Chapter XLV: Appendix: A. a Postscript on Mythology in Beowulf (7)

[256] Luebke's preface to Muellenhoff's _Beovulf_. Both the tendencies specially associated with Muellenhoff's name--the "mythologizing" and the "dissecting"--are due to the influence of Lachmann. It must be frankly admitted that on these subjects Muellenhoff did not begin his studies with an open mind.

[257] "Es ist einfach genug"--_Beovulf_, 110.

[258] Moeller, _V.E._ 140: cf. Schuecking, _B.R._ 14.

[259] Earle, _Deeds of Beowulf_, xlix (an excellent criticism of Muellenhoff).

[260] Heusler, _Lied u. Epos_, 26.

[261] _Epic and Romance_, Chap. II, s. 2.

[262] _Ballad and Epic_, 311-12.

[263] _Beowulfs Rueckkehr_, 1905.

[264] e.g. _Genesis_.

[265] Chap. IV, pp. 29-33.

[266] Chap. V, pp. 34-41.

[267] Chap. VI, cf. esp. p. 50.

[268] In the portion which Schuecking excludes, we twice have _g[=ae]dh_ = _g[=a]idh_ (2034, 2055). Elsewhere in the _Return_ we have _d[=o]n_ = _d[=o]an_ (2166) whilst _fr[=e]a_ (1934), _Hondsci[=o]_ (2076) need to be considered.

[269] 2069.

[270] 2093.

[271] _Satzverknuepfung im Beowulf_, 139.

[272] _Th[=y]l[=ae]s_ = "lest" (1918); _ac_ in direct question (1990); _th[=a]_ occurring unsupported late in the sentence (2192); _forth[=a]m_ (1957) [see Sievers in _P.B.B._ XXIX, 313]; _sw[=a]_ = "since," "because" (2184). But Schuecking admits in his edition two other instances of _forth[=a]m_ (146 and 2645), so this can hardly count.

[273] _h[=y]rde ic_ as introducing a statement, 62, 2163, 2172; _sidh dhan [=ae]rest_, 6, 1947.

[274] A similar use of _th[=a]_, 1078, 1988; cf. 1114, 1125, 2135.

[275] _haebbe_, 1928; _g[=e]ong_, 2019.

[276] _thurfe_, 2495.

[277] Schuecking, Chap. VIII.

[278] Cf. Brandl in Herrigs _Archiv_, CXV, 421 (1905).

[279] e.g. Blackburn in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 204-225; Bradley in the _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760; Chadwick, _H.A._ 49; Clarke, _Sidelights_, 10.

[280] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30.

[281] We may refer especially to the account of Attila's funeral given by Jordanes. [Mr Chadwick's note.]

[282] Chadwick in _The Heroic Age_, 53.

[283] It is adopted, e.g., by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 8.

[284] Yet this is very doubtful: see Leeds, _Archaeology_, 27, 74.

[285] Notably in Book VIII (ed. Holder, 264) and Book III (ed. Holder, 74).

[286] 'Fasta fornlaemningar i Beowulf,' in _Ant. Tidskrift foer Sverige_, XVIII, 4, 64.

[287] See Schuecking, _Das angelsaechsische Totenklaglied_, in _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 1-13.

[288] Blackburn, in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ Cf. Hart, _Ballad and Epic_, 175.

[289] Clark Hall, xlvii.

[290] Blackburn, as above, p. 126.

[291] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30.

[292] Clark Hall, xlvii. See, to the contrary, Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI, 196.

[293] This point is fully developed by Brandl, 1002-3. As Brandl points out, if we want to find a parallel to the hero Beowulf, saving his people from their temporal and ghostly foes, we must look, not to the other heroes of Old English heroic poetry, such as Waldhere or Hengest, but to Moses in the Old English _Exodus_. [Since this was written the essentially Christian character of _Beowulf_ has been further, and I think finally, demonstrated by Klaeber, in the last section of his article on _Die Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf_, in _Anglia_, XXXVI; see especially 194-199.]

[294] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 180 _etc._

[295] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._

[296] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760-1.

[297] Blackburn, 218.

[298] See Finnur J['o]nsson, _Den Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning_, B. ii. 473-4.

[299] MS A, followed by Magn['u]sson, makes Glam _bl['a]eygdhr_, "blue-eyed": Boer reads _gr['a]eygdhr_, considering grey a more uncanny colour.

[300] MS A has _fon^m_ or _fen^m_, it is difficult to tell which. Magn['u]sson reads _fenum_, "morasses."

[301] Immediately inside the door of the Icelandic dwelling was the _anddyri_ or vestibule. For want of a better word, I translate _anddyri_ by "porch": but it is a porch inside the building. Opening out of this 'porch' were a number of rooms. Chief among which were the _sk['a]li_ or "hall," and the _stufa_ or "sitting room," the latter reached by a passage (_g[o,]ng_). These were separated from the "porch" by panelling. In the struggle with Glam, Grettir is lying in the hall (_sk['a]li_), but the panelling has all been broken away from the great cross-beam to which it was fixed. Grettir consequently sees Glam enter the outer door; Glam turns to the _sk['a]li_, and glares down it, leaning over the cross-beam; then enters the hall, and the struggle begins. See Gudhmundssen (V.), _Privatbolegen p[oa] Island i Sagatiden_, 1889.

[302] The partition beams (_set-stokkar_) stood between the middle of the _sk['a]li_ or hall and the planked dais which ran down each side. The strength of the combatants is such that the _stokkar_ give way. Grettir gets no footing to withstand Glam till they reach the outer-door. Here there is a stone set in the ground, which apparently gives a better footing for a push than for a pull. So Grettir changes his tactics, gets a purchase on the stone, and at the same time pushes against Glam's breast, and so dashes Glam's head and shoulders against the lintel of the outer-door.

[303] So MS 551 a. Magn['u]sson reads _dvaldist thar_ "he stayed there."

[304] Meaning that an attack by the evil beings would at least break the monotony.

[305] A passage (_g[o,]ng_) had to be traversed between the door of the room (_stufa_) and the porch (_anddyri_).

[306] MSS _baelt_. Boer reads _bolat_ "hewn down."

[307] A night troll, if caught by the sunrise, was supposed to turn into stone.

[308] _Sk['u]ta_ may be acc. of the noun _sk['u]ti_, "overhanging precipice, cave"; or it may be the verb, "hang over." Grettir and his companion see that the sides of the ravine are precipitous (_sk['u]ta upp_) and so clean-cut (_meitil-berg: meitill_, "a chisel") that they give no hold to the climber. Hence the need for the rope. The translators all take _sk['u]ta_ as acc. of _sk['u]ti_, which is quite possible: but they are surely wrong when they proceed to identify the _sk['u]ti_ with the _hellir_ behind the waterfall. For this cave behind the waterfall is introduced in the _saga_ as something which Grettir discovers _after_ he has dived beneath the fall, the fall in front naturally hiding it till then.

The verb _sk['u]ta_ occurs elsewhere in _Grettis saga_, of the glaciers overhanging a valley. Boer's attempt to reconstruct the scene appears to me wrong: cf. Ranisch in _A.f.d.A._ XXVIII, 217.

[309] The old editions read _fimm tigir fadhma_ "fifty fathoms": but according to Boer's collation the best MS (A) read X, whilst four of the five others collated give XV (_fimt['a]n_). The editors seem dissatisfied with this: yet sixty to ninety feet seems a good enough height for a dive.

