _Yah-yah_, as an affirmative, they call them _Yah-yah Algeh_, “Those of the blasphemous speech;” which strongly hints to us, that they still retain a glimpse of the third moral command delivered at Sinai, “Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain,” or apply the name of YOHEWAH, thy ELOHIM, to vain, or created things. {66}

These Indians, to inculcate on their young people, that YO HE WAH is the Author of vegetation, call the growth of vegetables, _Wahráah_, “moved by Yohewah;” for _Aàh_ signifies to walk, or move; and the consonant is an expletive of distinction. In like manner, _Wah-àh_ signifies, that “the fruits are ripe,” or moved to their joy, by Yohewah. They likewise call the flying of birds, _Wahkáàh_; as Yohewah gave them that swift motion. And, when young pigeons are well feathered, they say, _Patche hishshè oolphotàháh_—_Patchè_ signifies “a pidgeon,” _Hishshè_, “leaves, hair, or feathers,” _oolpha_, or _oolpho_, “a bud,” _ta_, a note of plurality, and _háh_ of admiration, to make it a plural superlative. But, when the pigeons, in winter, fly to a moderate climate in great clouds, they use the word, _Wah-àh_, which in every other application describes vegetation, and say, _Patche Wah-àh_, “the pigeons are moved to them by Yohewah;” which seems to allude to the quails in the wilderness, that were miraculously sent to feed the Israelites.

Clay basons they call _Ai-am-bo_, and their old round earthen forts, _Aiambo Cháah_, this last word signifying “high,” or tall: but a stockade, or wooden fort, they term, _Hoorèta_, and to inswamp, _Book-Hoore_, from _Bookse_, “a swamp,” and _Hoorèta_, “a fort, or place of difficult access.” High waters, conveys to them, an idea only of deepness; as _Ookka phobe_, “deep waters.” And they say, _Ookka chookòma intáa_, “The water glides, or moves along pleasantly, or goodly.” That the word _Intâa_, has _Ya-ah_ for its radix, is apparent from their name for a rapid current, _Yahnāle_, “it runs with a very extraordinary force;” the mid consonant is placed there, to give the word a suitable vehemence of expression—and the word is compounded of יה, _Yah_, and אל, _Ale_, two names of God. In like manner, _Yahnhà_ signifies “a pleurisy,” fever, and the like; because they reckon, when YAH says _ha_ in anger, to any of their vicious people, he immediately fires the blood, and makes it run violently through all the veins of the body. _Ashtahále_ signifies the reflection of the celestial luminaries, which is composed of two of the divine names; as אש, _Ash_, the celestial, cherubimical name of God, signifying fire, _ta_, a contraction of the conjunction copulative, and אל, _Ale_, the strong, or omnipotent. They say a river, or warm victuals, is _A-shu-pa_; that is, the former is become fordable, and the latter eatable. They here divide _Ash_ into two syllables; and the termination alludes to the word, _Apà_, which signifies eating. {67}

_Páàh_ signifies to raise the voice, _Vocifero_—for פי, _Phi_, signifies “the mouth,” and _Aàh_, “to move.” _Opáe_ is the name of a war-leader, because he is to move his mouth to O E A, or invoke YO HE WAH, while he carries the beloved ark to war, and is sanctifying himself and his party, that they may obtain success against the enemy. But _Pae-Minggo_ signifies a far-off, or distant chieftain. _Pa yak Matàháh_, is the high name of a war-leader, derived from _Páah_, to raise the voice to YAH, and _Tahàh_, “finished,” meaning his war-gradation: the _M_ prefixed to it, makes it a substantive, according to the usage of the Hebrews. Any thing liquid they term _Ookche_, from _Ookka_ and _che_: and _Ookchaah_ signifies “alive.” It is drawn from _Ookka_, “water,” _Ch_, a note of resemblance, and _Aàh_, “moving;” _i. e._ a living creature resembles moving water. In like manner, _Ookchà_ signifies to awake out of sleep; and also to plant any vegetable substance, alluding to their three different states—they first were enabled to move about—then rest, or sleep is necessary, and also being planted in the earth—but they hope that in due time, they shall be moved upward, after they have slept a while in the earth, by the omnipotent power of _Yah_. They have an idea of a resurrection of the dead body, according to the general belief of the Jews, and in conformity to St. Paul’s philosophical axiom, that corruption precedes generation, and a resurrection.

_Keenta_ signifies “a beaver,” _Ookka_ “water,” and _Heenna_ “a path;” but, for a smooth cadence, they contract them into one word, _Keentookheenna_; which very expressively signifies “a beaver-dam.”

