Chapter XLVI: Appendix: A. a Postscript on Mythology in Beowulf (8)

[647] Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 1018.

[648] Bede, _Eccles. Hist._ III, 21.

[649] See Oman, pp. 460, 591, for the honour done to this saint by converted Danes.

[650] p. 393.

[651] _Aeneid_, X, 467-9.

[652] In the two admirable articles by Klaeber (_Archiv_, CCXVI, 40 _etc._, 399 _etc._) every possible parallel is drawn: the result, to my mind, is not complete conviction.

[653] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 74.

[654] "Litteris itaque ad plenum instructus, nativae quoque linguae non negligebat carmina; adeo ut, teste libro Elfredi, de quo superius dixi, nulla umquam aetate par ei fuerit quisquam. Poesim Anglicam posse facere, cantum componere, _eadem apposite vel canere vel dicere_. Denique commemorat Elfredus carmen triviale, quod adhuc vulgo cantitatur, Aldelmum fecisse, aditiens causam qua probet rationabiliter tantum virum his quae videantur frivola institisse. Populum eo tempore semibarbarum, parum divinis sermonibus intentum, statim, cantatis missis, domos cursitare solitum. Ideo sanctum virum, super pontem qui rura et urbem continuat, abeuntibus se opposuisse obicem, quasi artem cantitandi professum. Eo plusquam semel facto, plebis favorem et concursum emeritum. Hoc commento sensim inter ludicra verbis Scripturarum insertis, cives ad sanitatem reduxisse." William of Malmesbury, _De gestis pontificum Anglorum_, ed. Hamilton, _Rolls Series_, 1870, 336.

[655] "Reverentissimo patri meaeque rudis infantiae venerando praeceptori Adriano." _Epist._ (Aldhelmi _Opera_, ed. Giles, 1844, p. 330).

[656] Faricius, Life, in Giles' edition of Aldhelm, 1844, p. 357.

[657] Letter of Cuthbert to Cuthwine, describing Bede's last illness. "Et in nostra lingua, hoc est anglica, ut erat doctus in nostris carminibus, nonnulla dixit. Nam et tunc Anglico carmine componens, multum compunctus aiebat, _etc._" The letter is quoted by Simeon of Durham, ed. Arnold, _Rolls Series_, 1882, I, pp. 43-46, and is extant elsewhere, notably in a ninth century MS at St Gall.

[658] "quid Hinieldus cum Christo."

[659] "Thaet [=ae]nig pr[=e]ost ne b[=e]o ealuscop, ne on [=ae]nige w[=i]san gl[=i]wige, mid him sylfum oththe mid [=o]thrum mannum"--Thorpe, _Ancient Laws and Institutes of England_, 1840, p. 400 (Laws of Edgar, cap. 58).

[660] "avitae gentilitatis vanissima didicisse carmina." This charge is dismissed as "scabiem mendacii." _Vita Sancti Dunstani_, by "B," in _Memorials of Dunstan_, ed. Stubbs, _Rolls Series_, 1874, p. 11. Were these songs heroic or magic?

[661] _The Heroic Legends of Denmark_, New York, 1919, p. 32 (footnote).

[662] _Ibid._ p. 39.

[663] Thus, much space has been devoted to discussing whether "Gotland," in the eleventh century Cotton MS of Alfred's Orosius, signifies Jutland. I believe that it does; but fail to see how it can be argued from this that Alfred believed the Jutes to be "Geatas." Old English had no special symbol for the semi-vowel _J_; so, to signify _J[=o]tland_, Alfred would have written "Geotland" (Sievers, _Gram._ ss. 74, 175). Had he meant "Land of the Geatas" he would have written "Geataland" or "Geatland." Surely "Gotland" is nearer to "Geotland" than to "Geatland."

[664] _P.B.B._ XII, 1-10.

[665] See above, p. 8. Fahlbeck has recently revised and re-stated his arguments.

[666] _Danmarks Riges Historie_, I, 79 _etc._

[667] _Beowulf_, uebersetzt von H. Gering, 1906, p. vii.

[668] See above, also _Nordisk Aandsliv_, 10, where Olrik speaks of the Geatas as "Jyderne." His arguments as presented to the Copenhagen _Philologisk-historisk Samfund_ are summarized by Schuette, _J.E.G. Ph._ XI, 575-6. Clausen also supports the Jute-theory, _Danske Studier_, 1918, 137-49.

[669] _J.E.G. Ph._ XI, 574-602.

[670] _Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie_ af Chr. Kier, Koebenhavn, 1915.

[671] This is admitted by Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 6. "_Ge['a]tas_ ... ist sprachlich ein ganz anderer name als altn. _J['o]tar_, _J['u]tar_, bei Beda _Jutae_, und nach Beda im _Chron. Sax._ 449 _Jotum_, _Jutna_ ... Die _Ge['a]tas_ ... tragen einen namen der sprachlich mit altn. _Gautar_ identisch ist."