[310] _ok sat thar hj['a]_, not in MS A, nor in Boer's edition.

[311] The two poems are given according to the version of William Morris.

[312] On his first arrival at Leire, Bjarki had been attacked by, and had slain, the watch-dogs (_R['i]mur_, IV, 41): this naturally brings him now into disfavour, and he has to dispute with men.

[313] Reading _kappana_.

[314] The MSS have either _Sandeyar_ or _Saudeyar_ (_Saudheyar_). But that _Sandeyar_ is the correct form is shown by the name Sandoe, which is given still to the island of Dollsey, where Orm's fight is localized (Panzer, 403).

[315] Literally "she-cat," _ketta_; but the word may mean "giantess." It is used in some MSS of the _Grettis saga_ of the giantess who attacks Grettir at Sandhaugar.

[316] See Sweet, _Oldest English Texts_, 1885, p. 170.

[317] See _Catalogue of MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge_ by Montague Rhodes James, Camb., 1912, p. 437.

[318] See _Publications of the Palaeographical Society_, 1880, where a facsimile of part of the _Vespasian MS_ is given. (Pt. 10, Plate 165: subsequently Ser. I, Vol. II.)

[319] So Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, Berlin, 1893, pp. 78 etc., and Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196). Duchesne sums up these genealogies as "un recueil constitu['e], vers la fin du VII^e si[`e]cle, dans le royaume de Strathcluyd, mais compl['e]t['e] par diverses retouches, dont la derni[`e]re est de 796."

[320] This is shown by one of the supplementary Mercian pedigrees being made to end, both in the _Vespasian_ genealogy and the _Historia Brittonum_, in Ecgfrith, who reigned for a few months in 796. See Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 101).

[321] Ed. Mommsen, p. 203.

[322] Anno 626: a similar genealogy will be found in these MSS and in the Parker MS, anno 755 (accession of Offa II).

[323] Zimmer (_Nennius Vindicatus_, p. 84) argues that this _Geta-Woden_ pedigree belongs to a portion of the _Historia Brittonum_ written down A.D. 685. Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 103-4) dates the section in which it occurs 679; Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196) places it more vaguely between the end of the sixth and the beginning of the eighth century; van Hamel (_Hoops Reallexikon_ s.v. _Nennius_) between much the same limits, and clearly before 705.

[324] Zimmer (p. 275) says A.D. 796; Duchesne (p. 196) A.D. 800; Thurneysen (_Zeitschr. f. Celtische Philologie_, I, 166) A.D. 826; Skene (_Four Ancient Books of Wales_, 1868, I, 38) A.D. 858; van Hamel (p. 304) A.D. 820-859. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 38.

[325] Bradshaw, _Investigations among Early Welsh, Breton and Cornish MSS._ in _Collected Papers_, 466.

[326] See above, p. 196.

[327] Cf. _Bretwalda_.

[328] The genealogies have recently been dealt with by E. Hackenberg, _Die Stammtafeln der angelsaechsischen Koenigreiche_, Berlin, 1918; and by Brandl, (Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 1-24). Most of Brandl's derivations seem to me to depend upon very perilous conjectures. Thus he derives _Sc[=e]fing_ from the Gr.-Lat. _scapha_, "a skiff": a word which was not adopted into Old English. This seems to be sacrificing all probability to the desire to find a new interpretation: and, even so, it is not quite successful. For Riley in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, August, 1857, p. 126, suggested the derivation of the name of Scef from the _schiff_ or _skiff_ in which he came.

[329] For a list of the Icelandic versions, see Heusler, _Die gelehrte Urgeschichte im altislaendischen Schrifttum_, pp. 18-19, in the _Abhandlungen d. preuss. Akad._, _Phil. Hist. Klasse_, 1908, Berlin.

[330] The names are given as in the Trinity Roll (T), collated with Corpus (C) and Moseley (M). For Paris (P) I follow Kemble's report (_Postscript to Preface_, 1837, pp. vii, viii: _Stammtafel der Westsachsen_, pp. 18, 31). All seem to agree in writing _t_ for _c_ in Steph and Steldius, and in Boerinus, _obviously, as Kemble pointed out, r is written by error for [wynn] = Beowinus_ [or _Beowius_]; Cinrinicius T, Cinrinicus C, Cininicus P, Siuruncius M; Suethedus TCP, Suechedius M; Gethius T, Thecius M, Ehecius CP; Geate T, Geathe CM, Geathus P.

[331] I follow the spelling of the Moseley roll in this note.

[332] _Dacia_ = "Denmark": _Dacia_ and _Dania_ were identified.

[333] _uocabitur_, Gertz; _uocatur_, all MSS.

[334] This account of the peaceful reign of Ro is simply false etymology from Danish _ro_, "rest."

[335] Note that Ro (Hrothgar), the son of Haldanus (Healfdene), is here represented as his father. Saxo Grammaticus, combining divergent accounts, as he often does, accordingly mentions two Roes--one the brother of Haldanus, the other his son. See above, pp. 131-2.

[336] _cum piratica classe_, Langebek; the MSS have _cum pietate_ (!) with or without _classe_.

[337] _post quem_, Holder-Egger, Gertz; _postquam_, all MSS.

[338] Snyo: the viceroy whom Athisl had placed over the Danes.

[339] _in_ added by Gertz; omitted in all MSS.

[340] A scribal error for _transalbinas_, "beyond the Elbe."

[341] Assembly.

[342] Island.

[343] I have substituted _u_ for _v_, and have abandoned spellings like _theutones_, _thezauro_, _orrifico_, _charitas_, _phas_ (for _fas_), _atlethas_, _choercuit_, _iocundum_, _charum_, _foelicissima_, _nanque_, _haereditarii_, _exoluere_.

The actual reading of the 1514 text is abandoned by substituting: p. 130, l. 3 _ingeniti_ for _ingenitis_ (1514); p. 132, l. 22, _iacientis_ for _iacentis_; p. 134, l. 2, _diutinae_ for _diutiuae_; p. 136, l. 11, _fudit_ for _fugit_; p. 136, l. 20, _ut_ for _aut_; p. 137, l. 8, _ammirationi_ for _ammirationis_; p. 137, l. 16, _offert_ for _affert_; p. 137, l. 17, _Roluoni_ for _Rouolni_; p. 137, l. 27, _ministerio_ for _ministros_; p. 137, l. 33 _diuturnus_ for _diuturnius_; p. 206, l. 22, _diutinam_ for _diutina_; p. 207, l. 3, _ei_ for _eique_; p. 207, l. 5, _destituat_ for _deficiat_; p. 209, l. 2, _latere_ for _latera_; p. 209, l. 5, _conscisci_ for _concissi_; p. 209, l. 14, _defoderat_ for _defodera_.

[344] _Above this heading_ B _has_ Gesta Offe Regis mercior_um_.

[345] A _repeats_ sibi _after_ constitueret.

[346] Hic Riganus binomin[i]s fuit. Vocabat_ur_ eni_m_ alio nomine Aliel. Rigan_us_ u_er_o a rigore. Huic erat fili_us_ Hildebrand_us_, miles strenuus, ab ense sic d_i_c_tu_s. Hu_n_c uoluit p_ate_r p_ro_mouere: _Contemporary rubric in_ A, _inserted in the middle of the sketch representing Riganus demanding the kingdom from Warmundus._

[347] optat, B.