The Indian compounded words, are generally pretty long; but those that are radical, or simple, are mostly short: very few, if any of them, exceed three or four syllables. And, as their dialects are guttural, every word contains some consonants; and these are the essential characteristics of language. Where they deviate from this rule, it is by religious emblems; which obviously proceeds from the great regard they paid to the names of the Deity; especially, to the four-lettered, divine, essential name, by using the letters it contains, and the vowels it was originally pronounced with, to convey a virtuous idea; or, by doubling, or transposing them, to signify the contrary. In this they all agree. And, as this general custom must proceed from one primary cause, it seems to assure us, they were not in a {68} savage state, when they first separated, and variegated their dialects, with so much religious care, and exact art. Blind chance could not direct so great a number of remote and warring savage nations to fix on, and unite in so nice a religious standard of speech. Vowels are inexpressive of things, they only typify them; as _Oo-E-A_, “to ascend, or remove:”—_O E A_, a most sacred affirmation of the truth. Similar to these are many words, containing only one consonant: as _To-e-u_, “it is very true;” _O-se-u_, “very good;” _Y-O-U_, “evil, or very bad;” _Y-â-a_, “he moves by the divine bounty;” _Nan-ne Y-a_, “the divine hill, or the mount of God,” &c. If language was not originally a divine gift, which some of our very curious modern philosophers deny, and have taken great pains to set aside; yet human beings are possessed of the faculties of thinking and speaking, and, in proportion to their ideas, they easily invented, and learned words mixed with consonants and vowels, to express them. Natural laws are common and general. The situation of the Indian Americans, has probably been the means of sinking them into that state of barbarism we now behold—Yet, though in great measure they may have lost their primitive language, not one of them expresses himself by the natural cries of brute-animals, any farther than to describe some of the animals by the cries they make; which we ourselves sometimes imitate, as _Choo-qua-lê-qua-lôô_, the name they give that merry night-singing bird, which we call “Whip her will my poor wife,” (much like our cuckoo) so termed from its musical monotony. No language is exempt from the like simple copyings. The nervous, polite, and copious Greek tongue had the loud-sounding _Böô Böao_, which the Romans imitated, by their bellowing _Boves Böum_; and the Indians say _Pa-a_, signifying the loud noise of every kind of animals, and their own loud-sounding war _Whoô Whoóp_. Where they do not use divine emblems, their words have much articulation of consonants. Their radicals have not the inseparable property of three consonants, though frequently they have; and their words are not so long, as strangers conjecturally draw them out. Instead of a simple word, we too often insert the wild picture of a double, or triple-compounded one; and the conjugation of their verbs, utterly deceives us. A specimen of this, will shew it with sufficient clearness, and may exhibit some useful hints to the curious searchers of antiquity.

_A-nô-wa_ signifies “a rambler, renegadoe, or a person of no settled place of abode.” _A-nó-wah_, the first person, and _Ish-na_, the second person {69} singular, but they have not a particular pronoun for the third; they distinguish it by custom. _Si-a_, or _Sy-ah_, is “I am;” _Chee-a_, or _Chy-ah_, “you are;” and _Too-wah_, “he is.” _Ay-ah_ signifies “to go;” _Ay-a-sa_, “I remain;” _Ish-i-a-sa_, “you remain;” _A-sa_, “he remains.” _A-OO-E-A_ is a strong religious emblem, signifying “I climb, ascend, or remove to another place of residence.” It points to _A-nó-wah_, the first person singular, and O-E-A, or YO HE WAH; and implies, putting themselves under his divine patronage. The beginning of that most sacred symbol, is, by studious skill, and a thorough knowledge of the power of letters, placed twice, to prevent them from applying the sacred name to vain purposes, or created things. In like manner they say, _Nas-sap-pe-O Ish-OO-E-A_, “You are climbing a very great acorn-tree,” meaning an oak; for _Nas-se_ is the name of an acorn; and the mid part of that triple compounded word, is derived from _Ap-pê-la_, “to help;” _Che-ap-pê-la A-wa_, “I do not help you.” The termination, according to their mixed idiom, magnifies it to a superlative. _Quoo-ran-hê-qua_, a noted old camping place, fourteen miles above the settlement of _Ninety-six_, and eighty-two below the Cheerake, signifies, in their dialect, “the large white oaks.” _Oos-sak_ is the name of a “hickory-nut,” and _Oos-sak Ap-pe-O_ as above. _Oot-te_ signifies “a chestnut;” _Noot-te_, “a tooth;” _Soot-te_, “a pot;” and _Oo-te_, “to make a fire,” which may be called an Indian type for eating boiled chestnuts.

When they say, “He is removing his camp,” they express it in a most religious manner, _Al-bé-na-OO-E-A_. _Al-be-nâs-le_ signifies “I camped;” _Al-be-nâs-le-chû_, “I shall, or will, camp:” but, according to their religious mode of speaking, _Al-bé-na A-OO-E-A-re_, expresses the former, and _Al-bé-na A-OO-E-A-ri-chû_, the latter phrase; likewise, _Al-bé-na OO-E-As_ signifies _Castra Moveto_, imperatively. It is worthy of notice, that as they have no pronoun relative to express the third person singular, they have recourse to the first syllable of the essential word, _Toowah_, “He is.” In allusion to that word, they term the conjunction copulative, _Ta-wah_, and _Tee-U-Wah_, “resting.” So mixed a train of nice and exact religious terms, could not be invented by people, as illiterate and savage as the Indians now are, any more than happen by accident.

Though they have lost the true meaning of their religious emblems, except what a very few of us occasionally revive in the retentive memories of their old inquisitive magi; yet tradition directs them to apply them properly.{70} They use many plain religious emblems of the divine names, YOHEWAH, YAH, and ALE,—and these are the roots of a prodigious number of words, through their various dialects. It is surprising they were unnoticed, and that no use was made of them, by the early voluminous Spanish writers, or by our own, for the information of the learned world, notwithstanding the bright lights they had to direct them in that æra, when the decorations of their holy temples and priests, their religious ceremonies, and sacred hymns of praise to the Deity, of which hereafter, so nearly corresponded with the Israelitish, and might have been readily discovered by any who eyed them with attention. In our time, by reason of their long intercourse with foreigners, we have necessarily but a few dark traces to guide our inquiries, in the investigation of what must have been formerly, shining truths.

