Chapter XV: Preface: TO RUSSELL’S BOKE OF NURTURE, and the Poems and (4)

[[Footnote 10a: This is not intended to confine the definition of
Music as taught at Oxford to its one division of _Harmonica_, to
the exclusion of the others, _Rythmica, Metrica_, &c. The
Arithmetic _said_ to have been studied there in the time of Edmund
the Confessor is defined in his Life (MS. about 1310 A.D.) in my
_E. E. Poems & Lives of Saints_, 1862, thus,

Arsmetrike is a lore: þat of figours al is
& of drauȝtes as me draweþ in poudre: & in numbre iwis.]]

[Footnote 11: It was in part a principle of Anglo-Saxon society at
the earliest period, and attaches itself to that other universal
principle of fosterage. A Teuton chieftain always gathered round
him a troop of young retainers in his hall who were voluntary
servants, and they were, in fact, almost the only servants he
would allow to touch his person. T. Wright.]

[Footnote 12: Compare Skelton’s account of Wolsey’s treatment of
the Nobles, in _Why come ye not to Courte_ (quoted in Ellis’s
_Letters_, v. ii. p. 3).

--“Our barons be so bolde,
Into a mouse hole they wold
Runne away and creep
Like a mainy of sheep:
Dare not look out a dur
For drede of the maystife cur,
For drede of the boucher’s dog

“For and this curre do gnarl,
They must stande all afar
To holde up their hand at the bar.
For all their noble bloude,
He pluckes them by the hood
And shakes them by the eare,
And bryngs them in such feare;
He bayteth them lyke a beare,
Like an Ox or a Bul.
Their wittes, he sayth, are dul;
He sayth they have no brayne
Their estate to maintaine:
And make to bowe the knee
Before his Majestie.”]

[Footnote 13: Compare also the quotation from Piers Plowman’s
Crede, under No. 5, p. xlv, and Palsgrave, 1530 A.D., ‘I mase,
I stonysshe, _Je bestourne_. You mased the boye so sore with
beatyng that he coulde not speake a worde.’ See a gross
instance of cruelty cited from Erasmus’s Letters, by Staunton, in
his _Great Schools of England_, p. 179-80.]

[Footnote 14: “And therfore do I the more lament that soch [hard]
wittes commonlie be either kepte from learning by fond fathers, or
_bet from learning by lewde scholemasters_,” ed. Mayor, p. 19. But
Ascham reproves parents for paying their masters so badly: “it is
pitie, that commonlie more care is had, yea and that emonges verie
wise men, to finde out rather a cunnynge man for their horse than
a cunnyng man for their children. They say nay in worde, but they
do so in deede. For, to the one they will gladlie give a stipend
of 200. Crounes by yeare, and loth to offer to the other, 200.
shillinges. God, that sitteth in heauen, laugheth their choice to
skorne, and rewardeth their liberalitie as it should: for he
suffereth them to have tame and well ordered horse, but wilde and
unfortunate Children.” _Ib._ p. 20]

[Footnote 15-15: _Sanctæ memoriæ _Robertum_ Cognominatum
_Grodsted_ dudum _Lincolniendem_ Episcopum, Regi _Henrico_ quasi
admirando, cum interrogavit, ubi Noraturam didicit, quâ Filios
Nobilium Procerum Regni, quos secum habuit Domisellos,
instruxerat, cum non de nobili prosapia, sed de simplicibus
traxisset Originem, fertur intrepide respondisse, In Domo seu
Hospitio Majorum Regum quam sit Rex Angliæ; Quia Regum, _David,
Salomonis_, & aliorum, vivendi morem didicerat ex Intelligentia
scripturarum._]

[Footnote 16: DOMICELLUS, Domnicellus, diminutivum a _Domnus_.
Gloss. antiquæ MSS.: _Heriles, Domini minores, quod possumus
aliter dicere Domnicelli_, Ugutio: _Domicelli et Domicellas
dicuntur, quando pulchri juvenes magnatum sunt sicut servientes._
Sic porro primitus appellabant magnatum, atque adeo Regum filios.
Du Cange.]

[Footnote 17: Mr Bruce sends me the More extracts.]

[Footnote 18: How Wolsey broke off the _insurance_ is very well
told. Mistress Anne was “sent home again to her father for a
season; _whereat she smoked_”; but she “was revoked unto the
Court,” and “after she knew the king’s pleasure and the great love
that he bare her _in the bottom of his stomach_, then she began to
look very hault and stout, having all manner of jewels or rich
apparel that might be gotten with money” (p. 67).]