[672] From a presumed Prim. Germ. _*Eutiz_, _*Eutjaniz_. The word in O.E. seems to have been declined both as an _i_-stem and an _n_-stem, the _n_-stem forms being used more particularly in the gen. plu., just as in the case of the tribal names, _Seaxe_, _Mierce_ (Sievers, s. 264). The Latinized forms show the same duplication, the dat. _Euciis_ pointing to an _i_-stem, the nom. _Euthio_ to an _n_-stem, plu. _*Eutiones_. For a discussion of the relation of the O.E. name to the Danish _Jyder_, see Bjoerkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ XXVIII, 274-80: "Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_, daen. _Jyder_ 'Jueten'."

[673] I regard it as simply an _error_ of the translator, possibly because he had before him a text in which Bede's _Iutis_ had been corrupted in this place into _Giotis_, as it is in Ethelwerd: _Cantuarii de Giotis traxerunt originem, Vuhtii quoque_. (Bk. I: other names which Ethelwerd draws from Bede in this section are equally corrupt.)

Bede's text runs: (I, 15) _Aduenerant autem de tribus Germaniae populis fortioribus, id est Saxonibus, Anglis, Iutis. De Iutarum origine sunt Cantuarii et Victuarii_; in the translation: "Comon hi of thrim folcum dham strangestan Germanie, thaet [is] of Seaxum and of Angle and of Geatum. Of Geata fruman syndon Cantware and Wihtsaetan": (IV, 16) _In proximam Iutorum prouinciam translati ... in locum, qui uocatur Ad Lapidem_; "in tha neahmaegdhe, seo is gecegd Eota lond, in sume stowe seo is nemned Aet Stane" (Stoneham, near Southampton). _MS C.C.C.C._ 41 reads "Ytena land": see below.

[674] _Two Saxon Chronicles_, ed. Plummer, 1899. _Introduction_, pp. lxx, lxxi.

[675] _The O.E. version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History_, ed. Miller, II, xv, xvi, 1898.

[676] Florentii Wigorn. _Chron._, ed. Thorpe, II, 45; I, 276.

[677] It cannot be said that this is due to textual corruption in our late copy, for the alliteration constantly demands a G-form, not a vowel-form.

[678] See pp. 8, 9 above, ss. 2-7.

[679] Just as, for example, in _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins h['a]rfagra_, 13-17, the Goetar are constantly mentioned, because the kingdom of Sweden is being attacked from their side.

[680] Procopius tells us that there were in Thule (i.e. the Scandinavian peninsula) thirteen nations, each under its own king: [Greek: basileis te eisi kata ethnos hekaston ... hon ethnos hen poluanthropon hoi Gautoi eisi] (_Bell. Gott._ ii, 15).

[681] On this alliteration-test, which is very important, see above, pp. 10-11.

[682] _Geta_ was the recognized Latin synonym for _Gothus_, and is used in this sense in the sixth century, e.g. by Venantius Fortunatus and Jordanes. And the Goetar are constantly called _Gothi_, e.g. in the formula _rex Sueorum et Gothorum_ (for the date of this formula see Soederqvist in the _Historisk Tidskrift_, 1915: _Aegde Uppsvearne raett att taga och vraeka konung_); or Saxo, Bk. XIII (ed. Holder, p. 420, describing how the _Gothi_ invited a candidate to be king, and slew the rival claimant, who was supported by the legally more constitutional suffrages of the Swedes); or Adam of Bremen (as quoted below).

[683] _Folknamnet Geatas_, p. 5 _etc._

[684] Speaking of the Goetaelv, Adam says "Ille oritur in praedictis alpibus, perque _medios Gothorum populos_ currit in Oceanum, unde et Gothelba dicitur." Adami Canonici Bremensis, _Gesta Hamm. eccl. pontificum_, Lib. IV, in Migne, CXLVI, 637. Modern scholars are of the opinion that the borrowing has been rather the other way. According to Noreen the river Goetaelv (Gautelfr) gets its name as the outflow from Lake Vaener. (Cf. O.E. _g[=e]otan_, _g[=e]at_, "pour.") Goetland (Gautland) is the country around the river, and the Goetar (Gautar) get their name from the country. See Noreen, _V[oa]ra Ortnamn och deras Ursprungliga Betydelse_, in _Spridda Studier_, II, 91, 139.

[685] The Scholiast, in his commentary on Adam, records the later state of things, when the Goetar were confined to the south of the river: "Gothelba fluvius a Nordmannis Gothiam separat."

[686] _Heimskringla_, cap. 17.