[348] celebri, B; celibri, A.

[349] hoc, B.

[350] ueheement_er_, A.

[351] ueheementi, A.

[352] eciam, B.

[353] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B.

[354] hec _omitted_, B.

[355] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B.

[356] dereliqueru_n_t, B.

[357] precipue _omitted_, B.

[358] ei _omitted_, B.

[359] Qualmhul _vel_ Q_u_almweld _in margin_, A.

[360] planies, A: planicies, _perhaps corrected from_ planies, B.

[361] blodifeld, B.

[362] Gloria t_r_iumphi, _in margin_, A.

[363] tripudium, B; tripuduum, A.

[364] scis, A, B.

[365] menbra, A.

[366] gracias, B.

[367] hosstibus, A.

[368] romotis, A.

[369] co_n_gnou_er_unt, A.

[370] Warmandi, A.

[371] habenas _repeated after_ regni _above in_ A, _but cancelled in_ B.

[372] exaggeret, B.

[373] pulcritudi_ni_s, B; pulch_r_itudini, A.

[374] i_n_gnota, A.

[375] euuangelii, B.

[376] co_n_si_n_gnatas, A.

[377] _from_ B, _written over erasure_.

[378] scrib_itu_r, B.

[379] Ep_isto_la, _in margin_, A.

[380] i_n_co_n_gnita, A.

[381] dicebant, B.

[382] frustratim, A, B.

[383] ossium, B.

[384] co_n_gnouit, A.

[385] hoc _omitted_, B.

[386] co_n_gnic_i_one, A.

[387] sui, A.

[388] obtemp_er_are, B.

[389] menbra, A.

[390] qui, AB; quae, Wats.

[391] reco_n_gnosce, A.

[392] sancte _et_ dulcissime, B.

[393] ut _added above line_, A, B.

[394] scenobium, A; _the _s_i s erased in_ B.

[395] deo, B

[396] tuinfreth, B.

[397] scenobio, A; s _erased_ B.

[398] de tiran_n_ide Beormredi reg_is_ Mercie, B.

[399] fecerat, _wanting in_ A; _added in margin_, B.

[400] Pinefredum, B; Penefredum, A, _but with_ i _above in first case._

[401] uariis _repeated_, A; _second_ variis _cancelled_, B.

[402] considerans, B, _inserted in margin; omitted_, A.

[403] Marcelline, A; Marcell, B.

[404] vixisset, B, _inserted in margin_; _omitted_, A.

[405] Alberto, _etc. passim_, B.

[406] virtutibus, _in margin, later hand,_ A; _in_ B, _over erasure._

[407] est _in margin_, A.

[408] et _omitted_, B.

[409] innotuerunt, B.

[410] in pietatis manu, B.

[411] p_re_missimis, A.

[412] sinistrum, B.

[413] quam _in margin_, A; _over erasure_, B.

[414] _Space for cap. left vacant_, A.

[415] aucmentu_m_, A.

[416] facinoris, B.

[417] co_n_gnouit, A.

[418] celeriter, B.

[419] cum _in_ A _is inserted after_ p_er_ueniss_et_, _instead of before: and this was probably the original reading in_ B, _although subsequently corrected._

[420] _per_, B.

[421] _corrected to_ nullaten_us_ dormire quasi suspecta_m_ p_er_misit, B.

[422] Justa Vindicta, A, _in margin_.

[423] Mr Mackie, in an excellent article on the _Fragment_ (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 251) objects that my criticism of Hickes' accuracy "is not altogether judicial." Mackie urges that, since the MS is no longer extant, we cannot tell how far the errors are due to Hickes, and how far they already existed in the MS from which Hickes copied.

But we must not forget that there are other transcripts by Hickes, of MSS which _are_ still extant, and from these we can estimate his accuracy. It is no disrespect to the memory of Hickes, a scholar to whom we are all indebted, to recognize frankly that his transcripts are not sufficiently accurate to make them at all a satisfactory substitute for the original MS. Hickes' transcript of the _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 207) shows an average of one error in every four lines: about half these errors are mere matters of spelling, the others are serious. Hickes' transcript of the _Calendar_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 203) shows an average of one error in every six lines. When, therefore, we find in the _Finnsburg Fragment_ inaccuracies of exactly the type which Hickes often commits, it would be "hardly judicial" to attribute these to the MS which he copied, and to attribute to Hickes in this particular instance an accuracy to which he has really no claim.

Mr Mackie doubts the legitimacy of emending _Garulf_ to _Garulf[e]_: but we must remember that Hickes (or his printer) was systematically careless as to the final _e_: cf. _Calendar_, 15, 23, 41, 141, 144, 171, 210; _Gnomic Verses_, 45. Other forms in the _Finnsburg Fragment_ which can be easily paralleled by Hickes' miswritings in the _Calendar_ and _Gnomic Verses_ are

Confusion of _u_ and _a_ (_Finn._ 3, 27, perhaps 44) cf. _Gn._ 66.
" " _c_ " _e_ (_Finn._ 12) cf. _Cal._ 136, _Gn._ 44.
" " _e_ " _ae_ (_Finn._ 41) cf. _Cal._ 44, 73, _Gn._ 44.
" " _e_ " _a_ (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 74.
" " _eo_ " _ea_ (_Finn._ 28) cf. _Cal._ 121.
" " letters involving long down stroke, e.g., _f_, _s_, _r_,
_th_, _w_, _p_ (_Finn._ 2, 36) cf. _Cal._ 97, 142, 180, 181,
_Gn._ 9.
Addition of _n_ (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 161.

[424] _Heimskringla_, chap. 220.

[425] It has been suggested that the phrase "Hengest himself" indicates that Hengest is the "war-young king." But surely the expression merely marks Hengest out as a person of special interest. If we _must_ assume that he is one of the people who have been speaking, then it would be just as natural to identify him with the watcher who has warned the king, as with the king himself. The difficulties which prevent us from identifying Hengest with the king are explained below.

[426] Garulf must be an assailant, since he falls at the beginning of the struggle, whilst we are told that for five days none of the defenders fell.

[427] Very possibly Guthere is uncle of Garulf. For Garulf is said to be son of Guthlaf (l. 35) and a _Guth_ere would be likely to be a brother of a _Guth_laf. Further, as Klaeber points out (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 307) it is the part of the uncle to protect and advise the nephew.

[428] Koegel, _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, i, 165.

[429] Klaeber (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 308) reminds us that, as there are two warriors named Godric in the _Battle of Maldon_ (l. 325), so there may be two warriors named Guthlaf here. But to this it might possibly be replied that "Godric" was, in England, an exceedingly common name, "Guthlaf" an exceedingly rare one.

[430] Finn is called the _bana_, "slayer" of Hnaef. But this does not necessarily mean that he slew him with his own hand; it would be enough if he were in command of the assailants at the time when Hnaef was slain. Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 1968.