[Footnote 19: Under the heading “Gentylmen of Houshold, viz.
Kervers, Sewars, Cupberers, and Gentillmen Waiters” in the _North.
Household Book_, p. 40, we find

Item, Gentillmen in Housholde ix, Viz. ij Carvers for my Loords
Boorde, and a Servant bitwixt theym both, _except thai be at their
frendis fyndyng_, and than ather of theym to have a Servant.
--Two Sewars for my Lordis Boorde, and a Servant bitwixt theym,
_except they be at their Frendis fyndynge_, and than ather of
theym to have a Servant.--ij Cupberers for my Lorde and my Lady,
and a Servant allowed bitwixt theym, _except they be at their
Frendis fyndynge_, And than ather of theym to have a Servant
allowid.

Under the next heading “My Lordis Hansmen at the fyndynge of my
Lorde, and Yonge Gentyllmen _at there Frendys fyndynge_,” is

Item, my Lordis Hansmen iij. Yonge Gentyllmen in Houshold _at
their Frendis fyndynge_ ij = v.]

[Footnote 20: Grammar usually means Latin. T. Wright.]

[Footnote 21: The exceptions must have been many and marked.]

[Footnote 22: _Richardi Pacei, invictissimi Regis Angliæ primarii
Secretarii, eiusque apud Elvetios Oratoris, De Fructu qui ex
Doctrinæ percipitur, Liber._

Colophon. _Basileae apud Io. Frobenium, mense VIII. bri.
an._ M.D.XVII.

Restat ut iam tibi explicem, quid me moueat ad libellum hoc titulo
co{n}scribendum _et_ publicandu{m}. Quu{m} duobus annis plus minus
iam præteritis, ex Romana urbe in patriam redijssem, inter-fui
cuida{m} conuiuio multis incognitus. Vbi quu{m} satis fuisset
potatum, unus, nescio quis, ex conuiuis, non imprudens, ut ex
uerbis uultuq{ue} conijcere licuit, cœpit mentionem facere de
liberis suis bene institue{n}dis. Et primu{m} omniu{m}, bonum
præceptorem illis sibi quærendu{m}, & scholam omnino
frequentanda{m} censuit. Aderat forte unus ex his, quos nos
generosos uocamus, & qui semper cornu aliquod a tergo pende{n}s
gestant, acsi etiam inter prandendu{m} uenare{n}tur. Is audita
literaru{m} laude, percitus repe{n}tina ira, furibundus p{ro}rupit
in hæc uerba. Quid nugaris, inquit, amice? abeant in mala{m} rem
istæ stultæ literæ, omnes docti sunt me{n}dici, etia{m} Erasmus
ille doctissimus (ut audio) pauper est, & in quadam sua epistola
vocat την καράρατον πενιαν uxore{m} suam, id est, execrandam
paupertatem, & uehementer conqueritur se son posse illam humeris
suis usq{ue} in βαθυκήτεα πόντον, id est, p{ro}fundum mare
excutere. (Corpus dei iuro) uolo filius meus pendeat potius,
qua{m} literis studeat. Decet e{n}im generosoru{m} filios, apte
inflare cornu, perite uenari, accipitre{m} pulchre gestare &
educare. Studia uero literaru{m}, rusticorum filiis sunt
relinquenda. Hic ego cohibere me no{n} potui, quin aliq{ui}d
homini loquacissimo, in defensione{m} bonaru{m} literaru{m},
respo{n}dere{m}. No{n} uideris, inqua{m}, mihi bone uir recte
sentire, na{m} si ueniret ad rege{m} aliq{ui}s uir exterus, quales
sunt principu{m} oratores, & ei dandu{m} esset responsum, filius
tuus sic ut tu uis, institutus, inflaret du{n}taxat cornu, &
rusticoru{m} filij docti, ad respondendu{m} nocarent{ur}, ac filio
tuo uenatori uel aucupi longe anteponerent{ur}, & sua erudita (usi
libertate, tibi in facie{m} dicere{n}t, Nos malumus docti esse, &
p{er} doctrina{m} no{n} imprudentes, q{uam} stulta gloriari
nobilitate. Tu{m} ille hincinde circu{m}spiciens, Quis est iste,
inquit, q{ui} hæc loquit{ur}? homine{m} non cognosco. Et quu{m}
diceret{ur} in aure{m} ei quisna{m} essem, nescio q{ui}d submissa
uoce sibimet susurra{n}s, & stulto usus auditore, illico arripuit
uini poculu{m}. Et quu{m} nihil haberet respo{n}dendu{m}, cœpit
bibere, & in alia sermone{m} transferre. Et sic me liberauit, non
Apollo, ut Horatiu{m} a garrulo, sed Bacchus a uesani hominis
disputatione, qua{m} diutius longe duraturam ueheme{n}ter
timeba{m}.

