Chapter XLIV: Appendix: A. a Postscript on Mythology in Beowulf (6)

1884 SIEVERS, E. Zur rhythmik des germanischen alliterationsverses: I.
Vorbemerkungen. Die metrik des Beowulf: II. Sprachliche Ergebnisse,
_P.B.B._ X, 209-314 and 451-545. (Most important.)

1894 KALUZA, M. Studien zum altgermanischen alliterationsvers. I.
Kritik der bisherigen theorien. II. Die Metrik des Beowulfliedes.
(Important.) Reviews: Martin, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 293-6; Heusler,
_A.f.d.A._ XXI, 313-17; Saran, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVII, 539-43.

1905 TRAUTMANN, M. Die neuste Beowulfausgabe und die altenglische
verslehre, _Bonner Beitraege zur Anglistik_, XVII, 175-91. (A
discussion of O.E. metre in view of Holthausen's edition.) Review:
Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXII, 252.

1908 MORGAN, B. Q. Zur lehre von der alliteration in der
westgermanischen dichtung: I. Die tonverhaeltnisse der hebungen im
Beowulf: II. Die gekreuzte alliteration; _P.B.B._ XXXIII, 95-181.

1908 BOHLEN, A. Zusammengehoerige Wortgruppen, getrennt durch Caesur
oder Versschluss, in der angelsaechsischen Epik. Dissertation, Berlin.
Reviews: Dittes, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XX, 199-202; Kroder, _Engl. Stud._
XL, 90.

1912 TRAUTMANN, M. Zum altenglischen Versbau, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV,
303-42.

1913 SEIFFERT, F. Die Behandlung der Woerter mit auslautenden
urspruenglich silbischen Liquiden oder Nasalen und mit
Kontraktionsvokalen in der Genesis A und im Beowulf. Dissertation,
Halle. (Concludes the dialect of the two poems to be distinct, but
finds no evidence on these grounds which is the earlier.)

1914 FIJN VAN DRAAT, P. The cursus in O.E. poetry, _Anglia_, XXXVIII,
377-404.

1918 LEONARD, W. E. Beowulf and the Niebelungen couplet, in _Univ. of
Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature_, II, 98-152. (Important.
Pp. 123-46 advocating the "four-accent theory.")

1920 ++NEUNER, E. Ueber ein- und dreihebige Halbverse in der
altenglischen alliterierenden Poesie. Berlin. Review: Bright, _M.L.N._
XXXVI, 59-63.

* * * * *

{414}

INDEX

Abingdon, sheaf ordeal at, 83-4, 303
Adam of Bremen, on the Goetar, 339
Aethelbert of East Anglia, 239-43
Agnerus, 132-3
Alboin and Thurisind, 281, 282, 285
Alcester, _Grindeles pytt_ near, 305
Alcuin, 22, 332
Aldfrid, 325
Aldhelm, 331
Alfsola, 69
Ali, _see_ Onela
Aliel, _see_ Riganus
_Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, Pedigrees in, 72 _etc._, 312 _etc._
Archaeology in relation to _Beowulf_, 122 _etc._, 345-65
Asbiorn, 186-92
Athils, Athislus, _see_ Eadgils
Attila, funeral of, compared with that of Beowulf, 124
Atuarii, _see_ Hetware
Ayres, Prof. H. M., on the _Finnsburg_ story, 266 _etc._

Baldaeg, 321
Baldr, 69
_bana_, 270-1
Battersea, _Gryndeles sylle_ near, 306
"Bear's-son" folk-tale, 62 _etc._, 369-81
_B[=e]as broc_, _B[=e]as feld_, 310
Bede, the Venerable, 326 _etc._
Bedwig, 303-4
Beow(a), Beaw, 10, 42 _etc._, 87-8, 202-3, 291 _etc._, 296 _etc._
Beowi, 303
Beowulf the Dane (Beowulf Scyldinga), 41 _etc._, 88, 92 _etc._, 291
_etc._
Beowulf son of Ecgtheow, king of the Geatas, 10-13;
his struggle with Grendel and Grendel's mother, 41 _etc._;
with the dragon, 92 _etc._;
his funeral rites, 122 _etc._;
etymology and meaning of the name, 365-9
_Beowulf_, suggested translation from a Scandinavian original, 98-104;
dialect, syntax and metre of, 104-12;
theories as to the structure of, 112-20;
the Christian elements in, 121-8;
date of, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._;
possible classical influence upon, 329 _etc._;
archaeology of, 345-65;
division into fittes or passus, 294 _etc._
Biar, 7, 45
_Biuuulf_, 367
_Bjarkam['a]l_, 26, 264;
Saxo's Latin translation quoted, 135-6
_Bjarka r['i]mur_, 58, 182-6
Bjarki, 9, 12, 54-61, 132-6, 138-46, 182-6
Bjarndreingur, 374-5
Bjoernoere, 377
Blackburn, Prof., on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 125
Blood-feud, in primitive society, 276 _etc._
Boar-helmets, 350-1, 358-9
Bocus, 26, 135
Boerinus, 201
Bothvar Bjarki, _see_ Bjarki
Bow, the, in _Beowulf_, 361
Bradley, Dr Henry, on the Christian elements in _Beowulf_, 127;
on Beow and Beowulf the Dane, 293 _etc._;
on the passus in _Beowulf_, 294-5
Brusi, 187-92
Brutus (Hildebrandus), 222
Bugge, Sophus, on the _Finnsburg_ story, 257-66
Burial mounds, Scandinavian, 356
Burials, 122 _etc._, 353-5
Byggvir, 45, 297 _etc._

Cerdic, his ancestry, 316 _etc._
Chadwick, Prof. H. M., on the date of _Beowulf_, 122, 353 _etc._
Chatuarii, _see_ Hetware
Chochilaicus, 2, 3
Christianity of _Beowulf_, 121 _etc._, 322 _etc._
Cities of Refuge, 276-7
Clyst, river, 44, 310
Creedy, the, _Grendeles pyt_ near, 305
Crying the Neck, 82-3, 302
Cynethryth, 37 _etc._

Dan, king of the Danes, 129, 204
Danes, first mentioned soon after A.D. 500, 14;
their early kings, 13-31;
their early history as recorded in Saxo, 129-37;
in the _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_, 204-6;
in Sweyn Aageson, 211;
their relation to the English, 314 _etc._
Date of _Beowulf_, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._
Dialect of _Beowulf_, 104
Dorestad, 259, 288-9
Dragons, not extinct in 1649, 11 (note);
Frotho's dragon, 92 _etc._, 130-1;
the Vendsyssel dragon, 192-5
Dunstan, 332
Drida, 36 _etc._; 238-43; _see also_ Thryth

Eadgils (Athils, Athislus), 5-8; 184, 186, 356
{415}
Eaha, 246
Eanmund, 5
_Edda_ of Snorri, 69
Engelhardt, on the Moss-finds, 345 _etc._
Eomaer (Eamer), 31, 197-8
Eotan, Eote, _see_ Jutes
Eotenas, part played by them in the _Finnsburg Episode_, 219 _etc._; 260
_etc._; 283 _etc._
Eric, jarl, 277, 278
Esthonian cult of Pekko, 299 _etc._
Ethelwerd, 70 _etc._, 202, 318 _etc._

Fahlbeck, Pontus, his Jute-theory, 8, 333 _etc._
Faroe "Bear's-son" tale, 375-6
_ferhdh-freca_, 276
Fifeldor, 35, _note_
Finn, son of Folcwald, 199, 200, 248 _etc._, 253-4, 283 _etc._, 289
Finnsburg, the story of, 245-89;
site of, 259
Florence of Worcester, 8
Folcwald(a), 199
Frealaf, 321
Freawaru, daughter of Hrothgar, 21 _etc._, 282
Frisia in the Heroic Age, 288-9
Froda (Frothi, Frotho), 21, 24-5, 211, 282
Frotho and the dragon, 92-7, 130-1
Frowinus, 33-4
Funeral rites, _see_ Burials