[687] "Hann [Haraldr] er ['u]ti ['a] herskipum allan vetrinn ok herjar ['a] R['a]nr['i]ki" (cap. 15). "Haraldr konungr f['o]r v['i]dha um Gautland herskildi, ok ['a]tti thar margar orrostur tveim megin elfarinnar.... S['i]dhan lagdhi Haraldr konungr land alt undir sik fyrir nordhan elfina ok fyrir vestan Vaeni" (cap. 17). _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins h['a]rfagra_, udgiv. F. J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn, 1893-1900.

[688] Baltzer (L.), _Glyphes des rochers du Bohuslaen, avec une pr['e]face de V. Rydberg_, Gothembourg, 1881. See also Baltzer, _N[oa]gra af de viktigaste Haellristningarna_, Goeteborg, 1911.

[689] Guinchard, _Sweden: Historical and Statistical Handbook_, 1914, II, 549.

[690] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 93; _Heroic Age_, 51.

[691] ll. 2910-21. See Schuette, 579, 583.

[692] ll. 2922-3007.

[693] ll. 3018-27.

[694] ll. 3029-30.

[695] pp. 575, 581.

[696] The reason for locating the _Eudoses_ in Jutland is that the name has, very hazardously, been identified with that of the Jutes, _Eutiones_. Obviously this argument could no longer be used, if the _Eudoses_ were the "Wederas."

[697] See e.g. Schuette, 579-80.

[698] _Beowulf_, 1856.

[699] _Beowulf_, 1830 _etc._

[700] _Beowulf_, 2394. See Schuette, 576-9.

[701] _S[=e]o [=e]a th[=ae]r wyrcth micelne s[=ae]._ Orosius, ed. Sweet, 12, 24.

[702] See above, p. 7.

[703] As Miss Paues, herself a _Geat_, points out to me.

[704] Kier, 39; Schuette, 582, 591 _etc._

[705] See above, pp. 99, 100.

[706] _Vendel och Vendelkr[oa]ka_ in _A.f.n.F._ XXI, 71-80: see _Essays_, trans. Clark Hall, 50-62.

[707] This grave mound is mentioned as "Kong Ottars Hoeg" in _Aettartal foer Swea och Goetha Kununga Hus_, by J. Peringskioeld, Stockholm, 1725, p. 13, and earlier, in 1677, it is mentioned by the same name in some notes of an antiquarian survey. That the name "Vendel-crow" is now attached to it is stated by Dr Almgren. These early references seem conclusive: little weight could, of course, be carried by the modern name alone, since it might easily be of learned origin. The mound was opened in 1914-16, and the contents showed it to belong to about 500 to 550 A.D., which agrees excellently with the date of Ohthere. See two articles in _Fornvaennen_ for 1917: an account of the opening of the mound by S. Lindqvist entitled "Ottarshoegen i Vendel" (pp. 127-43) and a discussion of early Swedish history in the light of archaeology, by B. Nerman, "Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning" (esp. pp. 243-6). See also Bjoerkman in _Nordisk Tidskrift_, Stockholm, 1917, p. 169, and _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 1920, pp. 86-99.

[708] See Appendix F: _Beowulf_ and the Archaeologists, esp. p. 356, below.

[709] By the Early Iron Age, Engelhardt meant from 250 to 450 A.D.: but more recent Danish scholars have placed these deposits in the fifth century, with some overlapping into the preceding and succeeding centuries (Mueller, _Vor Oldtid_, 561; Wimmer, _Die Runenschrift_, 301, _etc._). The Swedish archaeologists, Knut Stjerna and O. Almgren, agree with Engelhardt, dating the finds between about 250 and 450 A.D. (Stjerna's _Essays_, trans. Clark Hall, p. 149, and _Introduction_, xxxii-iii).

[710] _Essays on questions connected with the O.E. poem of Beowulf_, trans. and ed. by John R. Clark Hall, (Viking Club), Coventry. (Reviews by Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 167-73, weighty; Mawer, _M.L.N._ VIII, 242-3; _Athenaeum_, 1913, I, 459-60; _Archiv_, CXXXII, 238-9; Schuette, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 64-96, elaborate.)

[711] An account of these was given at the time by H. Stolpe, who undertook the excavation. See his _Vendelfyndet_, in the _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift foer Sverige_, VIII, 1, 1-34, and Hildebrand (H.) in the same, 35-64 (1884). Stolpe did not live to issue the definitive account of his work, _Graffaeltet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, Stockholm, 1912.

[712] Also added as an Appendix to his _Beowulf_ translation, 1911.

[713] Clark Hall's _Preface_ to Stjerna's _Essays_, p. xx.

[714] _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 1914, p. 172.

[715] _Essays_, p. 239: cf. p. 84.

[716] p. 39.

[717] _Germania_, cap. XV.

[718] ll. 378, 470.

[719] Cassiodorus, _Variae_, V, 1.

[720] Walter, _Corpus juris Germanici antiqui_, 1824, II, 125.

[721] _Heimskringla, Haraldz saga_, cap. 38-40.