I must beg to be indulged with a few more remarks on their verbs.[28]—If we prefix _As_ to _A-a_, “to move,” it becomes _A-sâ-a_, “to offend.” The monosyllables _Ish_ and _Che_, variously denote the second person singular; but when the former is by custom prefixed to a verb, the latter then expresses either the accusative or ablative case singular of the pronoun relative; as _Ish-a-sâ-ah_, “you are offended, or moved to say Ah;” _Ish-a-sâ-a-re_, “you were displeased;” but _Che-a-sâ-ah_ signifies “I am displeased with you;” and _Che-a-sâ-a-re_ “I was offended by you;” _Che-a-sâ-a-chee-le_ is “I occasion, or have occasioned you to be displeased,” literally, “I produce, or have produced offence to you;” and _Che-a-sâ-a-cheê-le Awa_, “I shall not cause you to be displeased.” In like manner, they say _A-ân-ha_, which signifies “I despise,” or literally, “I move _ha_;” for the mid letter is inserted for distinction-sake, according to their idiom. So _A-chîn-ha-chu_, “I shall contemn you;” _A-chîn-ha-cheê-la A-wa_, “I shall not cause you to become despicable.” _Chee-le_ signifies literally, “to bring forth young.” So that the former method of expression is very significant, and yet it shews a sterility of language, as that single word is applicable to every species of female animals, fowls not excepted: Thus, _Phoo-she Chee-le_, “the birds lay.” _Oe-she_ signifies “a young animal,” of any kind—and likewise an egg. When mentioned alone, by way of excellence, it is the common name of an infant; but when the name of the species of animals is prefixed to it, it describes the young creature. _An-push-koosh oo-she_, is what the tender mother says to her well-pleased infant. The two words import the same thing. The former resembles the Hebrew, and the latter is likewise a substantive; they {71} say _Chool-loo-she Teeth-lâ-a-ta-hâh_, “the fox-cubs are run off;”—_Choo-la_ being the name of a fox. _Phut-choos-oo-she Wah kâ-as_, “let the young duck fly away;” and _Phoo-soo-she Hish-she Ool-pha-quî-sa_, “the young wild bird’s hairs, or feathers, are not sprung, or budded.” _Pa-se_ signifies the hair of a man’s head, or the mane of animals. _Sha-le_ signifies pregnant, literally, “to carry a burthen;” as _Oo-she shâ-le_, “she bears, or carries, an infant;” but, when it is born, _Shoo-le_ is the name for carrying it in their arms. This bears off from the divine radix, with great propriety of language. _Im_ prefixed to a verb, denotes the masculine and feminine pronouns, _illum_ and _illam_. As this is their fixed method of speech, the reader will easily understand the true idiom of their language. _Sal-le_ signifies “I am dead,” _Chil-le_, you, &c. _Il-leh_, he, &c. And this is likewise a substantive, as _Il-let Min-te_, “death is approaching,” or coming: _Min-té-cha_ signifies “come you;” and _A-min-té-la A-wa_, or _Ac-min-tá-qua-chu_, “I will not come.”

The former word, _Shâ-le_, “to carry a burthen,” or, she is pregnant, seems to be derived from ש and אל and, as _A-shâ-le_, _Ish-shâ-le_, and _E-shâ-le_, are the first, second, and third persons singular of the present tense, the latter may allude to her conception by the power of the Deity: and it also points to שול, _Sha-wô-le_, or Saul, “the grave, or sepulchre,” out of which the dead shall come forth to a new world of light. In like manner _Chee-le_ “to bring forth,” or _A-chee-lá-le_, “I brought forth,” appears to be derived from כ, a note of resemblance, and אל, _A-le_, the fruitful Omnipotent. All the American nations, like the Jews, entertain a contemptible opinion of their females that are barren—sterility they consider as proceeding from the divine anger, on account of their conjugal infidelity.

To enable grammarians to form a clear idea of the Indian method of variegating their verbs, and of the true meaning they convey, we must again recur to the former essential word, or rather divine emblem, _A-ah_, “he moves.” They say _A-as_, “let him move,” and _Ee-má-ko_, or _Blâ-sas A-â-á-re_, “I now move,” or “yesterday I moved;” for, like the Hebrews, they sometimes use the preterperfect, instead of the present tense. _A-â-a-ra-chu_ is the first person singular of the future tense, in the indicative mood. _A-â-ta-hah_ expresses the third person plural of the present tense, and same mood. _A-â-ta-hâh-ta-kô-a_ signifies, by query, “have ye, or will ye move?” It is their method of conjugating their verbs, that occasions any of their {72} radical or derivative verbs to exceed three or four syllables; as we see by this, which, though composed only of two vowels, or short syllables, is yet so greatly deflected. With them two negatives make an affirmative, as _Ak-hish-ko-quá_, “I shall not drink;” add the strong negative termination _A-wa_, it is, “I will certainly drink.” An affirmative question frequently implies a strong negative; as _Ai-a-râ-ta-kô-a_, literally, “will, or should, I go?” that is, “I really will not, or should not go:” and on the contrary, a negative query imports an affirmative assertion; as _A-kai-u-quâ-ta-kô-a_, “should not I go?” or, “I surely should go.” _Ee-á ko A-pâ-ret Sa-kâi-a-qua-ta kô-a_, is literally, “if I ate, should not I be satisfied?” which implies, “If I ate, I should be fully satisfied.” To drinking, they apply a word that signifies content; and indeed, they are most eager to drink any sort of spiritous liquors, when their bellies are quite full. When they are tired with drinking, if we say to any of them, _Un-ta Ang-go-na Che-ma-hîsh-kó-la Chû_, “Well, my friend, I will drink with you;” _Che-a-yôok-pa-chêe-re Too-gat_, “for, indeed, I rejoice in your company;” he replies, _Hai-a, Ook-ka Hoo-me Hish-ko Sa-nook-tá-ra_; which is, “No; for I am content with drinking bitter waters.” They constantly prefix the substantive before the adjective, and place the accusative case before the verb. If we translate the following words, _Ook-ka Pangge Hum-ma Law-wa A-hish-kó-le Bla-sas_, they literally signify, “yesterday I drank a great deal of red-grape water,” meaning claret. Thus they say, _Tik-ké-ba, Ing-glee-she Fren-she Ee-lap A-bing-ga E-tee-be_, “formerly, when the English and French fought against each other;” _Fren-she Ing-glee-she A-be-tâ-le_, “the French were killed by the English.”