Professor Brewer gives me the reference.)]

[Footnote 23: As to agricultural labourers and their children A.D.
1388-1406, see below, p. xlvi.]

[Footnote 24: Readers will find it advisable to verify for
themselves some of the statements in this Editor’s notes, &c.]

[[Footnote 24a: The regular Cathedral school would have existed at
St David’s.]]

[Footnote 25: The foregoing three extracts are sent me by a
friend.]

[Footnote 26: From a fragment of the Computus Camerarii Abbat.
Hidens. in Archiv. Wulves. apud Winton. ut supr. (? Hist. Reg.
Angl. edit. Hearne, p. 74.)]

[Footnote 27: Hist. and Antiq. of Glastonbury. Oxon. 1722, 8vo,
p. 98.]

[Footnote 28: Reyner, Apostolat. Benedict. Tract. 1, sect. ii.
p. 224. Sanders de Schism. page 176.]

[Footnote 29: _utriusque juris_, Canon and Civil.]

[Footnote 30: _Lit. humaniores._ Latin is still called so in
Scotch, and French (I think), universities. J. W. Hales.]

[[Footnote 30a: “There are no French universities, though we
find every now and then some humbug advertising himself in the
_Times_ as possessing a degree of the Paris University. The old
Universities belong to the time before the Deluge--that means
before the Revolution of 1789. The University of France is the
organized whole of the higher and middle institutions of learning,
in so far as they are directed by the State, not the clergy. It is
an institution more governmental, according to the genius of the
country, than our London University, to which, however, its
organization bears some resemblance. To speak of it in one breath
with Oxford or Aberdeen is to commit the ... error of confounding
two things, or placing them on the same line, because they have
the same name.” --E. Oswald, in _The English Leader_, Aug. 10,
1867.]]

[Footnote 31: (Pace _de Fructu_, p. 27.) Exigit iam suu{m} musica
quoq{ue} doctrina locu{m}, a me præsertim, que{m} puer{um} inter
pueros illustravit. Na{m} Thomas Langton Vyntoniensis episcopus,
decessor huius qui nunc [1517 A.D.] uiuit, cui eram a manu
minister, quum notasset me longex supra ætatem (ut ipse nimis
fortasse amans mei iudicabat, & dictitabat) in musicis proficere,
Huius, inquit, pueri ingeniu{m} ad maiora natum est. & paucos post
dies in Italia{m} ad Patauinu{m} gymnasium, quod tu{n}c
flore{n}tissimu{m} erat, ad bonas literas discendas me misit,
annuasq{ue} impensas benigne suppeditauit, ut omnibus literatis
mirifice fauebat, & ætate sua alterum Mecenatem agebat, probe
memor (ut freque{n}ter dictitabat) sese doctrinæ causa ad
episcopalem dignitate{m} prouectum. Adeptus enim fuerat per summam
laudem, utriusq{ue} iuris (ut nu{n}c loquu{n}tur) insignia. Item
humaniores literas tanti æstimabat, ut domestica schola pueros &
iuuenes illis erudiendos curarit. Et summopere oblectabat{ur}
audire scholasticos dictata interdiu a præceptore, sibi nocta
reddere. In quo certamine qui præclare se gesserat, is aliqua re
personæ suæ acco{m}modata, donatus abibat, & humanissimis uerbis
laudatus. Habebet e{n}im semper in ore ille optimus Præsul,
uirtutem laudatam crescere.]

[Footnote 32: Ascham praises most the practice of double
translation, from Latin into English, and then back from English
into Latin.--_Scholemaster_, p. 90, 178, ed. Giles.]

[Footnote 33: Mr Wm. Chappell gives me the reference, and part of
the extract.]

[Footnote 34: When did _breakfast_ get its name, and its first
notice as a regular meal? I do not remember having seen the name
in the early part of _Household Ordinances_, or any other work
earlier than the _Northumberland Household Book_.]

[Footnote 35: On Musical Education, see the early pages of Mr
Chappell’s _Popular Music_, and the note in Archæol., vol. xx, p.
60-1, with its references. ‘Music constituted a part of the
_quadrivium_, a branch of their system of education.’]

[[Footnote 35a: “The first William de Valence married Joan de
Monchensi, sister-in-law to one Dionysia, and aunt to another.”
_The Chronicle_, Sept. 21, 1867.]]