[722] "The idea of a gold hoard undoubtedly points to the earlier version of the _Beowulf_ poem having originated in Scandinavia. No such 'gold period' ever existed in Britain." _Essays_, p. 147.

[723] _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_, ll. 26-7.

[724] l. 14.

[725] _Exeter Gnomic Verses_, l. 126.

[726] Baldwin Brown, III, 385, IV, 640.

[727] _B._ l. 19.

[728] l. 339.

[729] l. 991.

[730] Cf. Falk, _Altnordische Waffenkunde_, 28.

[731] I would suggest this as the more likely because, if the ring were inserted for a practical purpose, it is not easy to see why it later survived in the form of a mere knob, which is neither useful nor ornamental. But if it were used to attach the symbolical "peace bands," it may have been retained, in a "fossilized form," with a symbolical meaning.

[732] Most editors indeed do take it in this sense, though recently Schuecking has adopted Stjerna's explanation of "ring-sword." In l. 322, Falk (27) takes _hring-[=i]ren_ to refer to a "ring-adorned sword," though it may well mean a ring-byrnie.

[733] Actually, I believe, more: for two ring-swords were found at Faversham, and are now in the British Museum. For an account of one of them see Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1868, vol. VI, 139. In this specimen both the fixed ring and the ring which moves within it are complete circles. But in the Gilton sword (_Archaeologia_, XXX, 132) and in the sword discovered at Bifrons (_Archaeologia Cantiana_, X, 312) one of the rings no longer forms a complete circle, and in the sword discovered at Sarre (_Archaeol. Cant._ VI, 172) the rings are fixed together, and one of them has little resemblance to a ring at all.

[734] At Concevreux. It is described by M. Jules Pilloy in _M['e]moires de la Soci['e]t['e] Acad['e]mique de St Quentin_, 4^e S['e]r. tom. XVI, 1913; see esp. pp. 36-7.

[735] See Lindenschmit, "Germanisches Schwert mit ungewoehnlicher Bildung des Knaufes," in _Die Altertuemer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit_, V Bd., V Heft, Taf. 30, p. 165, Mainz, 1905.

[736] Salin has no doubt that the Swedish type from Uppland (his figure 252) is later than even the latest type of English ring-sword (the Sarre pommel, 251) which is itself later than the Faversham (249) or Bifrons (250) pommel. See Salin (B.), _Die Altgermanische Thierornamentik_, Stockholm, 1904, p. 101. The same conclusion is arrived at by Lindenschmit: "Die urspruengliche Form ist wohl in dem, unter Nr. 249 von Salin abgebildeten Schwertknopf aus Kent zu sehen"; and even more emphatically by Pilloy, who pronounces the Swedish Vendel sword both on account of its "ring" and other characteristics, as "inspir['e]e par un mod[`e]le venu de cette contr['e]e [Angleterre]."

[737] The Benty Grange helmet; see below, p. 358.

[738] Depicted by Clark Hall, Stjerna's _Essays_, p. 258.

[739] Clark Hall's _Beowulf_, p. 227.

[740] "Von Skandinavien gibt es aus der Voelkerwanderungszeit und Wikingerepoche keine archaeologischen Anhaltspunkte fuer das Tragen des Panzers, weder aus Funden noch aus Darstellungen," Max Ebert in Hoops' _Reallexikon_, III, 395 (1915-16). But surely this is too sweeping. Fragments of an iron byrnie, made of small rings fastened together, were found in the Vendel grave 12 (seventh century). See _Graffaeltet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, pp. 49, 60, plates xl, xli, xlii.

[741] 54-I. Liebermann, p. 114.

[742] _Essays_, 34-5.

[743] _Elene_, 264.

[744] Engelhardt, _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_, p. 66.

[745] _Andreas_, 303.

[746] l. 2869.

[747] "Few have corslets and only one here and there a helmet" (_Germania_, 6). In the _Annals_ (II, 14) Tacitus makes Germanicus roundly deny the use of either by the Germans: _non loricam Germano, non galeam_.

[748] See above, p. 124.

[749] See Chifflet, J. J., _Anastasis Childerici I ... sive thesaurus sepulchralis_, Antverpiae, _Plantin_, 1655.

[750] That _both_ sword and scramasax were buried with Childeric is shown by Lindenschmit, _Handbuch_, I, 236-9: see also pp. 68 _etc._

[751] l. 2762-3.

[752] Worsaae, _Nordiske Oldsager_, Kjoebenhavn, 1859; see No. 499; Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1852, II, 164; Montelius, _Antiq. Su['e]d._ 1873, No. 294 (p. 184).

[753] _Essays_, p. 198. See also above, p. 124. Mr Reginald Smith writes to me: "Unburnt objects with cremated burials in prehistoric times (Bronze, Early and late Iron Ages) are the exception, and are probably accidental survivals from the funeral pyre. In such an interpretation of _Beowulf_ I agree with the late Knut Stjerna, who was an archaeologist of much experience."