Garulf, his part in the _Finnsburg_ story, 246-7; 283 _etc._, 287
Gautar, _see_ Geatas
Geatas (O.N. Gautar), 2, 8-10, 333-45;
their kings, 2-13;
boundaries of their territory, 339
Gefwulf, 286-7
Genealogies, 311 _etc._
Giovanni dell' Orso, 371
Glam, 48, 147 _etc._, 164 _etc._
Godulf, 200
Goetar, _see_ Geatas
Gokstad ship, 363-4
Gold in the Heroic Age, 348 _etc._
Gram Guldkoelve, 192, 194
Graendels m[^o]r in Transsylvania, 308
_grandi_, 309
Greek scholarship in Anglo-Saxon times, 329
Gregory of Tours, his account of the death of Hygelac, 3-4, 9, 342
Grendel, 41 _etc._;
occurrence of the name in English charters, 305-6;
etymology, 309-10
_Grendles mere_, 43-4, 306
Grettir Asmundarson, 48 _etc._, 152-62, 169-82
_Grettis Saga_, 162;
extracts from, 146-62;
translation, 162-82;
death of Illugi, 280
Grimm's story of _Der Starke Hans_, 370
Grindale village, 308
Grindle or Greendale brook, near Exeter, 44, 309
_grundel_, 309
Grundtvig, his identification of Chochilaicus, 4
Guest (Gestr), _see_ Grettir
Gullinhjalti, 141, 146
Guthlaf, 246-7, 252, 267, 285

Haki, 68-9
Halga (Helgi, Helgo), 14 _etc._, 132, 205, 211
Hall, Dr Clark, on the archaeology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._
Hall, the, in _Beowulf_, 361
Ham, _Grendles mere_ near, 43-4, 306
Hamlet (Amlethus), 39;
Hengest's hesitation compared to that of Shakespeare's Hamlet, 266
Hans, der starke, 370
Harold Fairhair and the Gautar, 340
Harvest customs, 81 _etc._
_h[=e]aburh_, 259 _note_
Healfdene (Halfdan, Haldanus), 14 _etc._, 131, 205, 211
Heardred, slain by Onela, 5, 13
Heathobeardan, 20 _etc._, 244
Hendon, "Grendels gate" near, 306-7
Hengest, 246, 250 _etc._, 284 _etc._
Henry (Henrik) slays a dragon, 192-5
Heorogar, 14, 287
Heorot, 13-20; _see also_ Leire
Heoroweard (Hj[o,]rvardhr, Hiarwarus), 14, 15, 29-30, 134-7, 205-6, 277
Heremod, 89 _etc._
Hermuthruda, 39
Heruli, identified by some with the Heathobeardan, 24
Hetware (Atuarii), 2-3
Hiarthwarus, Hiarwarus, _see_ Heoroweard
Hickes, his text of the _Finnsburg Fragment_, 245-6
Hildebrandus, another name for Brutus, _q.v._
Hildeburh, 248 _etc._
Hjalti (Hott), 55 _etc._, 132 _etc._, 138-46, 182-6
Hnaef, 247 _etc._, 283 _etc._
Hocingas, 249
Hott, _see_ Hjalti
Hrethric, 25-7, 135 (Roericus), 211 (Roekil)
Hrothgar (Hroarr, Roe), 14 _etc._, 132, 204, 244
{416}
Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki, Roluo), 15, 25-9, 132-7, 139-46, 205-6, 244
Hugleikr, 323
Huglek, 323
Humblus, 129
Hunlafing, 252, 267, 283
Hygelac, death of, 2-4

Ialto, _see_ Hjalti
Icelandic "Bear's-son" tale, 374-5
Illugi, _see Grettis Saga_
Ingeld, son of Froda, 21 _etc._, 244, 282, 284-5
Intercourse between tribes in Heroic Age, 348 _etc._
Ivashko Medvedko, 372-4

Jean l'Ourson, 378-9
Jenny Greenteeth, 307
Jomsvikings, 278
Jovial huntsmen, the Three, their views, 310
Jutes, attempt to identify them with the Geatas, 8-10, 333-45;
Jutes and _Eotenas_, 261 _etc._, 272 _etc._
Jutland, "Bear's-son" tale in, 377

_K['a]lfsv['i]sa_, 7, 45
Kemble, his mythological theories, 291 _etc._
Keto, 33-4
Klaeber, on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 126

Lawrence, Prof. W. W., on mythology in _Beowulf_, 43 _etc._, 291 _etc._;
on _Finnsburg_, 270 _etc._
_Laxdaela Saga_, parallels from, 278-9
Leifus, 252, _note_
Leire, 16 _etc._, 134, 204, 211, 216, 365;
_see also_ Heorot
_Leire, Little Chronicle of the Kings of_, extracts from, 204-6
Lethra, _see_ Leire
_Liber Historiae Francorum_, account of the death of Chochilaicus
(Hygelac) in, 3
"Lichtenheld's Test," 105 _etc._
_Lokasenna_ quoted, 297-9
Loki, 297-9
Lombard story of the "Bear's-son," 371
Longobardi, relation to the Heathobeardan, 23; 311;
_see also_ Alboin
Lother(us), 89 _etc._, 129

Malmesbury, William of, _see_ William of Malmesbury
Mercian genealogy, 195-8
Milio, 220
Minstrelsy forbidden to priests, 332
Mitunnus, 218 _etc._
Moeller, on _Finnsburg_, 254-7
_Monsters and Strange Beasts_, account of Hygelac in the _Book of (Liber
Monstrorum)_, 4, 339
"Morsbachs Test," 107-12
Moss-finds, 345 _etc._
Muellenhoff's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._, 292 _etc._
Myrgingas, 31-2, 244
Mythology in _Beowulf_, 46 _etc._, 291 _etc._

Neck, _see_ Crying the Neck
Neckersgate, 307
_Nj['a]ls Saga_, parallels from, 271, 277, 280-1
Norka, the, 371-2
North Frisians, 249, _note_, 273
Northumbrian anarchy in the eighth century, 324
Norwegian folk-tale ("Bear's-son" type), 376-7
Nydam, 345 _etc._
Nydam boat, 362-3

_Odyssey_, parallels with _Beowulf_, 329
Offa I, king of Angel, 31-40, 197-8, 206-15, 217-35, 244
Offa II, 36 _etc._, 235-43
Ohthere, 5, 343 _etc._;
_see also_ Ottar Vendel-crow
Onela, 5-8, 184-6
Ongentheow, 4-5, 8
Ordlaf (Oslaf), 246, 252, 267, 285, 287
Origin of the English, 314 _etc._
Orm Storolfsson, 53, 186-92
Oseberg ship, 363-4
Oslaf, _see_ Ordlaf
Oswin, king, 324 _etc._
Oswiu, king, 325
Otta, 220
Ottar Vendelcrow, his mound, 343-5, 356;
_see also_ Ohthere

Panzer, his derivation of the story of _Beowulf_ from the "Bear's-son"
folk-tale, 67-8, 369-81
passus of _Beowulf_, 294 _etc._
Peg o' Nell, 307
Peg Powler, 307
Pekko, 87, 299 _etc._
Pellon-Pecko, _see_ Pekko
Peter Baer, 378
Pinefredus, _see_ Offa II
Procopius, mentions the Goutai (Geatas), 8-9, 338

Riganus (or Aliel), 218 _etc._
Ring-corslets, 351, 360
Ring-money, 351-2
Ring-swords, 349 _etc._
Roe, _see_ Hrothgar
{417}
Roekil, _see_ Hrethric
Roericus, _see_ Hrethric
_Rolf Kraki, Saga of_, 16, 55 _etc._;
extract from, 138-46;
quoted in illustration of the _Finnsburg_ story, 281, 282
Rolf Kraki, _see_ Hrothulf
Roluo, _see_ Hrothulf
Roskilde, 18, 132, 204
Runkoteivas, 300
Russian variants of the "Bear's-son" story, 371-4
Ruta, 133