[Footnote 36: Le treytyz ke moun sire Gauter de Bibelesworthe fist
à MA DAME DYONISIE DE MOUNCHENSY, pur aprise de langwage.]

[Footnote 37: Later on, the proportions of poor and rich changed,
as may be inferred from the extract from Harrison below. In the
‘exact account of the whole number (2920) of Scholars and Students
in the University of Oxford taken anno 1612 in the Long Vacation,
the _Studentes_ of Christ Church are 100, the _Pauperes Scholares
et alii Servientes_ 41; at Magdalene the latter are 76; at New
College 18, to 70 _Socii_; at Brasenose (Æneasense Coll.) the
_Communarii_ are 145, and the _Pauperes Scholares_ 17; at Exeter,
the latter are 37, to 134 _Communarii_; at St John’s, 20 to 43; at
Lincoln the _Communarii_ are 60, to 27 _Batellatores et Pauperes
Scholares_.’ Collectanea Curiosa, v. i. p. 196-203.]

[Footnote 38: Was this in return for the raised rents that Ascham
so bitterly complains of the new possessors of the monastic lands
screwing out of their tenants, and thereby ruining the yeomen? He
says to the Duke of Somerset on Nov. 21, 1547 (ed. Giles, i. p.
140-1),

Qui auctores sunt tantæ miseriæ?... Sunt illi qui hodie
passim, in Anglia, prædia monasteriorum gravissimis annuis
reditibus auxerunt. Hinc omnium rerum exauctum pretium; hi
homines expilant totam rempublicam. Villici et coloni universi
laborant, parcunt, corradunt, ut istis satisfaciant.... Hinc
tot familiæ dissipatæ, tot domus collapsæ.... Hinc, quod
omnium miserrimum est, nobile illud decus et robur Angliæ,
nomen, inquam, _Yomanorum Anglorum_, fractum et collisum est
... NAM VITA, QUÆ NUNC VIVITUR A PLURIMIS, NON VITA, SED
MISERIA EST.

When will these words cease to be true of our land? They should be
burnt into all our hearts.]

[[Footnote 38a: One of the inquiries ordered by the Articles
issued by Archbishop Cranmer, in A.D. 1548, is, “Whether Parsons,
Vicars, Clerks, and other beneficed men, having yearly to dispend
an hundred pound, do not find, competently, one scholar in the
University of Cambridge or Oxford, or some grammar school; and for
as many hundred pounds as every of them may dispend, so many
scholars likewise to be found [supported] by them; and what be
their names that they so find.” Toulmin Smith, _The Parish_,
p. 95. Compare also in Church-Wardens Accompts of St Margaret’s,
Westminster (ed. Jn. Nichols, p. 41).

1631.
Item, to Richard Busby, a king’s scholler of Westminster, towards
enabling him to proceed master of arts at Oxon, by consent of the
vestrie £6. 13. 4.

1628.
Item, to Richard Busby, by consent of the vestry, towards enabling
him to proceed bachelor of arts £5. 0. 0.

Nichols, p. 38. See too p. 37.]]

[Footnote 39: “He placed Æthelweard, his youngest son, who was
fond of learning, together with the sons of his nobility, and of
many persons of inferior rank, in schools which he had established
with great wisdom and foresight, and provided with able masters.
In these schools the youth were instructed in reading and writing
both the Saxon and Latin languages, and in other liberal arts,
before they arrived at sufficient strength of body for hunting,
and other manly exercises becoming their rank.” Henry, _History of
England_, vol. ii. pp. 354-5 (quoted from Asser).]

[Footnote 40: None were so. T. Wright.]

[Footnote 41: Gervaise of Canterbury says, in his account of
Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus erat
magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”

[[‘The truth is that, in his account of Oxford and its early days,
Mr Hallam quotes John of Salisbury, not as asserting that Vacarius
taught there, but as making “no mention of Oxford at all”; while
he gives for the statement about the law school no authority
whatever beyond his general reference throughout to Anthony Wood.
But the fact is as historical as a fact can well be, and the
authority for it is a passage in one of the best of the
contemporary authors, Gervaise of Canterbury. “Tunc leges et
causidici in Angliam primo vocati sunt,” he says in his account
of Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus era{t}
magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”’ E. A. F.]] ]

[[Footnote 41a: Roger Bacon died, perhaps, 11 June, 1292, or in
1294. _Book of Dates._]]

[Footnote 42: This College is said to have been founded in the
year 872, by Alfred the Great. It was restored by William of
Durham, said to have been Archdeacon of Durham; but respecting
whom little authentic information has been preserved, except that
he was Rector of Wearmouth in that county, and that he died in
1249, bequeathing a sum of money to provide a permanent endowment
for the maintenance of a certain number of “Masters.” The first
purchase with this bequest was made in 1253, and the first
Statutes are dated 1280.-- _Oxford Univ. Calendar_, 1865, p. 167.]