[431] The idea that Finn's Frisians are the "North Frisians" of Schleswig has been supported by Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270) and, following him, by many scholars, including recently Sedgefield (_Beowulf_, p. 258). The difficulties of this view are very many: one only need be emphasized. We first hear of these North Frisians of Schleswig in the 12th century, and Saxo Grammaticus tells us expressly that they were a colony from the greater Frisia (Book XIV, ed. Holder, p. 465). At what date this colony was founded we do not know. The latter part of the 9th century has been suggested by Langhans: so has the end of the 11th century by Lauridsen. However this may be, all the evidence precludes our supposing this North Friesland, or, as Saxo calls it, Fresia Minor, to have existed at the date to which we must attribute the origin of the Finn story. On this point the following should be consulted: Langhans (V.), _Ueber den Ursprung der Nordfriesen_, Wien, 1879 (most valuable on account of its citation of documents: the latter part of the book, which consists of an attempt to rewrite the Finn story by dismissing as corrupt or spurious many of the data, must not blind us to the value of the earlier portions): Lauridsen, _Om Nordfrisernes Indvandring i Soenderjylland, Historisk Tidsskrift_, 6 R, 4 B. II, 318-67, Kjoebenhavn, 1893: Siebs, _Zur Geschichte der Englisch-Friesischen Sprache_, 1889, 23-6: Chadwick, _Origin_, 94: Much in _Hoops Reallexikon_, s.v. _Friesen_; and Bremer in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 848, where references will be found to earlier essays on the subject.

[432] The theory that Hnaef is a captain of Healfdene is based upon a rendering of l. 1064 which is in all probability wrong.

[433] The view that the _Eotenas_ are the men of Hnaef and Hengest has been held by Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp. 76-7), Ettmueller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 108), Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389), Holtzmann (_Germania_, VIII, 492), Moeller (_Volksepos_, 94-5), Chadwick (_Origin_, 53), Clarke (_Sidelights_, 184).

[434] "And therefore, said the King ... much more I am sorrier for my good knights' loss, than for the loss of my fair queen. For queens I might have enow: but such a fellowship of good knights shall never be together in no company." Malory, _Morte Darthur_, Bk. XX, chap. ix.

[435] The argument of Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37) that the Eotens here (l. 1088) must be the Frisians, is inconclusive: but so is Miss Clarke's argument that they must be Danes (_Sidelights_, 181), as is shown by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 395).

[436] I say "son" in what follows, without prejudice to the possibility of more than one son having fallen. It in no wise affects the argument.

[437] For example, it might well be said of Achilles, whilst thirsting for vengeance upon the Trojans for the death of Patroclus, that "he could not get the children of the Trojans out of his mind." But surely it would be unintelligible to say that "he could not get the child of the Achaeans out of his mind," meaning Patroclus, for "child of the Achaeans" is not sufficiently distinctive to denote Patroclus. Cf. Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 134.

[438] In the _Skjoldunga Saga_ [extant in a Latin abstract by Arngrim Jonsson, ed. Olrik, 1894], cap. IV, mention is made of a king of Denmark named Leifus who had six sons, three of whom are named Hunleifus, Oddleifus and Gunnleifus--corresponding exactly to O.E. _H[=u]nl[=a]f_, _Ordl[=a]f_ and _G[=u]dhl[=a]f_. That Hunlaf was well known in English story is proved by a remarkable passage unearthed by Dr Imelmann from _MS Cotton Vesp. D. IV_ (fol. 139 _b_) where Hunlaf is mentioned together with a number of other heroes of Old English story--Wugda, Hama, Hrothulf, Hengest, Horsa (_Hoc testantur gesta rudolphi et hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, horsi et hengisti, Waltef et hame_). See Chadwick, _Origin_, 52: R. Huchon, _Revue Germanique_, III, 626: Imelmann, in _D.L.Z._ XXX, 999: April, 1909. This disposes of the translation "Hun thrust or placed in his bosom Lafing, best of swords," which was adopted by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 33), Holder, ten Brink and Gering. Hun is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 33) and in the Icelandic _Thulor_.

That Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hunlaf must be connected together had been noted by Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 139) before this discovery of Chadwick's confirmed him.

[439] The fragment which tells of the fighting in the hall is so imperfect that there is nothing impossible in the assumption, though it is too hazardous to make it.

[440] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1900 _etc._

[441] _Das Altenglische Volksepos_, 46-99.

[442] C. P. Hansen, _Uald' Soeld'ring tialen_, Moegeltoender, 1858. See Moeller, _Volksepos_, 75 _etc._

[443] See Muellenhoff in _A.f.d.A._ VI, 86.

[444] So Moeller, _Volksepos_, 152.

[445] See _Beowulf_, ed. Wyatt, 1894, p. 145.

[446] _Volksepos_, 71 _etc._

[447] e.g., Sedgefield, _Beowulf_, 2nd ed., p. 258. So 1st ed., p. 13 (_Hoc_ being an obvious misprint).

[448] On the poet's use of plural for singular here, see Osthoff, _I.F._ XX, 202-7.

[449] I have thought it necessary to give fully the reasons why Moeller's view cannot be accepted, because in whole or in part it is still widely followed in England. Chadwick (_Origin_, 53) still interprets "Eotens" as "Danes"; and Sedgefield (_Beowulf_ (2), p. 258) gives Moeller's view the place of honour.

[450] The treachery of Finn is emphasized, for example, by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 36), Koegel (_Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ 164), ten Brink (_Pauls Grdr._ (1), II, 545), Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand,_ 59), Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 397, 430), Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 290).

[451]

sythdhan morgen c[=o]m
dh[=a] h[=e]o under swegle ges[=e]on meahte, _etc._

[452] l. 36. The swords flash _swylce eal Finnsburuh f[=y]renu w[=ae]re_, "as if all Finnsburg were afire." I think we may safely argue from this that the swords are flashing near Finnsburg. It would be just conceivable that the poet's mind travels back from the scene of the battle to Finn's distant home: "the swords made as great a flash as would have been made had Finn's distant capital been aflame": but this is a weak and forced interpretation, which we have no right to assume, though it may be conceivable.

[453] _Beowulf_, ll. 1125-7. I doubt whether it is possible to explain the difficulty away by supposing that "the warriors departing to see Friesland, their homes and their head-town" simply means that Finn's men, "summoned by Finn in preparation for the encounter with the Danes, return to their respective homes in the country," and that "_h[=e]aburh_ is a high sounding epic term that should not be pressed." This is the explanation offered by Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._ VI, 193) and endorsed by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 401). But it seems to me taking a liberty with the text to interpret _h[=e]aburh_ (singular) as the "respective homes in the country" to which Finn's warriors resort on demobilisation. And the statement of ll. 1125-7, that the warriors departed from the place of combat to see Friesland, seems to necessitate that such place of combat was not in Friesland. Klaeber objects to this (surely obvious) inference: "If we are to infer [from ll. 1125-7] that Finnsburg lies outside Friesland proper, we might as well conclude that _Dyflen_ (Dublin) is not situated in Ireland according to the _Battle of Brunanburh (gewitan him th[=a] Nordhmenn ... Dyflen s[=e]can and eft [=I]raland_)." But how could anyone infer this from the _Brunanburh_ lines? What we _are_ justified in inferring, is, surely, that the _site of the battle of Brunanburh_ (from which the Northmen departed to visit Ireland and Dublin) was not identical with Dublin, and did not lie in Ireland. And by exact parity of reason, we are justified in arguing that Finnsburg, the site of the first battle in which Hnaef fell (from which site the warriors depart to visit Friesland and the _h[=e]aburh_) was not identical with the _h[=e]aburh_, and did not lie in Friesland. Accordingly the usual view, that Finnsburg is situated outside Friesland, seems incontestable. See Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30), Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand_, 60) and Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 137). Cf. Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 294).

[454] See below, p. 289.

[455] So Brandl, 984, and Heinzel.