The verbs are seldom defective, or imperfect: though they may seem to be so to persons who do not understand the idiom of their language, they are not; they only appear as such by the near resemblance of words, which convey a different meaning—as _A-kai-a_, “I go,” _Sa-kai-a_, “I am satisfied with eating,” and _Sal-kai-a_, “I am angry, cross, vexed, or disturbed in mind;” _Shee-a_, _Che-kai-a_, and _Chil-kai-a_, in the second person; _Ai-a_, _E-kai-a_, and _Al-kai-a_, in the third person singular. _A-pee-sa_ signifies “to see,” and _Al-pêê-sa_, “strait, even, or right;” _Al-poo-ê-ak_, the general name of mercantile goods, I subjoin, as such a word is uncommon with them; they seldom use so harsh a termination. I shall here close this argument, and hope {73} enough hath been said to give a clear idea of the principles of the Indian language and dialects, its genius and idiom, and strong similarity to, and near coincidence with the Hebrew—which will be not easily accounted for, but by considering the American Indians as descended from the Jews.

ARGUMENT VI.

They count TIME after the manner of the Hebrews.

They divide the year into spring—summer—autumn, or the fall of the leaf—and winter: which the Cheerake Indians call _Kogeh_, _Akooèa_, _Oolekóhstè_, _Kòra_; and the Chikkasah and Choktah nation, _Otoolpha_, _Tóme palle_, _Ashtòra-móona_, _Ashtòra_. _Kógeh_ is drawn from _Anantòge_, the general appellation for the sun and moon; because, when the sun returns from the southern hemisphere, he covers the vegetable world with a green livery. _Akooèa_ alludes strongly to the essential divine name, as we have seen in the former argument. With regard to _Oolekohste_, “the fall of the leaf,” as they call a buzzard, _Soore_, or _Soole_; and as _Soolekohste_ signifies troublesome, offensive, disagreeable, the word signifies, that “the fall of the year is as disagreeable a sight, as that of a buzzard.” _Kora_, as with the Hebrews, signifies the winter; and is likewise the name of a bone: and by joining _Hah_, an Hebrew note of admiration, to the end of it, as _Kora-Hah_, it becomes the proper name of a man, signifying, “all bones,” or very bony. _Otool-phà_, “the spring season,” is derived from _Oolpha_, the name of a bud, or to shoot out; because then the solar heat causes vegetables to bud and spring. _Tomeh_ signifies “the solar light,” and _Palle_, “warm or hot;” _Ashtora_, “winter,” and _Moona_, “presently,” &c.

They number their years by any of those four periods, for they have no name for a year; and they subdivide these, and count the year by lunar months, like the Israelites, who counted by moons, as their name sufficiently testifies; for they called them ירחים, the plural of ירח, the moon. The Indians have no distinct proper name for the sun and moon; one word, with a note of distinction, expresses both—for example; the Cheerake {74} call the sun _Eus-se A-nan-tó-ge_, “the day-moon, or sun;” and the latter, _Neus-se A-nan-tó-ge_, or “the night-sun, or moon.” In like manner, the Chikkasah and Choktah term the one, _Neetak-Hasséh_, and the other, _Neennak-Hasséh_; for _Neetak_ signifies “a day,” and _Neennak_, “a night.”

Here I cannot forbear remarking, that the Indians call the penis of any animal, by the very same name, _Hasse_; with this difference only, that the termination is in this instance pronounced short, whereas the other is long, on purpose to distinguish the words. This bears a strong analogy to what the rabbins tell us of the purity of the Hebrew language, that “it is so chaste a tongue, as to have no proper names for the parts of generation.” The Cheerake can boast of the same decency of style, for they call a corn-house, _Watóhre_ and the penis of any creature, by the very same name; intimating, that as the sun and moon influence and ripen the fruits that are stored in it, so by the help of Ceres and Bacchus, Venus lies warm, whereas on the contrary, _sine Cerere & Bacchus, friget Venus_.

They count certain very remarkable things, by knots of various colours and make, after the manner of the South-American Aborigines; or by notched square sticks, which are likewise distributed among the head warriors, and other chieftains of different towns, in order to number the winters, &c.—the moons also—their sleeps—and the days when they travel; and especially certain secret intended acts of hostility. Under such a circumstance, if one day elapses, each of them loosens a knot, or cuts off a notch, or else makes one, according to previous agreement; which those who are in the trading way among them, call broken days. Thus they proceed day by day, till the whole time is expired, which was marked out, or agreed upon; and they know with certainty, the exact time of any of the aforesaid periods, when they are to execute their secret purposes, be they ever so various. The authors of the romantic Spanish histories of Peru and Mexico, have wonderfully stretched on these knotted, or marked strings, and notched square sticks, to shew their own fruitful inventions, and draw the attention and surprise of the learned world to their magnified bundle of trifles.

The method of counting time by weeks, or sevenths, was a very ancient custom, practised by the Syrians, Egyptians, and most of the oriental nations; {75} and it evidently is a remain of the tradition of the creation. The Creator, indeed, renewed to the Hebrews the old precept of sanctifying the seventh day, on a particular occasion. And Christianity promoted that religious observance in the western world, in remembrance of the work of redemption. The Greeks counted time by decads, or tens; and the Romans by nones, or ninths. The number, and regular periods of the Indians public religious feasts, of which presently, is a good historical proof, that they counted time by, and observed a weekly sabbath, long after their arrival on the American continent.