[Footnote 43: I refer to the modernized edition published by
Charles Knight in two volumes.]

[Footnote 44: Other well-born men, in the _Ath. Cant._, then
connected with the University, or supposed to be, were,

1504
Sir Roger Ormston, knight, died. Had been High Steward of the
University.
1504
Sir John Mordaunt, High Steward.
1478
George Fitzhugh, 4th son of Henry lord Fitzhugh, admitted B.A.
1488
Robert Leyburn, born of a knightly family, Fellow of
Pembroke-hall, and proctor.
1457
John Argentine, of an ancient and knightly family, was elected
from Eton to King’s.
1504
Robert Fairfax, of an ancient family in Yorkshire, took the degree
of Mus. Doc.
1496
Christopher Baynbrigg, of a good family at Hilton, near Appleby,
educated at and Provost of Queen’s, Oxford, incorporated of
Cambridge.
1517
Sir Wm. Fyndern, knight, died, and was a benefactor to Clare Hall,
in which it is supposed he had been educated.
1481
Robert Rede, of an ancient Northumbrian family, was sometime of
Buckingham College, and the Fellow of King’s-hall (?), and was
autumn reader at Lincoln’s Inn in 1481.
ab. 1460
Marmaduke Constable, son of Sir Robert Constable, knight, believed
to have been educated at Cambridge.
„
So, Edward Stafford, heir of Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham,
is also believed to have been educated at Cambridge, because his
father was a munificent patron of the University, constantly
maintaining, or assisting to maintain, scholars therein.
„
So, Thomas Howard, son of Sir John Howard, knight, and afterwards
Duke of Norfolk, who defeated the Scots at Flodden, is believed,
&c.
1484
John Skelton, the poet, probably of an ancient Cumberland family.
1520?
Henry Howard, son of Lord Thomas Howard, ultimately Duke of
Norfolk. Nothing is known as to the place of his education. If it
were either of the English Universities, the presumption is in
favour of Cambridge.

The only tradesman’s son mentioned is,
1504
Sir Richard Empson, son of Peter Empson, a sieve-maker,
High-Steward.]

[Footnote 45: Whitgift himself, born 1530, was educated at St.
Anthony’s school, then sent back to his father in the country, and
sent up to Cambridge in 1548 or 1549.]

[Footnote 46: No proof of this is given.]

[Footnote 47: Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, son and heir of Thomas
Duke of Norfolk, ‘was for a time student in Cardinal Coll. as the
constant tradition has been among us.’ p. 153, col. 1.]

[Footnote 48: Andrew Borde, who writes himself _Andreas
Perforatus_, was born, as it seems, at Pevensey, commonly called
Pensey [now Pemsey], in Sussex, and not unlikely educated in
Wykeham’s school near to Winchester, brought up at Oxford (as he
saith in his _Introduction to Knowledge_, cap. 35), p. 170, col.
2, and note.]

[Footnote 49: See Mat. Paris, p. 665, though he speaks there
chiefly of monks[*] beyond sea.]

[Footnote 49*: As appears from Wood’s _Fasti Oxon._

The following names of Oxford men educated at monkish or friars’
schools, or of their bodies, occur in the first volume of Wood’s
_Athenæ Oxon._, ed. Bliss:

p. 6, col. 2.
William Beeth, educated among the Dominicans or Black Friers
from his youth, and afterwards their provincial master or chief
governor.
p. 7, col. 2.
Richard Bardney, a Benedictine of Lincolnshire.
p. 11, col. 2.
John Sowle, a Carme of London.
p. 14, col. 1.
William Galeon, an Austin friar of Lynn Regis.
p. 18, col. 2.
Henry Bradshaw, one of the Benedictine monks of St Werberg’s,
Chester.
p. 19, col. 1.
John Harley, of the order of the Preaching or Dominican,
commonly called Black, Friars
p. 54, col. 2.
Thomas Spenser, a Carthusian at Henton in Somersetshire; ‘whence
for a time he receded to Oxford (as several of his order did) to
improve himself, or to pass a course, in theology.’
p. 94, col. 2.
John Kynton, a Minorite or Grey-friar
p. 101, col. 1.
John Rycks, „ „
p. 107, col. 1.
John Forest, a Franciscan of Greenwich.
p. 189, col. 1.
John Griffen, a Cistercian.
p. 278, col. 2.
Cardinal Pole, educated among the Carthusians, and Carmelites or
‘White-fryers.’
p. 363, col. 2.
William Barlowe, an Austin of St Osith in Essex.
p. 630, col. 2.
Henry Walpoole and Richard Walpoole, Jesuits.