[754] Forming vols. 3 and 4 of _The Arts in Early England_, 1903-15.

[755] It was, however, necessary to leave over for a supplementary volume some of the contributions most interesting from the point of view of the archaeology of _Beowulf_: e.g. spatha, speer, schild.

[756] B. E. Hildebrand, _Grafhoegarne vid Gamla Upsala, Kongl. Vitterhets Historie och Antiqvitets Akademiens M[oa]nadsblad_, 1875-7, pp. 250-60.

[757] _Fasta fornlaemningar i Beovulf_, in _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift foer Sverige_, XVIII, 48-64.

[758] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 25, 26, 29.

[759] See B. Nerman, _Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala hoegar?_ Uppsala, 1913, and the same scholar's _Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning_, in _Fornvaennen_, 1917, 226-61.

[760] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 27.

[761] A discovery made by Otto v. Friesen in 1910: see S. Lindqvist in _Fornvaennen_, 1917, 129. Two years earlier (1675) "Utters hoegen i Waendell" is mentioned in connection with an investigation into witchcraft. See Linderholm, _Vendelshoegens konunganamn_, in _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 1919, 36, 40.

[762] For a preliminary account of the discovery, see _Ottarshoegen i Vendel_, by S. Lindqvist in _Fornvaennen_, 1917, 127-43, and for discussion of the whole subject, B. Nerman, _Ottar Vendelkr[oa]ka och Ottarshoegen i Vendel_, in _Upplands Fornminnesfoerenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34.

[763] Baldwin Brown, III, 216.

[764] 213.

[765] 218.

[766] So Baldwin Brown, III, 213; Lorange, _Den Yngre Jernalders Svaerd_, Bergen, 1889, passim.

[767] Baldwin Brown, III, 215.

[768] It is somewhat similar in Norse literature, where swords are constantly indicated as either inherited from of old, or coming from abroad: cf. Falk, 38-41.

[769] _Beowulf_, 1489, _w[=ae]gsweord_; cf. _Vaegir_ as a sword-name in the _Thulur_. In ll. 1521, 1564, 2037, _hringm[=ae]l_ may refer to the ring in the hilt, and terms like _wunden_- are more likely to refer to the serpentine ornament of the hilt. This must be the case with _wyrm-f[=a]h_ (1698) as it is a question of the hilt alone. Stjerna (p. 111 = _Essays_, 20) and others take _[=a]ter-t[=a]num f[=a]h_ (1459) as referring to the damascened pattern (cf. _eggjar ... eitrdropom innan f['a]thar; Brot af Sigurdharkvidhu_). It is suggested however by Falk (p. 17) that _t[=a]n_ here refers to an edge welded-on: the Icelandic _egg-teinn_.

[770] The only certainly Anglo-Saxon helmet as yet discovered: traces of what may have been a similar head-piece were found near Cheltenham: Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 1852, 238.

[771] _Coll. Ant._ II, 1852, 239; Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 30; _Catalogue of the Antiquities preserved in the Museum of Thomas Bateman_, Bakewell, 1855.

[772] A very good description of these continental "Spangenhelme" is given in the magnificent work of I. W. Groebbels, _Der Reihengraeberfund von Gammertingen_, Muenchen, 1905. These helms had long been known from a specimen (place of origin uncertain) in the Hermitage at Petrograd, and another example, that of V['e]zeronce, supposed to have been lost in the battle between Franks and Burgundians in 524. Seven other examples have been discovered in the last quarter of a century, including those of Baldenheim (for which see Henning (R.), _Der helm von Baldenheim und die verwandten helme des fruehen mittelalters_, Strassburg, 1907, cf. Kauffmann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XL, 464-7) and Gammertingen. They are not purely Germanic, and may have been made in Gaul, or among the Ostrogoths in Ravenna, or further east.

[773] Stjerna, _Essays_, p. 11 = _Studier tillaegnade Oscar Montelius af Laerjungar_, 1903, p. 104: Clark Hall, _Beowulf_, 1911, p. 228.

[774] See also _Graffaeltet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, Stockholm, 1912, pp. 13, 54; Pl. v, xli.

[775] ll. 396, 2049, 2257, 2605; cf. _gr[=i]mhelm_, 334.

[776] 2811, 304, 1111 (cf. Falk, 156).

[777] 1453-4 (cf. Falk, 157-9).

[778] _securum etiam inter hostes praestat._ _Germ._ cap. 45.

[779] 1031 (cf. Falk, 158).

[780] 1630, 2723. Cf. _Exodus_, 174, _gr[=i]mhelm gesp[=e]on cyning cinberge_, and _Genesis_, 444. (See Falk, 166.)

[781] Cf. ll. 1503, 1548, 2260, 2754.

[782] Cf. ll. 322, 551, 1443.