They count the day also by the three sensible differences of the sun, like the Hebrews—sun-rise, they term, _Hassé kootcha meente_, “the sun’s coming out;”—noon, or mid-day, _Tabookòre_;—and sun-set, _Hassé Oobèa_, literally, “the sun is dead;” likewise, _Hasse Ookka’tòra_, that is, “the sun is fallen into the water;” the last word is compounded of _Ookka_, water, and _Etòra_, to fall: it signifies also “to swim,” as instinct would direct those to do, who fell into the water. And they call dark, _Ookklille_—derived from _Ookka_, water, and _Illeh_, dead; which shews their opinion of the sun’s disappearance, according to the ancients, who said the sun slept every night in the western ocean. They subdivide the day, by any of the aforesaid three standards—as half way between the sun’s coming out of the water; and in like manner, by midnight, or cock-crowing, &c.

They begin the year,[29] at the first appearance of the first new moon of the vernal æquinox, according to the ecclesiastical year of Moses: and those synodical months, each consist of twenty-nine days, twelve hours, and forty odd minutes; which make the moons, alternately, to consist of twenty-nine and of thirty days. They pay a great regard to the first appearance of every new moon, and, on the occasion, always repeat some joyful sounds, and stretch out their hands towards her—but at such times they offer no public sacrifice.

Till the 70 years captivity commenced, (according to Dr. Prideaux, 606 years before the Christian æra) the Israelites had only numeral names for the solar and lunar months, except אביב and האתנים; the former signifies a green ear of corn; and the latter, robust, or valiant. And by the first {76} name, the Indians, as an explicative, term their _passover_, which the trading people call the green-corn dance. As the Israelites were a sensual people, and generally understood nothing but the shadow, or literal part of the law; so the Indians closely imitate them, minding only that traditional part, which promised them a delicious land, flowing with milk and honey. The two Jewish months just mentioned, were æquinoctial. Abib, or their present Nisan, was the seventh of the civil, and the first of the ecclesiastical year, answering to our March and April: and Ethanim, which began the civil year, was the seventh of that of the ecclesiastical, the same as our September and October. And the Indians name the various seasons of the year, from the planting, or ripening of the fruits. The green-eared moon is the most beloved, or sacred,—when the first fruits become sanctified, by being annually offered up. And from this period they count their beloved, or holy things.

When they lack a full moon, or when they travel, they count by sleeps; which is a very ancient custom—probably, from the Mosaic method of counting time, “that the evening and the morning were the first day.” Quantity they count by tens, the number of their fingers; which is a natural method to all people. In the mercantile way, they mark on the ground their numbers, by units; or by X for ten; which, I presume they learned from the white people, who traded with them. They readily add together their tens, and find out the number sought. They call it _Yakâ-ne Tlápha_, or “scoring on the ground.” But _old time_ they can no way trace, only by remarkable circumstances, and æras. As they trade with each other, only by the hand, they have no proper name for a pound weight.

The Cheerake count as high as an hundred,[30] by various numeral names; whereas the other nations of East and West-Florida, rise no higher than the decimal number, adding units after it, by a conjunction copulative; which intimates, that nation was either more mixed, or more skilful, than the rest: the latter seems most probable. They call a thousand, _Skoeh Chooke Kaiére_, “the old,” or “the old one’s hundred:” and so do the rest, in their various dialects, by interpretation; which argues their former skill in numbers. {77}

I shall here give a specimen of the Hebrew method of counting, and that of the Cheerake, Chikkasah, and Muskohge or Creeks, by which some farther analogy will appear between the savage Indians, and their supposed Israelitish brethren. The Hebrew characters were numeral figures: they counted by them STOPP alphabetically, א (1), ב (2), and so on to the letter י, the tenth letter of the alphabet, and which stands for ten; then, by prefixing י to those letters, they proceeded with their rising numbers, as יא (11), יב (12), יג (13), יד (14), &c. They had words also of a numeral power, as אח͏ד (1), שני (2), שלשי (3), אדבע (4), &c. We shall now see how the Indian method of numbering agrees with this old standard, as well as with the idiom of the Hebrew language in similar cases.

The Cheerake number thus: _Soquo_ 1, _Tahre_ 2, _Choeh_ 3, _Nankke_ 4, _Ishke_ 5, _Sootáre_ 6, _Karekóge_ 7, _Suhnâyra_ 8, _Sohnáyra_ 9, _Skoeh_ 10, _Soàtoo_ 11, _Taràtoo_ 12, &c. And here we may see a parity of words between two of the Indian nations; for the Muskohge term a stone, _Tahre_; which glances at the Hebrew, as they not only built with such material, but used it as a word of number, expressive of two. In like manner, _Ishke_ “five,” signifies a mother, which seems to shew that their numeral words were formerly significant; and that they are one stock of people.

The Chikkasah and Choktah count in this manner—_Chephpha_ 1, _Toogàlo_ 2, _Tootchēna_ 3, _Oosta_ 4, _Tathlābe_ 5, _Hannāhle_ 6, _Untoogàlo_ 7, _Untootchēna_ 8, _Chakkále_ 9, _Pokoole_ 10, _Pokoole Aawa Chephpha_, “ten and one,” and so on. The Cheerake have an old waste town, on the Georgia south-west branch of Savannah river, called _Toogàlo_; which word may come under the former observation, upon the numerical word two: and they call a pompion, _Oosto_, which resembles _Oosta_, four.