The 5th Lord Percy, he of the _Household Book_, in the year 1520
founded an annual stipend of 10 marcs for 3 years, for a
_Pedagogus sive Magister, docens ac legens Grammaticam et
Philosophiam canonicis et fratribus_ of the monastery of Alnwick
(Warton, ii. 492).]

[Footnote 50: It was customary then at Oxford for the Religious to
have schools that bore the name of their respective orders; as the
Augustine, Benedictine, Carmelite, and Franciscan schools; and
there were schools also appropriated to the benefit of particular
Religious houses, as the Dorchester and Eynsham schools, &c. The
monks of Gloucester had Gloucester convent, and the novices of
Pershore an apartment in the same house. So likewise the young
monks of Canterbury, Westminster, Durham, St Albans, &c. Kennet’s
Paroch. Antiq., p. 214. So also Leland saith, Itin. vol. vi. p.
28, that at Stamford the names of Peterborough Hall, Semplingham,
and Vauldey yet remain, as places whither the Religious of those
houses sent their scholars to study. Tanner, Notitia Monastica,
Preface, p. xxvi. note _w_.]

[Footnote 51: The abuse was of far earlier date than this. Compare
Mr Halliwell’s quotation in his ‘Merton Statutes,’ from his
edition of ‘the Poems of John Awdelay, the blind poet of Haghmon
Monastery in the 14th century,’

Now ȝif a pore mon set hys son to Oxford to scole,
Bothe the fader and the moder hyndryd they schal be;
And ȝif ther falle a benefyse, hit schal be ȝif a fole,
To a clerke of a kechyn, ore into the chaunceré . .
Clerkys that han cunyng,
. . thai mai get no vaunsyng
Without symony.]

[Footnote 52: Compare Chaucer: ‘wherfore, as seith Senek, ther is
nothing more covenable to a man of heigh estate than debonairté
and pité; and therfore thise flies than men clepen bees, whan thay
make here king, they chesen oon that hath no pricke wherwith he
may stynge.’--_Persones Tale_, Poet. Works, ed. Morris, iii. 301.]

[Footnote 53: Ascham complains of the harm that rich men’s sons
did in his time at Cambridge. Writing to Archbp. Cranmer in 1545,
he complains of two _gravissima impedimenta_ to their course of
study: (1.) that so few old men will stop up to encourage study by
their example; (2.) “quod illi fere omnes qui hue Cantabrigiam
confluunt, pueri sunt, divitumque filii, et hi etiam qui nunquam
inducunt animum suum, ut abundanti aliqua perfectaque eruditione
perpoliantur, sed ut ad alia reipublicæ munera obeunda levi aliqua
et inchoata cognitione paratiores efficiantur. Et hic singularis
quædam injuria bifariam academiæ intentata est; vel quia hoc modo
omnis expletæ absolutæque doctrinæ spes longe ante messem, in ipsa
quasi herbescenti viriditate, præciditur; vel quia omnis pauperum
inopumque expectatio, quorum ætates omnes in literarum studio
conteruntur, ab his fucis eorum sedes occupantibus, exclusa
illusaque præripitur. Ingenium, enim, doctrina, inopia judicium,
nil quicquam domi valent, ubi gratia, favor, magnatum literæ, et
aliæ persimiles extraordinariæ illegitimæque rationes vim foris
adferunt. Hinc quoque illud accedit incommodum, quod quidam
prudentes viri nimis ægre ferunt partem aliquam regiæ pecuniæ in
collegiorum socios inpartiri; quasi illi non maxime indigeant, aut
quasi ulla spes perfectæ eruditionis in ullis aliis residere
potest, quam in his, qui in perpetuo literarum studio perpetuum
vitæ suæ tabernaculum collocarunt.” Ed. Giles, i. p. 69-70. See
also p. 121-2.]

[Footnote 54: _Antea enim_ Cornelius Vitellius, _homo_ Italus
Corneli, _quod est maritimum_ Hetruriæ _Oppidum, natus nobili
Prosapia, vir optimus gratiosusque, omnium primus_ Oxonii _bonas
literas docuerat_. [Pol. Verg. _lib._ xxvi.]]