Saempsae, 84-5, 300
_Saga of Rolf Kraki_, see _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_
Sandhaugar, 48, 66, 156-62, 175-82
Saxo Grammaticus, 16;
his story of Starcatherus, 22-3;
of Roericus, 26;
of Hiarwarus, 30;
of Uffo (Offa), 32-3;
of Biarco (Bjarki), 57 _etc._;
of Skyoldus, 77;
of Lotherus, 89 _etc._;
of Frotho, 91 _etc._;
on cremation, 123;
extracts from, 129-37, 206-11;
on text of, 215-16; 282
Sceaf, 68-86, 200-3, 302 _etc._, 311 _etc._
Sceafa, 311
Scenery of _Beowulf_, 101
Schuecking, Prof.,
on the structure of _Beowulf_, 117-20;
on the date of _Beowulf_, 322 _etc._
Schuette, on the Geatas, 8, 333 _etc._
Sculda, 133-4, 204-5
Scyld, 68-86, 201-4, 303, 314 _etc._
Secgan, 269, 286
Setukese, 301
Sheaf, _see_ Sceaf
Shield, _see_ Scyld
Shield, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360-1
Ships, 362-4
Sigeferth, 246-7, 269, 286, 287
Sigmund, 91
Sigurd Ring, 69
Sinfjotli, his foul language, 28
Skeggjatussi, 375
Skjold (Skyoldus), 71 _etc._, 130, 211
_Skjoldunga Saga_,
account of Adilsus (Eadgils) in, 7;
of Rolf Kraki (Hrothulf), 16 _etc._;
quoted, 69, 252 _note_
Spear, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360
Starkad (Starcatherus), 22-3
Steenkloewer, Stenhuggeren, 380
Stein, 49, 66, 156-62, 175-82, 380
Steinspieler, 380
Steinv[o,]r, 157-62, 175-82
Stjerna, Knut,
on the funeral customs of _Beowulf_, 124;
on Ottar Vendelcrow, 343-5;
on the archaeology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._
Sueno, 222
Svold, battle of, 277
Sweden, kings of, 4-8;
_see_ Eadgils, Ohthere, Onela, Ongentheow
Sweyn Aageson, his account of Uffo (Offa), 33;
extract from, 211-15; 216
Swinford, _Grendels mere_ near, 306
Swords in _Beowulf_ and in Anglo-Saxon grave-finds, 357

Ten Brink's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._
Theodoric, king of the Franks, 3
Thorgaut, 150 _etc._, 167 _etc._
Thorhall Grimsson, 146-56, 163-74
Thorsbjerg, 345 _etc._
Thryth, 37 _etc._, 238-43
Tours, Gregory of, _see_ Gregory of Tours

Uffo, _see_ Offa
Ull, 303
Unferth, 27-30
Ursula, 205

Vendel finds, 347 _etc._
Vendsyssel, dragon of, 192-5
Virgil, possible influence of, upon _Beowulf_, 329 _etc._
_Vitae duorum Offarum_, 34 _etc._, 217-43
_V[o,]lsunga Saga_, parallels from, 275, 286

Waeder Oear and Waeder Fiord, 342
Warmundus, _see_ Wermundus
Weak and strong forms of heroic names used alternatively, 311
Wealhtheow, her forebodings, 25
Weapons in _Beowulf_, 357-61
Wederas, name applied to the Geatas, 342
Wener, Lake, 9, 342
_wer-gild_, 277
Wermund, 32 _etc._, 197-8, 206-15, 217-26
West-Saxon genealogy, 72 _etc._, 198-201, 311 _etc._
_Widsith_,
account of the Heathobeardan in, 20 _etc._;
of Hrothulf, 25;
of Offa, 31;
of Sceafa, 80;
extract from, 243-4; 286; 338
Wiggo, 133-7, 264-5
Wigo, 33-4
Wijk bij Duurstede, _see_ Dorestad
William of Malmesbury, 70 _etc._, 203, 302
Woden's ancestors, 311 _etc._

_Ynglinga tal_ and _Ynglinga Saga_, 5-7, 68-9, 344
Yte, _see_ Jutes
Ytene, 8, 337

* * * * *

NOTES

[1] The exact equivalent to _Hr[=o]dhgar_ is found in O.N., in the form _Hr['o]dhgeirr_. The by-form _Hr['o]arr_, which is used of the famous Danish king, is due to a number of rather irregular changes, which can however be paralleled. The Primitive Germanic form of the name would have been *_Hr[=o]thugaisaz_: for the loss of the _g_ at the beginning of the second element we may compare _Adhils_ with _[=E]adgils_ (Noreen, _Altislaendische Grammatik_, 1903, s. 223); for the loss of _dh_ before _w_ compare _Hr['o]lfr_ with _Hr[=o]dhwulf_ (Noreen, s. 222); for the absence of _R-_ umlaut in the second syllable, combined with loss of the _g_, compare O.N. _nafarr_ with O.E. _nafug[=a]r_ (Noreen, s. 69).

[2] Corresponding to O.N. _Adhils_ we should expect O.E. _Aedhgils_, _Aedhgisl_. The form _[=E]adgils_ may be due to confusion with the famous Eadgils, king of the Myrgingas, who is mentioned in _Widsith_. The name comes only once in _Beowulf_ (l. 2392) and may owe its form there to a corruption of the scribe. That the O.E. form is corrupt seems more likely than that the O.N. _Adhils_, so well known and so frequently recorded, is a corruption of _Audhgisl_.

[3] It must be remembered that the sound changes of the Germanic dialects have been worked out so minutely that it is nearly always possible to decide quite definitely whether two names do or do not exactly correspond. Only occasionally is dispute possible [e.g. whether _Hrothgar_ is or is not phonetically the exact equivalent of _Hroarr_].

[4] See below, pp. 8-10.

[5] _Chochilaicus_, which appears to be the correct form, corresponds to _Hygelac_ (in the primitive form _Hugilaikaz_) as _Chlodovechus_ to _Hludovicus_.

[6] The passages in _Beowulf_ referring to this expedition are:

1202 _etc._. Frisians (adjoining the Hetware) and Franks mentioned as the foes.

2354 _etc._ Hetware mentioned.

2501 _etc._ Hugas (= Franks) and the Frisian king mentioned.

2914 _etc._ Franks, Frisians, Hugas, Hetware and "the Merovingian" mentioned.

[7] The identification of Chochilaicus with Hygelac is the most important discovery ever made in the study of _Beowulf_, and the foundation of our belief in the historic character of its episodes. It is sometimes attributed to Grundtvig, sometimes to Outzen. It was first vaguely suggested by Grundtvig (_Nyeste Skilderie af Kjoebenhavn_, 1815, col. 1030): the importance of the identification was worked out by him fully, two years later (_Danne-Virke_, II, 285). In the meantime the passage from Gregory had been quoted by Outzen in his review of Thorkelin's _Beowulf_ (_Kieler Blaetter_, III, 312). Outzen's reference was obviously made independently, but he failed to detect the real bearing of the passage upon _Beowulf_. Credit for the find accordingly belongs solely to Grundtvig.

[8] Ongentheow is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 31) as a famous king of the Swedes. Many of the kings mentioned in the same list can be proved to be historical, and the reference in _Widsith_ therefore supports Ongentheow's historic character, but is far, in itself, from proving it.

[9] Strictly _Anganth['e]r_. See Heusler, _Heldennamen in mehrfacher Lautgestalt, Z.f.d.A._ LII, 101.

[10] ll. 2382-4.

[11] ll. 2612-9.

[12] Whether it be accuracy or accident, these names Ottar and Athils come just at that place in the list of the _Ynglinga tal_ which, when we reckon back the generations, we find to correspond to the beginning of the sixth century. And this is the date when we know from _Beowulf_ that they should have been reigning.

[13] But the accounts are quite inconsistent. Saxo (ed. Holder, pp. 56-7) implies a version in which Athils was deposed, if not slain, by Bothvar Bjarki, which is quite at variance with other information given by Saxo.