The Cheerake call twenty, _Tahre Skoeh_, “two tens;” and the Chikkasah term it, _Pokoole Toogalo_, “ten twos:” as if the former had learned to number from the left hand to the right, according to the Syriac custom; and the latter, from the right to the left hand, after the Hebrew manner. The former call an hundred, _Skoeh Chooke_; and, as before observed, a thousand, _Skoeh Chooke Kaiére_, or “the old one’s hundred;” for with them, _Kaiére_ signifies “ancient,” or aged; whereas _Eti_, or _Eti-u_, expresses former old time. {78} May not this have some explanation, by the “Ancient of days,” as expressed by the prophet Daniel—magnifying the number, by joining one of the names of God to it—according to a frequent custom of the Hebrews? This seems to be illustrated with sufficient clearness, by the numerical method of the Chikkasah—for they call an hundred, _Pokoole Tathleepa_; and a thousand, _Pokoole Tathleepa Tathleepa Ishto_; the last of which is a strong double superlative, according to the usage of the Hebrews, by a repetition of the principal word; or by affixing the name of God to the end of it, to heighten the number. Ishto is one of their names of God, expressive of majesty, or greatness; and _Soottathleepa_[XVIII], the name of a drum, derived from _Sootte_, an earthen pot, and _Tathleepa_, perhaps the name or number of some of their ancient legions.

Footnote XVIII:

The double vowels, _oo_ and _ee_, are always to be joined in one
syllable, and pronounced long.

The Muskohge method of counting is, _Hommai_ 1, _Hokkóle_ 2, _Tootchēna_ 3, _Ohsta_ 4, _Chakàpe_ 5, _Eepáhge_ 6, _Hoolopháge_ 7, _Cheenèpa_ 8, _Ohstàpe_ 9, _Pokóle_ 10, &c. I am sorry that I have not sufficient skill in the Muskohge dialect, to make any useful observations on this head; however, the reader can easily discern the parity of language, between their numerical words, and those of the Chikkasah and Choktah nations; and may from thence conclude, that they were formerly one nation and people.

I have seen their symbols, or signatures, in a heraldry way, to count or distinguish their tribes, done with what may be called wild exactness. The Choktah use the like in the dormitories of their dead; which seems to argue, that the ancienter and thicker-settled countries of Peru and Mexico had formerly, at least, the use of hieroglyphic characters; and that they painted the real, or figurative images of things, to convey their ideas. The present American Aborigines seem to be as skilful Pantomimi, as ever were those of ancient Greece or Rome, or the modern Turkish mutes, who describe the meanest things spoken, by gesture, action, and the passions of the face. Two far-distant Indian nations, who understand not a word of each other’s language, will intelligibly converse together, and contract engagements, without any interpreter, in such a surprizing manner, as is scarcely credible. As their dialects are guttural, the indications they use, with the hand or {79} fingers, in common discourse, to accompany their speech, is the reason that strangers imagine they make only a gaggling noise, like what we are told of the Hottentots, without any articulate sound; whereas it is an ancient custom of the eastern countries, which probably the first emigrants brought with them to America, and still retain over the far-extended continent[XIX].

Footnote XIX:

The first numbering was by their fingers; to which custom Solomon
alludes, _Prov._ iii. 16. “length of days is in her right hand.” The
Greeks called this, Αποπεμπομαζειv, because they numbered on their
five fingers: and Ovid says, _Seu, quia tot digitis, per quos numeráre
solemus_; likewise Juvenal, _Sua dextrâ computat annos_. Others
numbered on their ten fingers, as we may see in Bede de ratione
temporum. And the ancients not only counted, but are said to speak
with their fingers, _Prov._ vi. 13, “The wicked man he teacheth with
his fingers.” And Nævius, in Tarentilla, says, _dat digito literas_.
(A). Lord Kingsborough says the statement in the text is confirmed by
Francisco Vazquez de Coronado. (W).

ARGUMENT VII.

In conformity to, or after the manner of the Jews, the Indian Americans have their PROPHETS, HIGH-PRIESTS,[31] and others of a religious order. As the Jews had a _sanctum sanctorum_, or most holy place, so have all the Indian nations; particularly, the Muskohge. It is partitioned off by a mud-wall about breast-high, behind the white seat, which always stands to the left hand of the red-painted war-seat; there they deposit their consecrated vessels, and supposed holy utensils, none of the laity daring to approach that sacred place, for fear of particular damage to themselves, and general hurt to the people, from the supposed divinity of the place.

With the Muskohge, _Hitch Lalàge_ signifies “cunning men,” or persons prescient of futurity, much the same as the Hebrew seers. _Cheeràtahége_ is the name of the pretended prophets, with the Cheerake, and nearly approaches to the meaning of נביא, _Nebia_, the Hebrew name of a prophet. _Cheera_ is their word for “fire,” and the termination points out men possest of, or endued with it. The word seems to allude to the celestial cherubim, fire, light, and spirit, which centered in O E A, or YOHEWAH. These Indians call their pretended prophets also _Loá-che_, “Men resembling the holy fire,” or as Elohim; for the termination expresses a comparison, and _Loa_, is a contraction of _Loak_, drawn from אלה, _Elóah_, the singular number of אלהים, _Elohim_, the name of the holy ones. And, as the Muskohge {80} call the noise of thunder, _Erowah_, so the Cheerake by inverting it, _Worah_, “He is;” thereby alluding to the divine essence: and, as those term the lightning _Elóa_, and believe it immediately to proceed from the voice of _Ishtohollo Elóa Aba_, it shews the analogy to the Hebrews, and their sentiments to be different from all the early heathen world.