[456] Or just as the attack on the Danes began at night, we might suppose (as does Trautmann) that it equally culminated in a night assault five days later. There would be obvious advantage in night fighting when the object was to storm a hall: Flugum['y]rr was burnt by night, and so was the hall of Njal. So, too, was the hall of Rolf Kraki. It would be, then, on the morning after this second night assault, that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk dead.

[457] _Beowulf_, l. 1831: cf. l. 409.

[458] Leo (_Beowulf_, 1839, 67), Muellenhoff (_Nordalbingische Studien_, I, 157), Rieger (_Lesebuch; Z.f.d.Ph._ III, 398-401), Dederich (_Studien_, 1877, 96-7), Heyne (in his fourth edition) and in recent times Holthausen have interpreted _eoten_ as a common noun "giant," "monster," and consequently "foe" in general. But they have failed to produce any adequate justification for interpreting _eoten_ as "foe," and Holthausen, the modern advocate of this interpretation, has now abandoned it. Grundtvig (_Beowulfes Beorh_, 1861, pp. 133 _etc._) and Moeller (_Volksepos_, 97 _etc._) also interpret "giant," Moeller giving an impossible mythological explanation, which was, at the time, widely followed.

[459] Like _oxnum_, _nefenum_ (cf. Sievers, s. 277, Anm. 1).

[460] I do not attach much importance to the argument which might be drawn from the statement of Binz (_P.B.B._ XX, 185) that the evidence of proper names shows that in the Hampshire district (which was colonized by Jutes) the legend of _Finnsburg_ was particularly remembered. For on the other hand, as Binz points out, similar evidence is markedly lacking for Kent. And why, indeed, should the Jutes have specially commemorated a legend in which their part appears not to have been a very creditable one?

[461] p. 97, note 225.

[462] See above, p. 200. Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, 84, assumes that the Kentish pedigree borrowed these names from the Bernician: but there is no evidence for this.

[463] Among those who have so held are Kemble, Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp. 76-7), Ettmueller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 23), Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389), Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270), Koehler (_Germania_, XIII, 155), Heyne (in first three editions), Holder (_Beowulf_, p. 128), ten Brink (_Pauls Grdr_. (1), II, 548), Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ X. 228), Stevenson (_Asser_, 1904, p. 169), Schuecking (_Beowulf_, 1913, p. 321), Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 545), Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 393), Moorman (_Essays and Studies_, V, 99), Bjoerkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 21).

So too, with some hesitation, Chadwick (_Orgin_, 52-3): with much more hesitation, Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37). Whilst this is passing through the press Holthausen has withdrawn his former interpretation _eotena_, "enemies," in favour of _Eotena_=_[=E]otna_, "Jutes" (_Engl. Stud._ LI, 180).

[464] _P.B.B._ XII, 37.

[465] The cognate of O.E. _f[=ae]r_ (Mod. Eng. "fear") in other Germanic languages, such as Old Saxon and Old High German, has the meaning of "ambush." In the nine places where it occurs in O.E. verse it has always the meaning of a peril which comes upon one suddenly, and is applied, e.g. to the Day of Judgement (twice) or some unexpected flood (three times). In compounds _f[=ae]r_ conveys an idea of suddenness: "_f[=ae]r-d[=e]adh_, repentina mors."

[466] _Volksepos_, 69.

[467] It has been surmounted in two ways. (1) By altering _eaferum_ to _eaferan_ (a very slight change) and then making _f[=ae]r_ refer to the _final_ attack upon Finn, in which he certainly _was_ on the defensive (Lawrence, 397 _etc._, Ayres, 284, Trautmann, _BB._ II, Klaeber, _Anglia_, XXVIII, 443, Holthausen). (2) By making _h[=i][=e]_ refer to _haeledh Healf-Dena_ which follows (Green in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXI, 759-97); but this is forced. See also below, p. 284.

[468] Cf. Tacitus, _Germania_, XIV.

[469] For examples of this see pp. 278-82 below.

[470] _Fragment_, 40-1.

[471] See above, p. 30.

[472] Book II (ed. Holder, p. 67).

[473] _P.B.B._ XII, 34.

[474] For a discussion of the interpretation of the difficult _forthringan_, see Carlton Brown in _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 181-3.

[475] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 291-2.

[476] _Ib._ 293-4.

[477] I wish I could feel convinced, with Ayres, that the person whom Guthlaf and Oslaf blame for their woes is Hengest rather than Finn. Such an interpretation renders the story so much more coherent; but if the poet really meant this, he assuredly did not make his meaning quite clear.

[478] See below, pp. 276, 288-9.

[479] Ne h[=u]ru Hildeburh herian thorfte Eotena tr[=e]owe.

[480] Ayres, in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 286. So Lawrence in a private communication.

[481] ll. 2910, _etc._

[482] We can construct the situation from such historical information as we can get from Gregory of Tours and other sources. The author of _Beowulf_ may not have been clear as to the exact relation of the different tribes. We cannot tell, from the vague way he speaks, how much he knew.

[483] I have argued this at some length below, but I do not think anyone would deny it. Bugge recognized it to be true (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30) as does Lawrence (392). See below, pp. 288-9.

[484] We can never argue that words are synonymous because they are parallel. Compare Psalm cxiv; in the first verse the parallel words are synonymous, but in the second and third not:

"When Israel came out of Egypt and the house of Jacob from among the strange people" [Israel = house of Jacob: Egypt = strange people].

"Judah was His sanctuary and Israel His dominion." [Judah is only one of the tribes of Israel.]

"The sea saw that and fled: Jordan was driven back." [The Red Sea and Jordan are distinct, though parallel, examples.]

[485] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288.

[486] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 430.

[487] Plummer, _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, 47.

[488] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 45.

[489] _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, 524.

[490] Helmhold.

[491] I know of only one parallel for such assumed adoption of a name: that also concerns the Jutes. The Angles, says Bede, dwelt between the Saxons and Jutes: the Jutes must, then, according to Bede, have dwelt north of the Angles, since the Saxons dwelt south. But the people north of the Angles are now, and have been from early times, Scandinavian in speech, whilst the Jutes who settled Kent obviously were not. The best way of harmonizing known linguistic facts with Bede's statement is, then, to assume that Scandinavians settled in the old continental home of these Jutes and took over their name, whilst introducing the Scandinavian speech.

Now many scholars have regarded this as so forced and unlikely an explanation that they reject it, and refuse to believe that the Jutes who settled Kent can have dwelt north of the Angles, in spite of Bede's statement. If we are asked to reject the "Scandinavian-Jute" theory, as too unlikely on _a priori_ grounds, although it is demanded by the express evidence of Bede, it is surely absurd to put forward a precisely similar theory in favour of "Frisian-Jutes" upon no evidence at all.

[492] Koegel (164), Lawrence (382).

[493] Bjoerkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 23) interprets the _Eotenas_ as Jutist subjects of Finn. This suggestion was made quite independently of anything I had written, and confirms me in my belief that it is a reasonable interpretation.

[494] Ayres in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288.

[495] e.g. _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 144: _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. 51.

[496] Of course a primitive stage can be conceived at which homicide is regarded as worse than murder. Your brother shoots _A_ intentionally: he must therefore have had good reasons, and you fraternally support him. But you may feel legitimate annoyance if he aims at a stag, and shooting _A_ by mere misadventure, involves you in a blood-feud.