[783] Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 1861, p. 32.

[784] Cf. _Beowulf_, 330, 1772, 2042.

[785] "ne scuta quidem ferro neruoue firmata, sed ... tenuis et fucatas colore tabulas," _Annals_, II, 14; cf. _Germania_, 6, "scuta tantum lectissimis coloribus distinguunt."

[786] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. XXX.

[787] It is the guess of A. Haupt, _Die Aelteste Kunst der Germanen_, p. 213.

[788] ll. 773-5, 998.

[789] _Hist. Eccl._ II, 13. The life of man is compared to the transit of a sparrow flying from door to door of the hall where the king sits feasting with his thanes and warriors, with a fire in the midst.

[790] ll. 617-24, 2011-3.

[791] 995.

[792] 725.

[793] 1035 _etc._

[794] _Proc. Soc. Ant., Sec. Ser._ II, 177-82.

[795] Jonckheere (['E].), _L'origine de la C[^o]te de Flandre et le Bateau de Bruges_, Bruges, 1903.

[796] Engelhardt (H. C. C.), _Nydam Mosefund_, Kjoebenhavn, 1865.

[797] Nicolaysen (N.), _Langskibet fra Gokstad_, Kristiania, 1882.

[798] _Osebergfundet. Udgit av den Norske Stat, under redaktion av_ A. W. Broegger, Hj. Falk, H. Schetelig. Bd. I, Kristiania, 1917.

[799] _Beowulf_, ll. 32, 1131, 1897.

[800] 1862.

[801] 220.

[802] Noreen, _Altschwedische Grammatik_, 1904, p. 499.

[803] All these places are in Gotland. The Stenkyrka stone is reproduced in Stjerna's _Essays_, transl. Clark Hall, fig. 24.

[804] The same, fig. 27.

[805] Reproduced in Montelius, _Sveriges Historia_, p. 283.

[806] _Deutsche Mythologie_, 3te Ausgabe, 1854, pp. 342, 639.

[807] _Academy_, XI, 1877, p. 163.

[808] _Engl. Stud._ II, 314.

[809] _Beowulf_, p. 177.

[810] _Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf_, 1892, p. 42.

[811] _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413.

[812] _Z.f.oe.G._ LVI, 759.

[813] _Beowulf_, p. 392.

[814] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Among the many who have accepted the explanation "bee-wolf," without giving additional reasons, may be mentioned R. Mueller, _Untersuchungen ueber die Namen des Liber Vitae_, 1901, p. 94.

[815] Both Grimm and Skeat suggested the woodpecker, which feeds upon bees and their larvae: Grimm appealing to classical mythology, Skeat instancing the bird's courage. But nothing seems forthcoming from Teutonic mythology to favour this interpretation. Cosijn, following Sijmons, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIV, 17, thought bees might have been an omen of victory. But there is no satisfactory evidence for this. The term _sigew[=i]f_ applied to the swarming bees in the _Charms_ (Cockayne's _Leechdoms_, I, 384) is insufficient.

[816] _Tidskr. f. Philol. og Paedag._ VIII, 289.

[817] _Deutsches Woerterbuch_, 1854, I, 1122.

[818] "Das compositum Be['o]vulf, wie G[^o]zolf, Irminolf, Reginolf, und andre gebildet, zeigt nur einen helden und krieger im geist und sinn oder von der art des Be['o]wa an. Ihm entspricht altn. Bi[^o]lfr." (Muellenhoff, in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 284.) But certainly this interpretation is impossible for O.N. _Bi['o]lfr_: "warrior of Beowa" would be _*Byggulfr_, which we nowhere find. See Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Muellenhoff at this date, whilst not connecting _B[=e]owulf_ directly with _b[=e]o_, "bee," did so connect _B[=e]owa_, whom he interpreted as a bee-god or bee-father. But there is no evidence for this, and the _w_ of _B[=e]owa_ tells emphatically against it. Muellenhoff subsequently abandoned this explanation.

[819] It is actually written _Biu^uulf_.