[14] Unless they are among the fragments carried off to the Stockholm Museum. Little of interest was found in these mounds when they were opened: everything had been too thoroughly burnt.

[15] See Schueck, _Folknamnet Geatas_, 22 _etc._

[16] See below, p. 98 and Appendix (E); The "Jute-Question."

[17] See below, pp. 45 _etc._

[18] Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 22 _etc._). The Danish house--Healfdene, Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga, Heoroweard, Hrethric, Hrothmund, Hrothulf: the Swedish--Ongentheow, Onela, Ohthere, Eanmund, Eadgils: the Geatic--Hrethel, Herebeald, Haetheyn, Hygelac, Heardred. The same principle is strongly marked in the Old English pedigrees.

[19] ll. 3018 _etc._

[20] As is done, e.g., by Schueck (_Studier i Beowulf-sagan_, 27).

[21] "Dragon fights are more frequent, not less frequent, the nearer we come to historic times": Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 313. The dragon survived much later in Europe than has been generally recognized. He was flying from Mount Pilatus in 1649. (See J. J. Scheuchzer, _Itinera per Helvetiae Alpinas regiones_, 1723, III, p. 385.) The same authority quotes accounts of dragons authenticated by priests, his own contemporaries, and supplies many bloodcurdling engravings of the same.

[22] Cf. on this point Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI (1912) p. 190.

[23] l. 2382.

[24] l. 2393.

[25] Of course, even if Beowulf's reign over the Geatas is not historic, this does not exclude the possibility of his having _some_ historic foundation.

[26] Attempts at working out the chronology of _Beowulf_ have been made by Gering (in his translation) and by Heusler (_Archiv_, CXXIV, 9-14). On the whole the chronology of _Beowulf_ is self-consistent, but there are one or two discrepancies which do not admit of solution.

[27] l. 468.

[28] l. 2161.

[29] _Widsith_, l. 46.

[30] _Beowulf_, l. 2160. Had Hrothulf been a son of Heorogar he could not have been passed over in silence here. Neither can Hrothulf be Hrothgar's sister's son: for since the sister married the Swedish king, Hrothulf would in that case be a Swedish prince, and presumably would be living at the Swedish court, and bearing a name connected by alliteration with those of the Swedish, not the Danish house. Besides, had he been a Swedish prince, he must have been heard of in connection with the dynastic quarrels of the Swedish house.

[31] ll. 1163-5.

[32] ll. 1188-91.

[33] ll. 1180 _etc._

[34] Doubts are expressed, for example, in Trap's monumental topographical work (_Kongeriket Danmark_, II, 328, 1898).

[35] For example Sweyn Aageson (c. 1200) had no doubt that the little village of Leire near Roskilde was identical with the Leire of story: _Rolf Kraki, occisus in Lethra, qvae tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc autem Roskildensi vicina civitati, inter abjectissima ferme vix colitur oppida._ Svenonis Aggonis _Historia Regum Daniae_, in Langebek, I, 45.

[36] _Ro ... patrem vero suum Dan colle apud Lethram tumulavit Sialandie ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, qvam ipse post eum divitiis multiplicibus ditavit._ In the so-called _Annales Esromenses_, in Langebek, I, 224. Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 188, 194. For further evidence, see Appendix (G) below.

[37] We must not think of Heorot as an isolated country seat. The Royal Hall would stand in the middle of the Royal Village, as in the case of the halls of Attila (Priscus in Moeller's _Fragmenta_, IV, 85) or Cynewulf (_A.S. Chronicle_, Anno 755).

[38] _Lethram pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque regni opibus illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regie fundacionis et sedis auctoritate prestabat._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p. 58).

[39] _His cognitis Helgo filium Roluonem Lethrica arce conclusit, heredis saluti consulturus_ (p. 52).

[40] _A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p. 51). Roe's spring, after being a feature of the town throughout the ages, is now (owing perhaps to its sources having been tapped by a neighbouring mineral-water factory) represented only by a pump in a market-garden.

[41] I owe this paragraph to information kindly supplied me by Dr Sofus Larsen, librarian of the University Library, Copenhagen.

[42] It was once believed that, in prehistoric times, the sea came up to Leire also (Forchhammer, Steenstrup and Worsaae: _Undersoegelser i geologisk-antiqvarisk Retning_, Kjoebenhavn, 1851). A most exact scrutiny of the geology of the coast-line has proved this to be erroneous. (Danmarks geologiske Undersoegelse I.R. 6. _Beskrivelse til Kaartbladene Kjoebenhavn og Roskilde_, af K. Roerdam, Kjoebenhavn, 1899.)

[43] The presence at Leire of early remains makes it tempting to suppose that it may have been from very primitive times a stronghold or sacred place. It is impossible here to examine these conjectures, which would connect Heorot ultimately with the "sacred place on the isle of the ocean" mentioned by Tacitus. The curious may be referred to Much in _P.B.B._ XVII, 196-8; Mogk in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) III, 367; Kock in the Swedish _Historisk Tidskrift_, 1895, 162 _etc._; and particularly to the articles by Sarrazin: _Die Hirsch Halle_ in _Anglia_, XIX, 368-91, _Neue Beowulfstudien_ (_Der Grendelsee_) in _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 6-15.

[44] This seems to me much more probable than, as Olrik supposes, that Froda fell in battle against Healfdene (_Skjoldungasaga_, 162 [80]).

[45] _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, cap. IV.

[46] Olrik wishes to read the whole of this account, not as a prediction in the present future tense, but as a narrative of past events in the historic present. (_Heltedigtning_, I, 16; II, 38.) Considering the rarity of the historic present idiom in Old English poetry, this seems exceedingly unlikely.

[47] ll. 2047-2056.

[48] _Verba dei legantur in sacerdotali convivio; ibi decet lectorem audiri, non citharistam, sermones patrum, non carmina gentilium. Quid Hinieldus cum Christo?_ See Jaff['e]'s _Monumenta Alcuiniana_ (_Bibliotheca Rer. Germ._ VI), Berlin, 1873, p. 357; _Epistolae_, 81.

[49] Saxo, Book _VI_ (ed. Holder, 205, 212-13).

The contrast between this lyrical outburst, and the matter-of-fact speech in which the old warrior in _Beowulf_ eggs on the younger man, is thoroughly characteristic of the difference between Old English and Old Scandinavian heroic poetry. This difference is very noticeable whenever we have occasion to compare a passage in _Beowulf_ with any parallel passage in a Scandinavian poem, and should be carefully pondered by those who still believe that _Beowulf_ is, in its present form, a translation from the Scandinavian.

[50] Saxo, Book VIII (ed. Holder, p. 274); _Helga kvitha Hundingsbana_, II, 19. See also Bugge, _Helge-digtene_, 157.

[51] _Th['a]ttr Thorsteins Skelks_ in _Flateyarb['o]k_ (ed. Vigf['u]sson and Unger), I, 416.

[52] Similarly, there is certainly a primitive connection between the names of the Geatas (Gautar) and of the Goths: but they are quite distinct peoples: we should not be justified in speaking of the Geatas as identical with the Goths.

[53] Muellenhoff (_Beovulf_, 29-32) followed by Much (_P.B.B._ XVII, 201) and Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ XVI, 271). The best account of the Heruli is in Procopius (_Bell. Gott._ II, 14, 15).

[54] See also Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 21, 22: Sarrazin in _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 11: Bugge, _Helgi-digtene_, 151-63; 181: Chambers, _Widsith_, p. 82 (note), pp. 205-6.

[55] _Saga of Rolf Kraki: Skjoldungasaga._

[56] Best represented in Saxo.

[57] See above, p. 15.

[58] ll. 1180-87.

[59] ll. 1188-91.

[60] ll. 1163-5.

[61] ll. 1017-19.

[62] ll. 45-6.

[63] For a contrary view see Clarke, _Sidelights_, 100.

[64] Saxo has mistaken a title _hnoeggvanbaugi_ for a father's name, (_hins_) _hnoeggva Baugs_ "(son of the) covetous Baug."