[497] _Heimskringla, ['O]l. Tryggv._ K. 111; _Saga Olafs Tryggvasonar_, K. 70 (_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, 1835, X.)

[498] Saxo Grammaticus (ed. Holder, p. 67).

[499] _Heimskringla, ['O]l. Tryggv._ K. 41.

[500] _l['y]sti v['i]gi ['a] hendr s['e]r._ _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. 49.

[501] Cap. 55.

[502] Cap. 85.

[503] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, anno 755.

[504] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 158.

[505] _Fragment_, ll. 40-1.

[506] p. 213 (ed. Holder).

[507] Finn may perhaps be holding a meeting of chieftains. For similar meetings of chieftains, compare _S[o,]rla th['a]ttr_, cap. 4; _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. 12; _Sk['a]ldskaparm['a]l_, cap. 47 (50).

[508] There is assuredly a considerable likeness between the Finn story and the Nibelungen story: this has been noted often enough. It is more open to dispute whether the likeness is so great as to justify us in believing that the Nibelungen story is _copied_ from the Finn story, and may therefore safely be used as an indication how gaps in our existing versions of that story may be filled. See Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 125 _etc._

[509] The fact that both sides have suffered about equally facilitates a settlement in the Teutonic feud, just as it does among the Afridis or the Albanians at the present day.

[510] The situation would then be parallel to that in _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. 60-5, where the boy Thorleik, aged fifteen, is nominally in command of the expedition which avenges his father Bolli, but is only able to accomplish his revenge by enlisting the great warrior Thorgils, who is the real leader of the raid.

[511] Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 36) interpreted this _swylce_ as meaning that sword-bale came upon Finn in like manner as it had previously come upon Hnaef. But this is to make _swylce_ in l. 1146 refer back to the death of Hnaef mentioned (72 lines previously) in l. 1074. Moeller (_Volksepos_, 67) tries to explain _swylce_ by supposing the passage it introduces to be a fragment detached from its context.

[512] f, r, s, th, w, p ([Old English Letters]), all letters involving a long down stroke, are constantly confused. For examples, see above, p. 245, and cf. e.g. _Beowulf_, l. 2882 (_fergendra_ for _wergendra_); _Crist_, 12 (_craestga_ for _craeftga_); _Phoenix_, 15 (_fnaeft_ for _fnaest_); Riddles III (IV), 18 (_thyran_ for _thywan_); XL (XLI), 63 (_thyrre_ for _thyrse_); XLII (XLIII), 4 (_speop_ for _sp[=e]ow_), 11 (_waes_ for _thaes_); LVII (LVIII), 3 (_rope_ for _r[=o]fe_ or _r[=o]we_), _etc._

[513] p. 392.

[514] p. 431.

[515] _Nennius Interpretatus_, ed. Mommsen (_Chronica Minora_, III, 179, in _Mon. Germ. Hist._)

[516] "De norske oldsager synes at vidne om, at temmelig livlige handelsforbindelser i den aeldre jernalder har fundet sted mellem Norge og de sydlige Nordsoekyster." Undset, _Fra Norges aeldre Jernalder_ in the _Aarboeger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie_, 1880, 89-184, esp. p. 173. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 93. I am indebted to Chadwick's note for this reference to Undset.

[517] _Ravennatis anonymi cosmographia_, ed. Pinder et Parthey, Berolini, 1860, pp. 27, 28 (s. I, 11).

[518] The modern Wijk bij Duurstede, not far from Utrecht, on the Lower Rhine.

[519] An account of the numerous coins found among the ruins of the old town will be found in the _Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte_, IV (1864), pp. 301-303. They testify to its commercial importance.

[520] So Adam of Bremen, following Alcuin. Concerning "Heiligland" Adam says: "Hanc in vita Sancti Willebrordi Fosetisland appellari discimus, quae sita est in confinio Danorum et Fresonum." Adam of Bremen in Pertz, _Scriptores_, VII, 1846, p. 369.

[521] Alcuin's _Life of Willibrord_ in Migne (1851)--Alcuini _Opera_, vol. II, 699-702.

[522] See above, pp. 199-200.

[523] It had been disputed by Skeat, Earle, Boer, and others, but never with such strong reasons.

[524] I use below the form "Beow," which I believe to be the correct one. "Beaw" is the form in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_. But as the name of Sceldwa, Beaw's father, is there given in a form which is not West-Saxon (_sceld_, not _scield_ or _scyld_), it may well be that "Beaw" is also the Anglian dialect form, if it be not indeed a mere error: and this is confirmed by _Beo_ (Ethelwerd), _Beowius_ (William of Malmesbury), _Boerinus_ (for _Beowinus_: Chronicle Roll), perhaps too by _Beowa_ (Charter of 931) and _Beowi_, (_MS Cott. Tib. B. IV_). For the significance of this last, see pp. 303-4, below, and Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 171, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 23.

[525] Vol. LXXXI, p. 517.

[526] It has indeed been so argued by Brandl: "Beowulf ... ist nur der Erloeser seines Volkes ... und dankt es schliesslich dem Himmel, in einer an den Heiland gemahnenden Weise, dass er die Seinen um den Preis des eigenen Lebens mit Schaetzen begluecken konnte." _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, l. 1002.

[527] _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th edit., III, 760-1.

[528] l. 2039, where a capital O occurs, but without a section number.

[529] _Moore, Namur, Cotton._

[530] _Cotton Tiberius B. XI._

[531] _Hatton_, 20.

[532] See above, pp. 92-7.

[533] See above, pp. 43-4.

[534] Ethelwerd.

[535] _Chronicle._

[536] Boer, _Beowulf_, 135, 143: _Arkiv f. nord. Filologi_, XIX, 29.

[537] _Heroic Age_, 126.

[538] _Postscript to Preface_, p. ix.

[539] _Postscript_, pp. xi, xiv.

[540] See _Lokasenna_ in _Die Lieder der Edda_, herausg. von Sijmons u. Gering, I, 134.

Byggvir kvath:
"[Veiztu] ef [ek] oethle aettak sem Ingunar-Freyr,
ok sv['a] saellekt setr,
merge smaera moelthak [th['a]] meinkr[['o],]ko
ok lemtha alla ['i] litho."

[541] Lines corresponding to these of Burns are found both in the Scotch ballad recorded by Jamieson, and in the English ballad (Pepys Collection). See Jamieson, _Popular Ballads and Songs_, 1806, II, 241, 256.

[542]

Loki kvath:
"Hvat's that et l['i]tla, es [ek] that l[o,]ggra s['e]k,
ok snapv['i]st snaper?
at eyrom Freys mont[u] ae vesa
ok und kvernom klaka."

[543] Jamieson, II, 239. So Burns: "John Barleycorn was a hero bold," and the ballad

John Barleycorn is the wightest man
That ever throve in land.

[544]

Byggvir kvath:
"Byggver ek heite, en mik br['a]than kvetha
goth [o,]ll ok gumar;
thv['i] emk h['e]r hr['o]thogr, at drekka Hr['o]pts meger
aller [o,]l saman."

[545]

Loki kvath:
"thege th['u], Byggver! th['u] kunner aldrege
deila meth m[o,]nnom mat;
[ok] thik ['i] flets strae finna n['e] m[['o],]tto,
th['a]s v[['o],]go verar."

[546] This follows from the allusive way in which he and his wife are introduced--there must be a background to allusions. If the poet were inventing this figure, and had no background of knowledge in his audience to appeal to, he must have been more explicit. Cf. Olsen in Christiania _Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, 1914, II, 2, 107.