The Indian tradition says, that their forefathers were possessed of an extraordinary divine spirit, by which they foretold things future, and controuled the common course of nature: and this they transmitted to their offspring, provided they obeyed the sacred laws annexed to it. They believe, that by the communication of the same divine fire working on their _Loáche_, they can now effect the like. They say it is out of the reach of _Nana Ookproo_, either to comprehend, or perform such things, because the beloved fire, or the holy spirit of fire, will not co-operate with, or actuate _Hottuk Ookproose_, “the accursed people.” _Ishtohoollo_ is the name of all their priestly order, and their pontifical office descends by inheritance to the eldest: those friend-towns, which are firmly confederated in their exercises and plays, never have more than one _Archi-magus_ at a time. But lameness, contrary to the Mosaic law, it must be confessed, does not now exclude him from officiating in his religious function; though it is not to be doubted, as they are naturally a modest people, and highly ridicule those who are incapable of procreating their species, that formerly they excluded the lame and impotent. They, who have the least knowledge in Indian affairs, know, that the martial virtue of the savages, obtains them titles of distinction; but yet their old men, who could scarcely correct their transgressing wives, much less go to war, and perform those difficult exercises, that are essentially needful in an active warrior, are often promoted to the pontifical dignity, and have great power over the people, by the pretended sanctity of the office. Notwithstanding the Cheerake are now a nest of apostate hornets, pay little respect to grey hairs, and have been degenerating fast from their primitive religious principles, for above thirty years past—yet, before the last war, _Old Hop_,[32] who was helpless and lame, presided over the whole nation, as _Archi-magus_, and lived in Choàte, their only town of refuge. It was entirely owing to the wisdom of those who then presided in South-Carolina, that his dangerous pontifical, and regal-like power, was impaired, by their setting up _Atta Kulla Kulla_,[33] and supporting him so well, as to prevent the then easy transition of an Indian {81} high-priesthood into a French American bloody chair, with a bunch of red and black beads; where the devil and they could as easily have instructed them in the infernal French catechism, as they did the Canada Indians: as—Who killed Christ? _Answer_, The bloody English; &c.[XX]

Footnote XX:

A wrong belief has a most powerful efficacy in depraving men’s morals,
and a right one has a great power to reform them. The bloody Romish
bulls, that France sent over to their Indian converts, clearly prove
the former; and our peaceable conduct, as plainly shewed the latter,
till Britannia sent out her lions to retaliate.

To discover clearly the origin of the Indian religious system, I must occasionally quote as much from the Mosaic institution, as the savages seem to copy after, or imitate, in their ceremonies; and only the faint image of the Hebrew can now be expected to be discerned, as in an old, imperfect glass. The priesthood originally centered with the first male born of every family: with the ancient heathens, the royalty was annexed to it, in a direct line; and it descended in that manner, as low as the Spartans and Romans. But, to secure Israel from falling into heathenish customs and worship; God in the time of Moses, set apart the Levites for religious services in the room of the first-born; and one high-priest, was elected from the family of Aaron, and anointed with oil, who presided over the rest. This holy office descended by right of inheritance. However, they were to be free of bodily defects, and were by degrees initiated to their holy office, before they were allowed to serve in it. They were consecrated, by having the water of purifying sprinkled upon them, washing all their body, and their clothes clean, anointing them with oil, and offering a sacrifice.

It is not surprizing that the dress of the old savage _Archi-magus_, and that of the Levitical high-priest, is somewhat different. It may well be supposed, they wandered from captivity to this far-distant wilderness, in a distrest condition, where they could scarcely cover themselves from the inclemency of heat and cold. Besides, if they had always been possessed of the greatest affluence, the long want of written records would sufficiently excuse the difference; because oral traditions are liable to variation. However, there are some traces of agreement in their pontifical dress. Before the Indian _Archi-magus_ officiates in making the supposed holy fire, for the yearly atonement {82} of sin, the Sagan clothes him with a white ephod, which is a waistcoat without sleeves. When he enters on that solemn duty, a beloved attendant spreads a white-drest buck-skin on the white seat, which stands close to the supposed holiest, and then puts some white beads on it, that are given him by the people. Then the _Archi-magus_ wraps around his shoulders a consecrated skin of the same sort, which reaching across under his arms, he ties behind his back, with two knots on the legs, in the form of a figure of eight. Another custom he observes on this solemn occasion, is, instead of going barefoot, he wears a new pair of buck-skin white maccasenes made by himself, and stitched with the sinews of the same animal[XXI]. The upper leather across the toes, he paints, for the space of three inches, with a few streaks of red—not with vermilion, for that is their continual war-emblem, but with a certain red root, its leaves and stalk resembling the ipecacuanha, which is their fixed red symbol of holy things. These shoes he never wears, but in the time of the supposed passover; for at the end of it, they are laid up in the beloved place, or holiest, where much of the like sort, quietly accompanies an heap of old, broken earthen ware, conch-shells, and other consecrated things.

Footnote XXI:

Observant ubi sesta mero pede sabbata reges,
Et vetus indulget senibus clementa porcis.
JUVENAL, Sat. vi.

When the high-priest entered into the holiest, on the day of
expiation, he clothed himself in white; and, when he finished that
day’s service, he laid aside those clothes and left them in the
tabernacle. _Lev._ xvi. 23.

When the Egyptian priests went to worship in their temples, they wore
shoes of white parchment. HERODOTUS, Lib. ii. Cap. v.