[65] _Langfedhgatal_ in Langebek, I, 5. The succession given in _Langfedhgatal_ is Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Rolf, Hraerek: it should, of course, run Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Hraerek, Rolf. Hraerek has been moved from his proper place in order to clear Rolf of any suspicion of usurpation.

[66] l. 1189.

[67] See Olrik, _Episke Love_ in _Danske Studier_, 1908, p. 79. Compare the remark of Goethe in _Wilhelm Meister_, as to the necessity of there being _both_ a Rosencrantz _and_ a Guildenstern (_Apprenticeship_, Book V, chap. V).

[68] ll. 587-9.

[69] ll. 1165-8.

[70] Perhaps such murder of kin was more common among the aristocratic houses than among the bulk of the population (Chadwick, _H.A._ 348). In some great families it almost becomes the rule, producing a state of things similar to that in present day Afghanistan, where it has become a proverb that a man is "as great an enemy as a cousin" (Pennell, _Afghan Frontier_, 30).

[71] This is proposed by Cosijn (_Aanteekeningen_, 21) and again independently by Lawrence in _M.L.N._ XXV, 157.

[72] ll. 467-9.

[73] ll. 2155-62.

[74] See _Widsith_, ed. Chambers, pp. 92-4.

[75] See Rickert, "The Old English Offa Saga" in _Mod. Phil._ II, esp. p. 75.

[76] The common ascription of the _Lives of the Offas_ to Matthew Paris is erroneous: they are somewhat earlier.

[77] The identification of _Fifeldor_ with the Eider has been doubted, notably by Holthausen, though he seems less doubtful in his latest edition (third edit. II, 178). The reasons for the identification appear to me the following. Place names ending in _dor_ are exceedingly rare. When, therefore, two independent authorities tell us that Offa fought at a place named _Fifel-dor_ or _Egi-dor_, it appears unlikely that this can be a mere coincidence: it seems more natural to assume that the names are corruptions of one original. But further, the connection is not limited to the second element in the name. For the Eider (_Egidora_, _Aegisdyr_) would in O.E. be _Egor-dor_: and _Egor-dor_ stands to _Fifel-dor_ precisely as _egor-stream_ (Boethius, _Metra_, XX, 118) does to _fifel-stream_ (_Metra_, XXVI, 26), _"egor" and "fifel" being interchangeable synonyms_. See note to _Widsith_, l. 43 (p. 204). It is objected that the interchange of _fifel_ and _egor_, though frequent in common nouns, would be unusual in the name of a place. The reply is that the Old English scop may not have regarded it as a place-name. He may have substituted _fifel-dor_ for the synonymous _egor-dor_, "the monster gate," without realizing that it was the name of a definite place, just as he would have substituted _fifel-stream_ for _egor-stream_, "the monster stream, the sea," if alliteration demanded the change.

[78] _The Deeds of Beowulf_, LXXXV.

[79] See below, pp. 105-12, and Appendix (D) below.

[80] Wihtlaeg appears in Saxo as _Vigletus_ (Book IV, ed. Holder, p. 105).

[81] _Nibelungen Lied_, ed. Piper, 328.

[82] Book IV (ed. Holder, p. 102).

[83] Kemble, _Beowulf_, _Postscript_ IX; followed by Muellenhoff, _etc._ So, lately, Chadwick (_H.A._ 126): cf. also Sievers ('Beowulf und Saxo' in the _Berichte d. k. saechs. Gesell. d. Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88); Bradley in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 761; Boer, _Beowulf_, 135. See also Olrik, _Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, 246. For further discussion see below, Appendix (A).

[84] _Beo_--_Scyld_--_Scef_ in Ethelwerd: _Beowius_--_Sceldius_--_Sceaf_ in William of Malmesbury. But in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ five generations intervene between Sceaf and his descendant Scyldwa, father of Beaw.

[85] "Item there is vii acres lond lying by the high weye toward the grendyll": _Bury Wills_, ed. S. Tymms (Camden Soc. XLIX, 1850, p. 31).

[86] I should hardly have thought it worth while to revive this old "cesspool" theory, were it not for the statement of Dr Lawrence that "Miller's argument that the word _grendel_ here is not a proper name at all, that it means 'drain,' has never, to my knowledge, been refuted." (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 253.)

Miller was a scholar whose memory should be reverenced, but the letter to the _Academy_ was evidently written in haste. The only evidence which Miller produced for _grendel_ standing alone as a common noun in Old English was a charter of 963 (Birch, 1103: vol. III, p. 336): _thanon fordh eft on grendel: thanon on clyst_: _grendel_ here, he asserted, meant "drain": and consequently _gryndeles sylle_ and _grendles mere_ in the other charters must mean "cesspool." But the locality of this charter of 963 is known (Clyst St Mary, a few miles east of Exeter), and the two words exist there as names of streams to this day--"thence again along the Greendale brook, thence along the river Clyst." The Grindle or Greendale brook is no sewer, but a stream some half dozen miles in length which "winds tranquilly through a rich tract of alluvial soil" (_Journal of the Archaeol. Assoc._ XXXIX, 273), past three villages which bear the same name, Greendale, Greendale Barton and Higher Greendale, under Greendale Bridge and over the ford by Greendale Lane, to its junction with the Clyst. Why the existence of this charming stream should be held to justify the interpretation of _Grendel_ or _Gryndel_ as "drain" and _grendles mere_ as "cesspool" has always puzzled me. Were a new Drayton to arise he might, in a new _Polyolbion_, introduce the nymph complaining of her hard lot at the hands of scholars in the Hesperides. I hope, when he next visits England, to conduct Dr Lawrence to make his apologies to the lady. Meantime a glance at the "six inch" ordnance map of Devon suffices to refute Miller's curious hypothesis.

[87] It is often asserted that the same Beowa appears as a witness to a charter (Muellenhoff, _Beovulf_, p. 8: Haak, _Zeugnisse zur altenglischen Heldensage_, 53). But this rests upon a misprint of Kemble (_C.D.S._ V, 44). The name is really _Beoba_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._ I, 212).

[88] _Beaf er ver kollum Biar_, in the descent of Harold Fairhair from Adam, in _Flateyarb['o]k_, ed. Vigf['u]sson and Unger, Christiania, 1859, I, 27. [The genealogy contains many names obviously taken from a MS of the O.E. royal pedigrees, not from oral tradition, as is shown by the miswritings, e.g., _Beaf_ for _Beaw_, owing to mistaking the O.E. _w_ for _f_.] "This is no proof," Dr Lawrence urges, "of popular acquaintance with Bj['a]r as a Scandinavian figure." (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 246.) But how are we to account for the presence of his name among a mnemonic list of some of the most famous warriors and their horses--mention along with heroes like Sigurd, Gunnar, Atli, Athils and Ali, unless Bjar was a well-known figure?

[89] _en Bj['a]rr [reidh] Kerti_. _Kortr_, "short" (Germ. _Kurz_), if indeed we are so to interpret it, is hardly an Icelandic word, and seems strange as the name of a horse. Egilsson (_Lex. Poet._ 1860) suggests _kertr_, "erect," "with head high" (cf. Kahle in _I.F._ XIV, 164).

[90] See Appendix (A) below.

[91] Muellenhoff derived Beaw from the root _bh[=u]_, "to be, dwell, grow": Beaw therefore represented settled dwelling and culture. Muellenhoff's mythological explanation (_Z.f.d.A._ VII, 419, _etc._, _Beovulf_, 1, _etc._) has been largely followed by subsequent scholars, e.g., ten Brink (_Pauls Grdr._ II, 533: _Beowulf_, 184), Symons (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 645-6) and, in general outline, E. H. Meyer (_Mythol. der Germanen_, 1903, 242).

[92] Uhland in _Germania_, II, 349.

[93] Laistner (_Nebelsagen_, 88, _etc._, 264, _etc._), Koegel (_Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 274: _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, 1, 109), and Golther (_Handbuch der germ. Mythologie_, 1895, 173) see in Grendel the demon of combined storm and pestilence.