[547] p. 87.

[548] See Olrik, "Nordisk og Lappisk Gudsdyrkelse," _Danske Studier_, 1905, pp. 39-57; "Tordenguden og hans dreng," 1905, pp. 129-46; "Tordenguden og hans dreng i Lappernes myteverden," 1906, pp. 65-9; Krohn, "Lappische beitraege zur germ. mythologie," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 1906, pp. 155-80.

[549] See Axel Olrik in _Festgabe f. Vilh. Thomsen_, 1912 (= _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 1, p. 40). Olrik refers therein to his earlier paper on the subject in _Danske Studier_, 1911, p. 38, and to a forthcoming article in the _Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift_, which has, I think, never appeared. See also K. Krohn in _Goettingische gelehrte Anzeigen_, 1912, p. 211. Reviewing Meyer's _Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte_, Krohn, after referring to the Teutonic gods of agriculture, continues "Ausser diesen agrikulturellen Gottheiten sind aus der finnischen Mythologie mit Huelfe der Linguistik mehrere germanische Naturgoetter welche verschiedene Nutzpflanzen vertreten, entdeckt worden: der Roggengott Runkoteivas oder Rukotivo, der Gerstengott Pekko (nach Magnus Olsen aus urnord. Beggw-, vgl. Byggwir) und ein Gott des Futtergrases Saempsae (vgl. Semse od. Simse, 'die Binse')." See also Krohn, "Germanische Elemente in der finnischen Volksdichtung," _Z.f.d.A._ LI, 1909, pp. 13-22; and Karsten, "Einige Zeugnisse zur altnordischen Goetterverehrung in Finland," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 307-16.

[550] As proposed by K. Krohn in a publication of the Finnish Academy at Helsingfors which I have not been able to consult, but as to which see Setaelae in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XIII, 311, 424. Setaelae accepts the derivation from _beggwu-_, rejecting an alternative derivation of Pekko from a Finnish root.

[551] This is proposed by J. J. Mikkola in a note appended to the article by K. Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen < Njordr, Freyr?" in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, IV, 231-48. See also Olrik, "For[oa]rsmyten hos Finnerne," in _Danske Studier_, 1907, pp. 62-4.

[552] See note by K. Krohn, _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 105.

[553] See above, p. 87, and M. J. Eisen, "Ueber den Pekokultus bei den Setukesen," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 104-11.

[554] See M. Olsen, _Hedenske Kultminder i Norske Stedsnavne_, Christiania _Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, II, 2, 1914, pp. 227-8.

[555] See above, p. 84.

[556] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, 332.

[557] In view of the weight laid upon this custom by Olrik as illustrating the story of Sceaf, it is necessary to note that it seems to be confined to parts of England bordering on the "Celtic fringe." See above, pp. 81, _etc._ Olrik and Olsen quote it as Kentish (see _Heltedigtning_, II, 252) but this is certainly wrong. Frazer attributes the custom of "crying the mare" to Hertfordshire and Shropshire (_Spirits of the Corn_, I, 292 = _Golden Bough_, 3rd edit., VII, 292). In this he is following Brand's _Popular Antiquities_ (1813, I, 443; 1849, II, 24; also Carew Hazlitt, 1905, I, 157). But Brand's authority is Blount's _Glossographia_, 1674, and Blount says _Herefordshire_.

[558] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1849, II, 24.

[559] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51; _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, I, 237.

[560] Frazer, _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, I, 238 (_Golden Bough_, 3rd edit.).

[561] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, I, 143-4.

[562] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51.

[563] Mannhardt, _Forschungen_, 317.

[564] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 138.

[565] Mannhardt, 323; Fraser, _Adonis_, I, 238.

[566] Mannhardt, 330.

[567] Mannhardt, 24; Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 238.

[568] Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 237.

[569] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 217.

[570] See Bjoerkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 1919, p. 23. In a similar way Sceaf appears twice in William of Malmesbury, once as Sceaf and once as Strephius.

[571] Vol. LII, p. 145.

[572] _MS Cott. Vesp. B. XXIV_, fol. 32 (Evesham Cartulary). See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ I, 176 (No. 120); Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ III, 376. Kemble prints _thaet aeft_ for _th[=a] aeft_ (MS "[=th] aeft"). For examples of "[=th]" for _th[=a]_, see _Aelfrics Grammatik_, herausg. Zupitza, 1880; 38, 3; 121, 4; 291, 1.

[573] There are two copies, one of the tenth and one of the eleventh century, among the Crawford Collection in the Bodleian. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, ..7 (No. 1331); Napier and Stevenson, _The Crawford Collection_ (_Anecdota Oxoniensia_), 1895, pp. 1, 3, 50.

[574] _MS Cotton Ch. VIII_, 16. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ II, 363 (No. 677); Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ II, 172.

[575] A nearly contemporary copy: _Westminster Abbey Charters_, III. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 189 (No. 994), and W. B. Sanders, _Ord. Surv. Facs._ II, plate III.

[576] A fourteenth to fifteenth century copy preserved at Wells Cathedral (_Registr. Album_, f. 289 _b_). See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 223 (No. 1023).

[577] _MS Cotton Aug. II_, 6. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 588 (No. 1282).

[578] _Brit. Mus. Stowe Chart._ No. 32. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 605 (No. 1290).

[579] Cf. the _Victoria History_, Middlesex, II, p. 1.

[580] "_Grendeles gate_ har vael snarast varit n[oa]gon naturbildning t. ex. ett tr[oa]ngt bergpass eller kanske en grotta": C. W. von Sydow, in an excellent article on _Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn_, in _Nordiska Ortnamn: Hyllningsskrift tillaegnad A. Noreen_, Upsala, 1914, pp. 160-4.

[581] Pr[`e]s du _Neckersgat molen_, il y avait jadis, ant['e]rieurement aux guerres de religion, des maisons entour['e]es d'eau et appel['e]es _de hoffstede te Neckersgate_: Wauters (A.), _Histoire des Environs de Bruxelles_, 1852, III, 646.

[582] Peg Powler lived in the Tees, and devoured children who played on the banks, especially on Sundays: Peg o' Nell, in the Ribble, demanded a life every seven years. See Henderson (W.), _Notes on the Folk-Lore of the Northern Counties of England_, 1879 (_Folk-Lore Society_), p. 265.

[583] See Kisch (G.), _Vergleichendes Woerterbuch der siebenbuergischen und moselfraenkischluxemburgischen Mundart, nebst siebenbuergischniederrheinischem Ortsund Familiennamen-verzeichnis_ (vol. XXXIII, 1 of the _Archiv des Vereins f. siebenbuerg_. _Landeskunde_, 1905).

[584] See _Grindel_ in Foerstemann (E.), _Altdeutsches Namenbuch_, Dritte Aufl., herausg. Jellinghaus, II, 1913, and in Fischer (H.), _Schwaebisches Woerterbuch_, III, 1911 (nevertheless Rooth legitimately calls attention to the names recorded by Fischer in which _Grindel_ is connected with _bach_, _teich_ and _moos_).

[585] There is an account of this by G. Kisch in the _Festgabe zur Feier der Einweihung des neuen evang. Gymnasial Buerger- und Elementar-schulgebaeudes in Besztercze (Bistritz) am 7 Oct. 1911_; a document which I have not been able to procure.