[820] _Biu_ in _Biuuulf_ cannot stand for _B[=e]o_ [older _Beu_] because in Old Northumbrian _iu_ and _eo_ are rigidly differentiated, as an examination of all the other names in the _Liber Vitae_ shows. As Sievers points out, if _Biuuulf_ is to be derived from _*Beuw (w)ulf_, then it would afford an isolated and inexplicable case of _iu_ for _eo[eu]_, unique in the _Liber Vitae_, as in the whole mass of the oldest English texts: "Soll ein zusammenhang mit st. _beuwa-_ stattfinden, so muss man auch diesen stamm fuer einen urspr. s-stamm erklaeren, und unser _biu-_ auf die stammform _biuwi(z)-_ nicht auf _beuwa(z)-_ zurueckfuehren." (Sievers, _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413.) The word however is a neut. _wa_-stem, whether in O.E. (_b[=e]ow_), Old Saxon (_b[=e]o_) or Icelandic (_bygg_): see Sievers, _Ags. Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. s. 250; Gall['e]e, _Altsaechsische Grammatik_, 2te Aufl. s. 305; Noreen, _Altislaendische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. s. 356. The word is extant in Old English only in the Glossaries, in the gen. sing., "handful beouaes," _etc._, and in Old Saxon only in the gen. plu. _beuuo_. It is thought to have been originally a _wu_-stem, which subsequently, as e.g. in O.E., passed into a _wa_-stem. (See Noreen, _A.f.n.F._ I, 166, arguing from the form _begg_ in the Dalecarlian dialect.) The presumed Primitive Norse form is _beggwu_, whence the various Scandinavian forms, Icel. _bygg_, Old Swedish and Old Danish _biug(g)_. See Hellquist in _A.f.n.F._ VII, 31; von Unwerth, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 331; Binz, _P.B.B._ XX, 153; von Helten, _P.B.B._ XXX, 245; Kock, _Umlaut u. Brechung im Aschw._ p. 314, in _Lunds Universitets [oa]rsskrift_, Bd. XII. The proper name _Byggvir_ is a _ja_-stem, but _B[=e]ow_ cannot have been so formed, as a _ja_-stem would give the form _B[=e]owe_. Cosijn (_Aanteekeningen_, 42) was accordingly justified in pointing to the form _Biuuulf_ as refuting Koegel's attempt to connect _B[=e]owulf_ with _B[=e]ow_ through a form _*Bawiwulf_ (_A.f.d.A._ XVIII, 56). Koegel replied with a laboured defence (_Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 268): he starts by assuming that _B[=e]ow_ and _B[=e]owulf_ are etymologically connected, which is the very point which has to be proved: he has to admit that, if his etymology be correct, the _Biuuulf_ of the _Liber Vitae_ is not the same form as _B[=e]owulf_, which is the very point Cosijn urged as telling against his etymology: and even so his etymological explanations depend upon stages which cannot be accepted in the present state of our knowledge (see especially Sievers in _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413; Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 150).

[821] _Tidskr. f. Philol og Paedag._ VIII, 289.

[822] First pointed out by Grundtvig in Barfod's _Brage og Idun_, IV, 1841, p. 500, footnote.

[823] "Lodmundr hinn gamli het madr enn annarr. Bi['o]lfr fostbrodir hans. Their foru til Islands af Vors af Thvlvnesi" (Voss in Norway). See _Landn['a]mab['o]k_, Koebenhavn, 1900, p. 92.

[824] Noreen, _Altislaendische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. p. 97. See also Noreen in _Festskrift til H. F. Feilberg_, 1911, p. 283. Noreen seems to have no doubt as to the explanation of _Bj['o]lfr_ as _B['y]-olfr_, "Bee-wolf."

[825] Bugge, has, however, been followed by Gering, _Beowulf_, 1906, p. 100.

[826] Ferguson in the _Athenaeum_, June 1892, p. 763: "Beadowulf by a common form of elision (!) would become Beowulf." Sarrazin admits "Freilich ist das eine ungewoehnliche verkuerzung" (_Engl. Stud._ XLII, 19). See also Sarrazin in _Anglia_, V, 200; _Beowulf-Studien_, 33, 77; _Engl. Stud._ XVI, 79.

[827] This incompatibility comes out very strongly in ll. 2499-2506, where Beowulf praises his sword particularly for the services it has _not_ been able to render him.

[828] See above, pp. 60-1.

[829] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 140: F. J['o]nsson, _Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka_, 1904, _Inledning_, XX.

[830] _Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka_, cap. 17-20.

[831] The trait is wanting in the _Grettis saga_: Grettir son of Asmund was too historical a character for such features to be attributed to him.

[832] See pp. 62-7.

[833] No. 166. Translated as "Strong Hans." (_Grimm's Household Tales, trans. by M. Hunt, with introduction by A. Lang_, 1884.)

[834] As, for example, by Cosquin, _Contes populaires de Lorraine_, I, 7. A comparison of the different versions in which the "strange theme" is toned down, in a greater or less degree, seems to make this certain.

[835] No. 91.

[836] Edinburgh, 1860, vol. I, No. XVI, "The king of Lochlin's three daughters": vol. III, No. LVIII, "The rider of Grianaig."

[837] London, 1866: p. 43, "The Three Crowns."

[838] Notably by von Sydow.

[839] Asbjoernsen og Moe, _Norske Folkeeventyr_, Christiania, 1852, No. 3.

[840] _Popular Tales from the Norse_ (third edit., Edinburgh, 1888, p. 382).

[841] Visentini, _Fiabe Mantovane_, 1879, No. 32, 157-161.

[842] "fino a che col capo tocca le travi." Cf. Glam in the _Grettis Saga_.