[94] E. H. Meyer (_Germ. Mythol._ 1891, 299).

[95] Mogk (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 302) regards Grendel as a "water-spirit."

[96] Boer (_Ark. f. nord. Filol._ XIX, 19).

[97] This suggestion is made (very tentatively) by Brandl, in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, i, 992.

[98] This view has been enunciated by Wundt in his _Voelkerpsychologie_, II, i, 326, _etc._, 382. For a discussion see A. Heusler in _Berliner Sitzungsberichte_, XXXVII, 1909, pp. 939-945.

[99] Cf. Lawrence in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 265, _etc._, and Panzer's "Beowulf" throughout.

[100] The tradition of "the devil and his dam" resembles that of Grendel and his mother in its coupling together the home-keeping female and the roving male. See E. Lehmann, "Fandens Oldemor" in _Dania_, VIII, 179-194; a paper which has been undeservedly neglected in the _Beowulf_ bibliographies. But the devil beats his dam (cf. _Piers Plowman_, C-text, XXI, 284): conduct of which one cannot imagine Grendel guilty. See too Lehmann in _Arch. f. Religionswiss._ VIII, 411-30: Panzer, _Beowulf_, 130, 137, _etc._: Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI, 188.

[101] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1282-7.

[102] There are other coincidences which _may_ be the result of mere chance. In each case, before the adventure with the giants, the hero proves his strength by a feat of endurance in the ice-cold water. And, at the end of the story, the hero in each case produces, as evidence of his victory, a trophy with a runic inscription: in _Beowulf_ an engraved sword-hilt; in the _Grettis saga_ bones and a "rune-staff."

[103] Vigf['u]sson, _Corp. Poet. Boreale_, II, 502: Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 58.

[104] Boer, for example, believes that _Beowulf_ influenced the _Grettis saga_ (_Grettis saga_, Introduction, xliii); so, tentatively, Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 248).

[105] For this argument and the following, cf. Schueck, _Studier i Beowulfssagan_, 21.

[106] Even assuming that a MS of _Beowulf_ had found its way to Iceland, it would have been unintelligible. This is shown by the absurd blunders made when Icelanders borrowed names from the O.E. genealogies.

[107] Cf. Olrik, _A. f. n. F._, VIII (N.F. IV), 368-75; and Chadwick, _Origin_, 125-6.

[108] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVII, 208 _etc._

[109] _Cotton. Gnomic Verses_, ll. 42-3.

[110] _Fornmannas[o,]gur_, III, 204-228.

[111] Hammershaimb, _Faer[=o]iske Kvoeder_, II, 1855, Nos. 11 and 12.

[112] A. I. Arwidsson, _Svenska Forns[oa]nger_, 1834-42, Nos. 8 and 9.

[113] Boer, _Beowulf_, 177-180.

[114] ll. 1553-6.

[115] l. 455.

[116] The attacks have taken place at Yule for two successive years, exactly as in the _Grettis saga_. [In _Beowulf_ it is, of course, "twelve winters" (l. 147).] Is this mere accident, or does the _Grettis saga_ here preserve the original time limit, which has been exaggerated in _Beowulf_? If so, we have another point of resemblance between the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ and the earliest version of the _Beowulf_ story.

[117] _Beowulf_, ll. 801-5.

[118] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 590-606.

[119] _Beowulf_, l. 679.

[120] _Beowulf_, ll. 1508-9, 1524.

[121] It is only in this adventure that Rolf carries the sword _Gullinhjalti_. His usual sword, as well known as Arthur's Excalibur, was _Skofnungr_. For _Gyldenhilt_, whether descriptive, or proper noun, see _Beowulf_, 1677.

[122] Cf. Symons in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 649: Zuege aus dem anglischen Mythus von B['e]aw-Biar (Biarr oder Bj['a]r?; s. Symons Lieder der Edda, I, 222) wurden auf den daenischen Sagenhelden (Bodhvarr) Bjarki durch Aehnlichkeit der Namen veranlasst, uebertragen. Cf. too, Heusler in _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 32.

[123] See p. 87 and Appendix (A) below.

[124] _Heltedigtning_, I, 1903, 135-6.

[125] _Beowulf_, 1518.

[126] See Heusler in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 62.

[127] Cf. on this Heusler, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 64-5.

[128] Cf. _Skjoldunga saga_, cap. XII; and see Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 201-5; _Bjarka r['i]mur_, VIII.

[129] Similarly _Sk['a]ldskaparm['a]l_, 41 (44).

[130] Baerensohn. Jean l'Ours. The name is given to the group because the hero is frequently (though by no means always) represented as having been brought up in a bear's den. The story summarized above is a portion of Panzer's "Type A." See Appendix (H), below.

[131] ll. 704, 729.

[132] ll. 691-6.

[133] In the _Beowulf_ it was even desirable, as explained above, to go further, and completely to exculpate the Danish watchers.

[134] From the controversial point of view Panzer has no doubt weakened his case by drawing attention to so many of these, probably accidental, coincidences. It gives the critic material for attack (cf. Boer, _Beowulf_, 14)

[135] ll. 2183 _etc._

[136] ll. 408-9.

[137] It comes out strongly in the _Bjarki_-story.

[138] It can hardly be argued that Stein is mentioned because he was an historic character who in some way came into contact with the historic Grettir: for in this case his descent would have been given, according to the usual custom in the sagas. (Cf. note to Boer's edition of _Grettis saga_, p. 233.)

[139] P. E. K. Kaalund, _Bidrag til en historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af Island_, Kjoebenhavn, 1877, II, 151.

[140] The localization in _en stor sandhaug_ is found in a version of the story to which Panzer was unable to get access (see p. 7 of his _Beowulf_, Note 2). A copy is to be found in the University Library of Christiania, in a small book entitled _Nor, en Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_. Christiania, 1865. (_Norske Folke-Eventyr ... fortalte af P. C. Asbjoernsen_, pp. 65-128.)

The _sandhaug_ is an extraordinary coincidence, if it _is_ a mere coincidence. It cannot have been imported into the modern folk-tale from the _Grettis saga_, for there is no superficial resemblance between the two tales.

[141] Cf. Boer, _Beowulf_, 14.

[142] Yet both Beowulf and Orm are saved by divine help.

[143] Panzer exaggerates the case against his own theory when he quotes only six versions as omitting the princesses (p. 122). Such unanimity as this is hardly to be looked for in a collection of 202 kindred folk-tales. In addition to these six, the princesses are altogether missing, for example, in the versions Panzer numbers 68, 69, 77: they are only faintly represented in other versions (e.g. 76). Nevertheless the rescue of the princesses may be regarded as the most essential element in the tale.

[144] I cannot agree with Panzer when (p. 319) he suggests the possibility of the _Beowulf_ and the _Grettir_-story having been derived independently from the folk-tale. For the two stories have many features in common which do not belong to the folk-tale: apart from the absence of the princesses we have the _haeft-m[=e]ce_ and the strange conclusion drawn by the watchers from the blood-stained water.

[145] Ipse Scef cum uno dromone advectus est in insula Oceani, quae dicitur Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde recens puer, & ab incolis illius terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis suscipitur, & ut familiarem diligenti animo eum custodierunt, & post in regem eligunt.

Ethelwerdus, III, 3, in Savile's _Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam_, Francofurti, 1601, p. 842.

[146] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 259-60.

[147] Sceldius [fuit filius] Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam insulam Germaniae Scandzam, de qua Jordanes, historiographus Gothorum, loquitur, appulsus navi sine remige, puerulus, posito ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus: adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur. Est autem regio illa Anglia vetus dicta....

William of Malmesbury, _De Gestis Regum Anglorum_. Lib. II, s. 116, vol. I, p. 121, ed. Stubbs, 1887.

[148] Although Saxo Grammaticus has provided some even earlier kings.

[149] Cf. Muellenhoff in _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 413.

[150] In _Gr['i]mnism['a]l_, 54, Odin gives _Gautr_ as one of his names.