[586] Such a connection is attempted by W. Benary in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXX, 154. Alternative suggestions, which would exclude any connection with the Grendel of _Beowulf_, are made by Klaeber, in _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427.

[587] A very useful summary of the different etymologies proposed is made by Rooth in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII (1917), 335-8.

[588] So Skeat, "On the significance of the monster Grendel," _Journal of Philology_, Cambridge, XV (1886), p. 123; Laistner, _Raetsel der Sphinx_, 1889, p. 23; Holthausen, in his edition.

[589] So Weinhold in the _SB. der k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe_, XXVI, 255.

[590] Cf. Gollancz, _Patience_, 1913, Glossary. For _grindill_ as one of the synonyms for "storm," see _Edda Snorra Sturlusonar_, Hafniae, 1852, II, 486, 569.

[591] This will be found in several of the vocabularies of Low German dialects published by the _Verein fuer Niederdeutsche Sprachforschung_.

[592] See _grand_ in Falk and Torp, _Etymologisk Ordbog_, Kristiania, 1903-6.

[593] See Feist, _Etymol. Woerterbuch der Gotischen Sprache_, Halle, 1909; _grunduwaddjus._

[594] With Grendel, thus explained, Rooth would connect the "Earth man" of the fairy-tale "Dat Erdmaenneken" (see below, p. 370) and the name _Sandhaug_, _Sandey_, which clings to the Scandinavian _Grettir-_ and _Orm-_stories. We have seen that a _sandhaug_ figures also in one of the Scandinavian cognates of the folk-tale (see above, p. 67). These resemblances may be noted, though it would be perilous to draw deductions from them.

[595] _Schweizerisches Idiotikon_, II, 1885, p. 776.

[596] See above, pp. 43, _etc._; below, p. 311.

[597] Duignan, _Warwickshire Place Names_, p. 22. Duignan suggests the same etymology for _Beoshelle_, _beos_ being "the Norman scribe's idea of the gen. plu." This, however, is very doubtful.

[598] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 177.

[599] _Heltedigtning_, II, 255. See above, pp. 81-7.

[600] Binz in _P.B.B._ XX, 148; Chadwick, _Origin_, 282. So Clarke, _Sidelights_, 128. Cf. Heusler in _A.f.d. A._ XXX, 31.

[601] _A.-S. Chronicle._

[602] _Historia Brittonum._

[603] "hraedlan" (gen.), _Beowulf_, 454.

[604] "hraedles," _Beowulf_, 1485.

[605] _A.-S. Chronicle._

[606] _Beowulf_, Ethelwerd.

[607] Geata, Geta, _Historia Brittonum_; Asser; _MS Cott. Tib. A. VI; Textus Roffensis_.

[608] _A.-S. Chronicle._

[609] Charter of 931.

[610] _A.-S. Chronicle_, Ethelwerd.

[611] _Origin_, 273.

[612] _Origin_, 282.

[613] Some O.H.G. parallels will be found in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 260. The weak form _G[=e]ata_, Mr Stevenson argues, is due to Asser's attempt to reconcile the form _G[=e]at_ with the Latin _Geta_ with which he identifies it (Asser, pp. 160-161). See also Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 124 footnote. Yet we get _G[=e]ata_ in one text of the _Chronicle_, and in other documents.

[614] This is the view taken by Plummer, who does not seem to regard any solution as possible other than that the names are missing from the _Parker MS_ by a transcriber's slip (see _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, p. xciv).

[615] Plummer, II, pp. xxix, xxxi, lxxxix.

[616] Plummer, II, p. lxxi. Note _Beowi_ for _Bedwig_.

[617] This table shows the relationship of the genealogies only, not of the whole MSS, of which the genealogies form but a small part. MS-relationships are always liable to fluctuation, as we pass from one part of a MS to another, and for obvious reasons this is peculiarly the case with the _Chronicle_ MSS.

[618] _Origin_, 295.

[619] _Origin_, 292.

[620] _Origin_, 296.

[621] The absence of the West-Saxon pedigree may be due to the document from which the _Historia Brittonum_ and the _Vespasian MS_ derive these pedigrees having been drawn up in the North: Wessex may have been outside the purview of its compiler; though against this is the fact that it contains the Kentish pedigree. But another quite possible explanation is, that Cerdic, with his odd name, was not of the right royal race, but an adventurer, and that it was only later that a pedigree was made up for his descendants, on the analogy of those possessed by the more blue-blooded monarchs of Mercia and Northumbria.

[622] See _M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 110-11.

[623] It is prefixed to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_, and is found also in the Cambridge MS of the Anglo-Saxon Bede (_Univ. Lib. Kk._ 3. 18) printed in Miller's edition; in _MS Cott. Tib. A. III_, 178 (printed in Thorpe's _Chronicle_): and in _MS Add._ 34652, printed by Napier in _M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 106 _etc._ There are uncollated copies in _MS C.C.C.C._ 383, fol. 107, and according to Liebermann (Herrig's _Archiv_, CIV, 23) in the _Textus Roffensis_, fol. 7 b. There is also a fragment, which does not however include the portion under consideration, in _MS Add._ 23211 (_Brit. Mus._) printed in Sweet's _Oldest English Texts_, p. 179. The statement, sometimes made, that there is a copy in _MS C.C.C.C._ 41, rests on an error of Whelock, who was really referring to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_ (_C.C.C.C._ 173).

[624] p. 73.

[625] See above, p. 70.

[626] Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 12-13.

[627] _Origin_, p. 272.

[628] So Ethelwerd (_Lib._ I) sees in Woden a _rex multitudinis Barbarorum_, in error deified. It is the usual point of view, and persists down to Carlyle (_Heroes_).

[629] _Origin_, p. 293.

[630] _Beowulf_, p. 5. For a further examination of this "Beowa-myth" see Appendix A, above.

[631] Cf. Tupper in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI, 275.

[632] _P.B.B._ XLII, 347-410. A theory as to the date of _Beowulf_, in some respects similar, was put forward by Mone in 1836: _Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage_, p. 132.

[633] See above, p. 103; and Brandl in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) II, 1000, where the argument is excellently stated.

[634] See Olrik, _Sakses Oldhistorie_, 1894, 190-91.

[635] See Bjoerkman, _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 77.

[636] Sarrazin's attempt to prove such corruption is an entire failure. Cf. Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXVI, 234; Bjoerkman, _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 58 (_Headho-Beardan_).

[637] A few Geatic adventurers may have taken part in the Anglo-Saxon invasion, as has been argued by Moorman (_Essays and Studies_, V). This is likely enough on _a priori_ grounds, though many of the etymologies of place-names quoted by Moorman in support of his thesis are open to doubt.

[638] _P.B.B._ XLII, 366-7.

[639] _History of England to the Norman Conquest_, I, 245.

[640] _Heroic Age_, 52-6. I have tried to show (Appendix F) that these accounts of cremation are not so archaeologically correct as has sometimes been claimed.

[641] Oman, _England before the Norman Conquest_, 319.

[642] Bede, _Hist. Eccles._ IV, 26.

[643] "Nunc qui Roma veniunt idem allegant, ut qui Haugustaldensem fabricam vident ambitionem Romanam se imaginari jurent." William of Malmesbury, _Gesta Pontificum_, Rolls Series, p. 255.

[644] Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, II, 1903, p. 325.

[645] p. 407.

[646] _Beowulf_, ll. 201, 601-3.