The Mosaic ceremonial institutions, are acknowledged by our best writers, to represent the Messiah, under various types and shadows; in like manner, the religious customs of the American Indians, seem to typify the same; according to the early divine promise, that the seed of the woman should bruise the head of the serpent; and that it should bruise his heel.—The Levitical high-priest wore a _breast-plate_, which they called _Hosechim_, and on it the _Urim_ and _Thummim_, signifying lights and perfections; for they are the plurals of אור, _Awóra_, (which inverted makes _Erowa_) and תורה, _Thòràh_, {83} the law, as it directed them under dark shadows, to Messiah, the lamp of light and perfection. In resemblance of this sacred pectoral, or breast-plate, the American _Archi-magus_ wears a breast-plate, made of a white conch-shell,[34] with two holes bored in the middle of it, through which he puts the ends of an otter-skin strap, and fastens a buck-horn white button to the outside of each, as if in imitation of the precious stones of Urim, which miraculously blazoned from the high-priest’s breast, the unerring words of the divine oracle. Instead of the plate of gold, which the Levite wore on his forehead, bearing these words,קדש לי יהוה _Kadesh li Yohewah_, “holy, or separate to God,” the Indian wears around his temples, either a wreath of swan-feathers, or a long piece of swan-skin doubled, so as only the fine snowy feathers appear on each side. And, in likeness to the _Tiara_ of the former, the latter wears on the crown of his head, a tuft of white feathers, which they call _Yatèra_. He likewise fastens a tuft of blunted wild Turkey cock-spurs, toward the toes of the upper part of his maccasenes, as if in resemblance to the seventy-two bells, which the Levitical high-priest wore on his coat of blue. Those are as strong religious pontifical emblems, as any old Hebrews could have well chosen, or retained under the like circumstances of time and place. Thus appears the Indian Archimagus—not as _Merubha Begadim_, “the man with many clothes,” as they called the high-priest of the second temple, but with clothes proper to himself, when he is to officiate in his pontifical function, at the annual expiation of sins[XXII]. As religion is the touchstone of every nation of people, and as these Indians cannot be supposed to have been deluded out of theirs, separated from the rest of the world, for many long-forgotten ages—the traces which may be discerned among them, will help to corroborate the other arguments concerning their origin.

Footnote XXII:

The only ornaments that distinguished the high-priest from the rest,
were a coat with seventy-two bells, an ephod, or jacket without
sleeves, a breast-plate set with twelve stones, a linen mitre, and a
plate of gold upon his forehead.

These religious, beloved men are also supposed to be in great favour with the Deity, and able to procure rain when they please. In this respect also, we shall observe a great conformity to the practice of the Jews. The Hebrew records inform us, that in the moon _Abib_, or Nisan, they prayed for {84} the spring, or latter rain, to be so seasonable and sufficient as to give them a good harvest. And the Indian Americans have a tradition, that their forefathers sought for and obtained such seasonable rains, as gave them plentiful crops; and they now seek them in a manner agreeable to the shadow of this tradition.

When the ground is parched, their _rain-makers_, (as they are commonly termed) are to mediate for the beloved red people, with the bountiful holy Spirit of fire. But their old cunning prophets are not fond of entering on this religious duty, and avoid it as long as they possibly can, till the murmurs of the people force them to the sacred attempt, for the security of their own lives. If he fails,[35] the prophet is shot dead, because they are so credulous of his divine power conveyed by the holy Spirit of fire, that they reckon him an enemy to the state, by averting the general good, and bringing desolating famine upon the beloved people. But in general, he is so discerning in the stated laws of nature, and skilful in priestcraft, that he always seeks for rain, either at the full, or change of the moon; unless the birds, either by instinct, or the temperature of their bodies, should direct him otherwise. However, if in a dry season, the clouds, by the veering of the winds, pass wide of their fields—while they are inveighing bitterly against him, some in speech, and others in their hearts, he soon changes their well-known notes—he assumes a displeased countenance and carriage, and attacks them with bitter reproaches, for their vicious conduct in the marriage-state, and for their notorious pollutions, by going to the women in their religious retirements, and for multifarious crimes that never could enter into his head to suspect them of perpetrating, but that the divinity his holy things were endued with, had now suffered a great decay, although he had fasted, purified himself, and on every other account, had lived an innocent life, according to the old beloved speech: adding, “_Loak Ishtohoollo_ will never be kind to bad people.” He concludes with a religious caution to the penitent, advising them to mend their manners, and the times will mend with them: Then they depart with sorrow and shame. The old women, as they go along, will exclaim loudly against the young people, and protest they will watch their manners very narrowly for the time to come, as they are sure of their own steady virtue. {85}

If a two-year drought happens, the synhedrim, at the earnest solicitation of the mortified sinners, convene in a body, and make proper enquiry into the true cause of their calamities; because (say they) it is better to spoil a few roguish people, than a few roguish people should spoil _Hottuk Oretoopah_: The lot soon falls upon Jonas, and he is immediately swallowed up. Too much rain is equally dangerous to those red prophets.—I was lately told by a gentleman of distinguished character, that a famous rain-maker of the Muskohge was shot dead, because the river over-flowed their fields to a great height, in the middle of August, and destroyed their weighty harvest. They ascribed the mischief to his ill-will; as the Deity, they say, doth not injure the virtuous, and designed him only to do good to the beloved people.

In the year 1747, a Nàchee warrior told me, that while one of their prophets was using his divine invocations for rain, according to the faint image of their ancient tradition, he was killed with thunder on the spot; upon which account, the spirit of prophecy ever after subsided among them, and he became the last of their reputed prophets. They believed the holy Spirit of fire had killed him with some of his angry darting fire, for wilful impurity; and by his threatening voice, forbad them to renew the like attempt—and justly concluded, that if they all lived well, they should fare well, and have proper seasons. This opinion coincides with that of the Israelites, in taking fire for the material emblem of Yohewah; by reckoning thunder the voice of the Almighty above, according to the scriptural language; by esteeming thunder-struck individuals under the displeasure of heaven—and by observing and enforcing such rules of purity, as none of the old pagan nations observed, nor any, except the Hebrews.