[Footnote 55: _Ante annos ferme triginta, nihil tradebatur in
schola_ Cantabrigiensi, _præter_ Alexandri Parva Logicalia, _ut
vocant, & vetera illa_ Aristotelis _dictata, Scoticasque
Quæstiones. Progressu temporis accesserunt bonæ literæ; accessit
Matheseos Cognitio; accessit novus, aut certe novatus_,
Aristoteles; _accessit_ Græcarum _literarum peritia; accesserunt
Autores tam multi, quorum olim ne nomina quidem tenebantur, &c._
[Erasmi _Epist._ Henrico Bovillo, _Dat._ Roffæ _Cal._ Sept.
1516.]]

[Footnote 56: Sir John Fortescue’s description of the study of law
at Westminster and in the Inns of Chancery is in chapters 48-9 of
his _De laudibus legum Angliæ_.]

[Footnote 57:

Mores habent barbarus, Latinus et Græcus;
Si sacerdos, ut plebs est, cæcum ducit cæcus:
Se mares effeminant, et equa fit equus,
Expectes ab homine usque ad pecus.

Et quia non metuunt animæ discrimen,
Principes in habitum verterunt hoc crimen,
Varium viro turpiter jungit novus hymen,
Exagitata procul non intrat fœmina limen.]

[Footnote 58:

Pixus et ablutus tandem progressus in urbem,
Intrat in ecclesiam, vota precesque facit.
Inde scholas adiens, secum deliberat, utrum
Expediat potius illa vel ista schola.
Et quia subtiles sensu considerat Anglos,
Pluribus ex causis se sociavit iis.
Moribus egregii, verbo vultuque venusti,
Ingenio pollent, consilioque vigent.
Dona pluunt populis, et detestantur avaros,
Fercula multiplicant, et sine lege bibunt.

A. Wood, _Antiq. Oxon._, p. 55, in Henry’s Hist. of Eng.,
vol. iii. p. 440-1.]

[Footnote 59: That Colet used his travels abroad, A.D. 1493-7, for
a different purpose, see his life by Dr Knight, pp. 23-4.]

[Footnote 60: Fuller, book vi. p. 297. Collier, vol. ii. p. 165.
Stillingfleet’s Orig. Britan. p. 206. Bishop Lloyd of Church
Government, p. 160. This was provided for as early as A.D. 747, by
the seventh canon of council of Clovesho, as Wilkins’s Councils,
vol. i. p. 95. See also the notes upon that canon, in Johnson’s
Collection of canons, &c. In Tavistock abbey there was a Saxon
school, as Willis, i. 171. Tanner. (Charlemagne in his
Capitularies ordained that each Monastery should maintain a
School, where should be taught ‘la grammaire, le calcule, et la
musique.’ See Démogeot’s _Histoire de la Littérature Française_,
p. 44, ed. Hachette. R. Whiston.) Henry says “these teachers of
the cathedral schools were called _The scholastics_ of the
diocess; and all the youth in it who were designed for the church,
were intitled to the benefit of their instructions.[*] Thus, for
example, William de Monte, who had been a professor at Paris, and
taught theology with so much reputation in the reign of Henry II.,
at Lincoln, was the scholastic of that cathedral. By the
eighteenth canon of the third general council of Lateran, A.D.
1179, it was decreed, That such scholastics should be settled in
all cathedrals, with sufficient revenues for their support; and
that they should have authority to superintend all the
schoolmasters of the diocess, and grant them licences, without
which none should presume to teach. The laborious authors of the
literary history of France have collected a very distinct account
of the scholastics who presided in the principal cathedral-schools
of that kingdom in the twelfth century, among whom we meet with
many of the most illustrious names for learning of that age....
The sciences that were taught in these cathedral schools were such
as were most necessary to qualify their pupils for performing the
duties of the sacerdotal office, as Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic,
Theology, and Church-Music.” --_Ibid._ p. 442.]

[Footnote 60*: Du Cange, Gloss. voc. _Scholasticus_.]

[Footnote 61: Fuller and Collier, as before; Bishop Burnet
(Reform, vol. i. p... ) saith so of Godstow. Archbishop Greenfield
ordered that young gentlewomen who came to the nunneries either
for piety or breeding, should wear white veils, to distinguish
them from the professed, who wore black ones, 11 Kal. Jul. anno
pontif. 6. M. Hutton. ex registr. ejus, p. 207. In the accounts of
the cellaress of Carhow, near Norwich, there is an account of what
was received “pro prehendationibus,” or the board of young ladies
and their servants for education “rec. de domina Margeria Wederly
prehendinat, ibidem xi. septimanas xiii s. iv d. ... pro mensa
unius famulæ dictæ Margeriæ per iii. septimanas viii d. per
sept.” &c. Tanner.]