[843] "e qui vede il gigante seduto, che detteva il suo testamento."

[844] p. 153. This is Panzer's version 97.

[845] "A fabulous creature, but zoologically the name Norka (from _nora_, a hole) belongs to the otter," Ralston, _Russian Folk Tales_, p. 73.

[846] Afanasief (A. N.), _Narodnuiya Russkiya Skazki_, Moscow, 1860-63, I, 6. See Ralston, p. 73.

[847] Afanasief, VIII, No. 6.

[848] For example, "Shepherd Paul," in _The Folk-Tales of the Magyars_, by W. H. Jones and L. L. Knopf, _Folk-Lore Society_, 1889, p. 244. The latest collection contains its version, 'The Story of T[=a]ling, the Half-boy' in _Persian Tales, written down for the first time and translated_ by D. L. R. and E. O. Lorimer, London, 1919.

[849] Cf. von Sydow in _A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 126.

[850] I['o]n Arnason's MSS, No. 536, 4^o.

[851] Rittershaus (A.), _Die Neuislaendischen Volksmaerchen_, Halle, 1902, No. 25.

[852] _Faeroeske Folkesagn og Aeventyr_, ed. by Jakob Jakobsen, 1898-1901, pp. 241-4 (_Samfund til Udgivelse af gammel Nordisk Litteratur._)

[853] This folk-tale is given in a small book, to be found in the Christiania University Library, and no doubt elsewhere in Norway: _Nor, en Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_ (Tredie Oplag, Christiania, 1865). _Norske Folke-Eventyr og Sagn_, fortalte af P. Chr. Asbjoernsen. A copy of the story, slightly altered, occurs in the _Udvalgte Eventyr og Sagn for Boern_, of Knutsen, Bentsen and Johnsson, Christiania, 1877, p. 58 _etc._

[854] pp. 66-7.

[855] Berntsen (K.), _Folke-Aeventyr_, 1873, No. 12, pp. 109-115.

[856] Grundtvig (Sv.), _Gamle Danske Minder_, 1854, No. 34, p. 33: from Naestved.

[857] _Hans mit de ysern Stang'_, Muellenhoff, _Sagen, Maerchen u. Lieder_ ... 1845, No. XVI, p. 437.

[858] Colshorn (C. and Th.), _Maerchen u. Sagen_, Hannover, 1854, No. V, pp. 18-30.

[859] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 2183-8.

[860] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 815 _etc._

[861] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1516-17; cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI.

[862] Cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI, _hann kveikti lj['o]s_; cf. _Beowulf_, 1570.

[863] _Contes du roi Cambrinus_, par C. Deulin, Paris, 1874 (I. _L'intr['e]pide Gayant_). The story is associated with Gayant, the traditional hero of Douai.

[864] Cf. Schmidt, _Geschichte der deutschen Staemme_, II, 495, 499, _note_ 4.

[865] III, 1.

[866] II, 43.

[867] [Greek: Pais ... neos en komidei, kai eti hupo paidokomoi tithenoumenos], Agathias, I, 4: _parvulus_, Gregory, IV, 6.

[868] Gregory, III, 20.

[869] III, 22.

[870] III, 23.

[871] III, 27.

[872] Many recent historians have expressed doubts as to the conventional date, 515, for Hygelac's death. J. P. Jacobsen, in the Danish translation of Gregory (1911) suggested 525-30: following him Severinsen (_Danske Studier_, 1919, 96) suggested c. 526, as did Fredborg, _Det foersta [oa]rtalet i Sveriges historia_. L. Schmidt (_Geschichte der deutschen Staemme_, II, 500, _note_, 1918) suggested c. 528.

[873] Archaeological works bearing less directly upon _Beowulf_ are enumerated in _Appendix F_; that enumeration is not repeated here.

[874] Most students nowadays will probably agree with v. Sydow's contention that the struggle of Beowulf, first above ground and then below, is a folk-story, one and indivisible, and that therefore there is no reason for attributing the two sections to different authors, as do Boer, Muellenhoff and ten Brink. But that the folk-tale is exclusively Celtic remains to be proved; v. Sydow's contention that Celtic influence is shown in _Beowulf_ by the inhospitable shamelessness of Unferth (compare that of Kai) is surely fanciful. Also the statement that the likeness of Bjarki and Beowulf is confined to the freeing of the Danish palace from a dangerous monster by a stranger from abroad, and that "das sonstige Beiwerk voellig verschieden ist" surely cannot be maintained. As argued above (pp. 54-61) there are other distinct points of resemblance.

v. Sydow's statement no doubt suffers from the brevity with which it is reported, and his forthcoming volume of _Beowulf studien_ will be awaited with interest.

* * * * *

I. Benty Grange Helmet (Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 238).

II. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Faversham, Kent (_Ibid._, VI, 139).

III. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Gilton, Kent (_Archaeologia_, XXX, 132). ]

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