[151] See below.

[152] Excluding, of course, the Hebrew names.

[153] _Scyld_ appears as _Scyldwa_, _Sce(a)ldwa_ in the _Chronicle_. The forms correspond.

[154] See Part II.

[155] _armis circundatus_.

[156] For a list of the scholars who have dealt with the subject, see _Widsith_, p. 119.

[157] _Beovulf_, p. 6 _etc._

[158] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 259 _etc._

[159] This objection to the Scyld-theory has been excellently expressed by Olrik--at a time, too, when Olrik himself accepted the story as belonging to Scyld rather than Sceaf. "Binz," says Olrik, "rejects William of Malmesbury as a source for the Scyld story. But he has not noticed that in doing so he saws across the branch upon which he himself and the other investigators are sitting. For if William is not a reliable authority, and even a more reliable authority than the others, then 'Scyld with the sheaf' is left in the air." _Heltedigtning_, I, 238-9, note.

[160] The discussion of Skjold by Olrik (_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, 223-271) is perhaps the most helpful of any yet made, especially in emphasizing the necessity of differentiating the stages in the story. But it must be taken in connection with the very essential modifications made by Dr Olrik in his second volume (pp. 249-65, especially pp. 264-5). Dr Olrik's earlier interpretation made Scyld the original hero of the story: _Scefing_ Olrik interpreted, not as "with the sheaf," but as "son of Scef." To the objection that any knowledge of Scyld's parentage would be inconsistent with his unknown origin, Olrik replied by supposing that Scyld was a foundling whose origin, though unknown to the people of the land to which he came, was well known to the poet. The poet, Dr Olrik thought, regarded him as a son of the Langobardic king, Sceafa, a connection which we are to attribute to the Anglo-Saxon love of framing genealogies. But this explanation of Scyld Scefing as a human foundling does not seem to me to be borne out by the text of _Beowulf_. "The child is a poor foundling," says Dr Olrik, "_he suffered distress from the time when he was first found as a helpless child_. Only as a grown man did he get compensation for his childhood's adversity" (p. 228). But this is certainly not the meaning of _egsode eorl[as]_. It is "_He inspired the earl[s] with awe_."

[161] See below (App. C) for instances of ancestral names extant both in weak and strong forms, like _Scyld_, _Sceldwa_ (the identity of which no one doubts) or _Sceaf_, _Sceafa_ (the identity of which has been doubted).

[162] "As for the name _Scyldungas-Skjoeldungar_, we need not hesitate to believe that this originally meant 'the people' or 'kinsmen of the shield.' Similar appellations are not uncommon, e.g., _Rondingas_, _Helmingas_, _Brondingas_ ... probably these names meant either 'the people of _the_ shield, _the_ helmet,' _etc._, or else the people who used shields, helmets, _etc._, in some special way. In the former case we may compare the Ancile of the Romans and the Palladion of the Greeks; in either case we may note that occasionally shields have been found in the North which can never have been used except for ceremonial purposes." Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 284: cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 274.

[163] Sweyn Aageson, _Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse_, in Langebek, _S.R.D._ I, 44.

[164] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 246; Lawrence, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._ XXIV, 254.

[165] It is odd that Binz, who has recorded so many of these, should have argued on the strength of these place-names that the Scyld story is not Danish, but an ancient possession of the tribes of the North Sea coast (p. 150). For Binz also records an immense number of names of heroes of alien stock--Danish, Gothic or Burgundian--as occurring in England (_P.B.B._ XX, 202 _etc._).

[166] _Beovulf_, p. 7.

[167] Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 278.

[168] The scandals about King Edgar (_infamias quas post dicam magis resperserunt cantilenae_: see _Gesta Regum Anglorum_, II, s. 148, ed. Stubbs, vol. I, p. 165); the story of Gunhilda, the daughter of Knut, who, married to a foreign King with great pomp and rejoicing, _nostro seculo etiam in triviis cantitata_, was unjustly suspected of unchastity till her English page, in vindication of her honour, slew the giant whom her accusers had brought forward as their champion (_Gesta_, II, s. 188, ed. Stubbs, I, pp. 229, 230); the story of King Edward and the shepherdess, learnt from _cantilenis per successiones temporum detritis_ (_Gesta_, II, s. 138, ed. Stubbs, I, 155). Macaulay in the _Lays of Ancient Rome_ has selected William as a typical example of the historian who draws upon popular song. Cf. Freeman's _Historical Essays_.

[169] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 245.

[170] _Origin_, pp. 279-281.

[171] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1813, I, 443.

[172] Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties_, 87-89.

[173] Hone's _Every Day Book_, 1827, p. 1170.

[174] _The Tamar and the Tavy_, I. 330 (1836).

[175] Raymond, _Two men o' Mendip_, 1899, 259.

[176] Miss M. A. Courtney, _Glossary of West Cornwall_; T. Q. Couch, _Glossary of East Cornwall_, s. v. Neck (_Eng. Dial. Soc._ 1880); Jago, _Ancient Language of Cornwall_, 1882, s. v. Anek.

[177] _Notes and Queries_, 4th Ser. XII, 491 (1873).

[178] Holland's _Glossary of Chester_ (_Eng. Dial. Soc._), s.v. _Cutting the Neck._

[179] Burne, _Shropshire Folk Lore_, 1883, 371.

[180] "to cry the Mare." Blount, _Glossographia_, 4th edit. 1674, s.v. _mare_. Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. VI, 286 (1876).

[181] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._, s.v. _neck_.

[182] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, 1912, I, 268. The word was understood as = "neck" by the peasants, because "They'm taied up under the chin laike" (_Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51). But this may be false etymology.

[183] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._ Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51.

[184] _Heltedigtning_, II, 252.

[185] The earliest record of the term "cutting the neck" seems to be found in Randle Holme's _Store House of Armory_, 1688 (II, 73). It may be noted that Holme was a Cheshire man.

[186] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, Strassburg, 1884, 326 _etc._

[187] Quod dum servi Dei propensius actitarent, inspiratum est eis salubre consilium et (ut pium est credere) divinitus provisum. Die etenim statuto mane surgentes monachi sumpserunt scutum rotundum, cui imponebant manipulum frumenti, et super manipulum cereum circumspectae quantitatis et grossitudinis. Quo accenso scutum cum manipulo et cereo, fluvio ecclesiam praetercurrenti committunt, paucis in navicula fratribus subsequentibus. Praecedebat itaque eos scutum et quasi digito demonstrans possessiones domui Abbendoniae de jure adjacentes nunc huc, nunc illuc divertens; nunc in dextra nunc in sinistra parte fiducialiter eos praeibat, usquedum veniret ad rivum prope pratum quod Beri vocatur, in quo cereus medium cursum Tamisiae miraculose deserens se declinavit et circumdedit pratum inter Tamisiam et Gifteleia, quod hieme et multociens aestate ex redundatione Tamisiae in modum insulae aqua circumdatur.

_Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon_, ed. Stevenson, 1858, vol. I, p. 89.

[188] Chadwick, _Origin_, 278.

[189] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 251.

[190] But is this so? "The word Saempsae (now saempsykka) 'small rush, _scirpus silvaticus_, forest rush,' is borrowed from the Germanic family (Engl. semse; Germ. simse)." Olrik, 253. But the Engl. "semse" is difficult to track.

See also note by A. Mieler in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, X, 43, 1910.

[191] Kaarle Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen" in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_ IV, 231 _etc._, 1904.

[192] Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 252 _etc._.

[193] I do not understand why Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 235) declares the coming to land in Scani (Ethelwerd) to be inconsistent with Sceaf as a Longobardic king (_Widsith_). For, according to their national historian, the Longobardi came from "Scadinavia" [Paul the Deacon, I, 1-7]. It is a more serious difficulty that Paul knows of no Longobardic king with a name which we can equate with Sceaf.

[194] So, corresponding to O.E. _tr[=i]ewe_ we have Icel. _tryggr_; to O.E. _gl[=e]aw_, Icel. _gl[o,]ggr_; O.E. _sc[=u]wa_, Icel. _skugg-_.

[195] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 1910, pp. 254-5.

An account of the worship of Pekko will be found in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 1906, pp. 104-111: _Ueber den Pekokultus bei den Setukesen_, by M. J. Eisen. See also Appendix (A) below.

Pellon-Pecko is mentioned by Michael Agricola, Bishop of [oA]bo, in his translation of the Psalter into Finnish, 1551. It is here that we are told that he "promoted the growth of barley."

[196] l. 15.

[197] That Heremod is a Danish king is clear from ll. 1709 _etc._ And as we have all the stages in the Scylding genealogy from Scyld to Hrothgar, Heremod must be placed earlier.

[198] Of Grein in _Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 264.

[199] A good example of this is supplied by the Assyrian records, which make Jehu a son of Omri--whose family he had destroyed.

[200] This reconstruction is made by Sievers in the _Berichte d. k. saechs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88.

[201] The god _Herm['o]dhr_ who rides to Hell to carry a message to the dead Baldr is here left out of consideration. His connection with the king _Herm['o]dhr_ is obscure.

[202] On this see Dederich, _Historische u. geographische Studien_, 214; Heinzel in _A.f.d.A._ XV, 161; Chadwick, _Origin_, 148; Chadwick, _Cult of Othin_, 51.

[203] Chadwick, _Cult of Othin_, pp. 50, _etc._

[204] _puerulus ... pro miraculo exceptus_ (William of Malmesbury). Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 7. In Saxo, Skjold distinguishes himself at the age of fifteen.

[205] _omnem Alemannorum gentem tributaria ditione perdomuit._ Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 11.

[206] See above, p. 77.

[207] This relationship of Frothi and Skjold is preserved by Sweyn Aageson: Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse.... A quo primum.... Skioldunger sunt Reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se reliquit haeredes Frothi videlicet & Haldanum. Svenonis Aggonis _Hist. Regum Dan._ in Langebek, _S.R.D._ I, 44.

In Saxo Frotho is not the son, but the great grandson of Skioldus--but this is a discrepancy which may be neglected, because it seems clear that the difference is due to Saxo having inserted two names into the line at this point--those of Gram and Hadding. There seems no reason to doubt that Danish tradition really represented Frothi as son of Skjold.

[208] Those who accept the identification would regard _Fr['o]dhi_ (O.E. _Fr[=o]da_, 'the wise') as a title which has ousted the proper name.

[209] Boer, _Ark. f. nord. filol._, XIX, 67, calls this theory of Sievers "indisputable."

[210] Sievers, p. 181.

[211] _Beowulf_, 2405. Cf. 2215, 2281.

[212] So Regin guides Sigurd: Una the Red Cross Knight. The list might be indefinitely extended. Similarly with giants: "Then came to him a husbandman of the country, and told him how there was in the country of Constantine, beside Brittany, a great giant".... _Morte d'Arthur_, Book V, cap. V.

[213] _Beowulf_, 895.

[214] l. 2338.

[215] ll. 2570 _etc._

[216] intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento.

[217] ll. 2663 _etc._

[218] Cf. _Beowulf_, 2705: _forwr[=a]t Wedra helm wyrm on middan_.

[219] Cf. _Cotton. Gnomic verses_, ll. 26-7: _Draca sceal on hl[=ae]we: fr[=o]d, fraetwum wlanc._

[220] virusque profundens: _wearp wael-f[=y]re_, 2582.

[221]

implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexus
orbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducens
multiplicesque agitans spiras.

Cf. _Beowulf_, 2567-8, 2569, 2561 (_hring-boga_), 2827 (_w[=o]hbogen_).

[222] _Volosp['a]_, 172-3 in _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_. I, 200.

[223] Cf. on this Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 305-15.

[224] Panzer, _Beowulf_, 313.

[225] A further and more specific parallel between Lotherus and Heremod has been pointed out by Sarrazin (_Anglia_, XIX, 392). It seems from _Beowulf_ that Heremod went into exile (ll. 1714-15), and apparently _mid Eotenum_ (l. 902) which (in view of the use of the word _Eotena_, _Eotenum_, in the _Finnsburg_ episode) very probably means "among the Jutes." A late Scandinavian document tells us that _Lotherus ... superatus in Jutiam profugit_ (Messenius, _Scondia illustrata_, printed 1700, but written about 1620).

[226] Pointed out by Panzer. A possible parallel to the old man who hides his treasure is discussed by Bugge and Olrik in _Dania_, I, 233-245 (1890-92).

[227] Cf. Ettmueller, _Scopas and Boceras_, 1850, p. ix; _Carmen de Beovvulfi rebus gestis_, 1875, p. iii.

[228] _P.B.B._ XI, 167-170.

[229] Sarrazin, _Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 170 _etc._); Sievers, _Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 354 _etc._); Sarrazin, _Altnordisches im Beowulfliede_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 528 _etc._); Sievers, _Altnordisches im Beowulf?_ (_P.B.B._ XII, 168 _etc._)

[230] _Beovulf-Studien_, 68.

[231] Sarrazin has countered this argument by urging that since the present day Swedes and Danes have better manners than the English, they therefore presumably had better manners already in the eighth century. I admit the premises, but deny the deduction.

[232] Sedgefield, _Beowulf_ (1st ed.), p. 27.

[233] Schueck, _Studier i Beovulfsagan_, 41.

[234] The brief _Fata Apostolorum_ is doubted by Sievers (_Anglia_, XIII, 24).

[235] Two of these occur twice: _h[=a]tan heolfre_, 1423, 849; _n[=i]owan stefne_, 1789, 2594; the rest once only, 141, 561, 963, 977, 1104, 1502, 1505, 1542, 1746, 2102, 2290, 2347, 2440, 2482, 2492, 2692. See Barnouw, 51.

[236] 74, 99, 122, 257, 390, 412.

[237] _Christ_, 510.

[238] Lichtenheld omits 2011, _se m[=ae]ra mago Healfdenes_, inserting instead 1474, where the same phrase occurs, but with a vocative force.

[239] 758, 813, 2011, 2587, 2928, 2971, 2977, 3120.

[240] 1199.

[241] 102, 713, 919, 997, 1016, 1448, 1984, 2255, 2264, 2675, 3024, 3028, 3097.

[242] Saintsbury in _Short History of English Literature_, I. 3.

[243] Morsbach, 270.

[244] Morsbach, 271.

[245] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 4.

[246] "Thus in place of the expression _to widan feore_ we find occasionally _widan feore_ in the same sense, and even in _Beowulf_ we meet with _widan feorh_, which is not improbably the oldest form of the phrase. Before the loss of the final _-u_ it [_widan feorhu_] would be a perfectly regular half verse, but the operation of this change would render it impossible and necessitate the substitution of a synonymous expression. In principle, it should be observed, the assumption of such substitutions seems to be absolutely necessary, unless we are prepared to deny that any old poems or even verses survived the period of apocope." Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, pp. 46-7.

[247] _Heroic Age_, 46.

[248] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 81. See Morsbach, 260.

[249] The most important examples being _breguntford_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 115, dating between 693 and 731; perhaps 705): _heffled_ in the life of St Gregory written by a Whitby monk apparently before 713: _-gar_ on the Bewcastle Column, earlier than the end of the first quarter of the eighth century and perhaps much earlier: and many names in _ford_ and _feld_ in the Moore MS of Bede's _Ecclesiastical History_ (a MS written about 737).

[250] An English Miscellany presented to Dr Furnivall, 370.

[251] Grienberger, _Anglia_, XXVII, 448.

[252] i.e. _flodu ahof_ might stand for _fl[=o]d u[p] [)a]h[=o]f_, as is suggested by Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 69.

[253] In the Franks casket _b_ already appears as _f_, and the _n_ of _sefu_, "seven," has been lost.

[254] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 45.

[255] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 67: "In personal names we must clearly allow for traditional orthography." Morsbach admits this in another connection (p. 259).