[Footnote 62: Morley’s _English Writers_, vol. ii. Pt. I. p. 421.]

[Footnote 63: Edited by Mr Halliwell in his ‘Selection from the
Minor Poems of Dan John Lydgate.’ Percy Society, 1840, quoted by
Prof. Morley.]

[[Footnote 63a: ‘Fitz-Stephen says on the parents of St Thomas,
“Neque fœnerantibus neque officiose negotiantibus, sed de
redditibus suis honorifice viventibus.”’ E. A. F.]]

[Footnote 64: Mr Skeat’s readings. The _abbot_ and _abbots_ of Mr
Wright’s text spoil the alliteration.]

[Footnote 65: Compare the previous passages under heading 1,
p. vi.]

[Footnote 66: May Mr Skeat bring the day when it will be done!]

[Footnote 67: Later on, men’s games were settled for them as well
as their trades. In A.D. 1541, the 33 Hen. VIII., cap. 9, § xvi.,
says,

“Be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no manner
of Artificer or Craftsman of any Handicraft or Occupation,
Husbandman, Apprentice, Labourer, Servant at Husbandry,
Journeyman or Servant of Artificer, Mariners, Fishermen,
Watermen or any Serving man, shall from the said feast of the
Nativity of St John Baptist play at the Tables, Tennis, Dice,
Cards, Bowls, Clash, Coyting, Logating, or any other unlawful
Game out of Christmas, under the Pain of xx s. to be forfeit
for every Time; (2) and in Christmas to play at any of the
said Games in their Master’s Houses, or in their Master’s
Presence; (3) and also that no manner of persons shall at any
time play at any Bowl or Bowls in open places out of his
Garden or Orchard, upon the Pain for every Time so offending
to forfeit vi s. viiii d.” (For _Logating_, &c., see
Strutt.)]

[Footnote 68: Translated from the Latin copy in the British
Museum, MS. Harl. 1197, art. 15, folio 319 b.]

[Footnote 69: Duodecim pauperes de sumptibus dictæ Ecclesiæ
_alendi_.]

[Footnote 70: Duo _unus_ Pincernæ, et _unus subpincerna_, duo unus
cociquus, et unus subcoquus. Sic in MS]

[Footnote 71: MS. No. 688 in Lambeth Library. MS. Harl. cod. 1594,
art. 38, in Brit. Mus.]

[Footnote 72:

Farewell, in Oxford my college cardynall!
Farewell, in _Ipsewich, my schole gramaticall!_
Yet oons farewell! I say, I shall you never see!
Your somptious byldyng, what now avayllethe me?

_Metrical Visions_ [Wolsey.] by George Cavendish, in his Life of
Wolsey, (ed. Singer, ii. 17). Wolsey’s Letter of Directions about
his school should be consulted. It is printed.]

[Footnote 73: Colet’s Statutes for St Paul’s School are given in
Howard Staunton’s _Great Schools of England_, p. 179-85.]

[Footnote 74: ‘That there was a school at Rochester before Henry
VIII.’s time is proved by our Statutes, which speak of the _Schola
Grammaticalis_ as being _ruinosa & admodum deformis_.’ R.
Whiston.]

[Footnote 75: Pegge concludes these to have been St Paul’s, Bow,
and Martin’s le Grand.]

[Footnote 76: The custom of boys bringing cocks to masters has
left a trace at Sedburgh, where the boys pay a sum every year on a
particular day (Shrove-Tuesday?) as “cock-penny.” Quick.]

[Footnote 77: On the London Schools, see also Sir George Buc’s
short _cap._ 36, “Moore of other Schooles in London,” in his
_Third Vniuersitie of England_ (t.i. London). He notices the old
schools of the monasteries, &c., ‘in whose stead there be some few
founded lately by good men, as the Merchant Taylors, and Thomas
Sutton, founder of the great new Hospitall in the Charter house,
[who] hath translated the Tenis court to a Grammar Schoole ... for
30 schollers, poore mens children.... There be also other Triuiall
Schooles for the bringing up of youth in good literature, _viz._,
in S. _Magnus_, in S. _Michaels_, in S. _Thomas_, and others.’]

[Footnote 78: Udall became Master of Eton about 1534. He was sent
to prison for sodomy.]

[Footnote 79: The perversion of these elections by bribery is
noticed by Harrison in the former extract from him on the
Universities.]

[Footnote 80: See p. 273-4, ‘all of a fourme to name who is the
best of their fourme, and who is the best next him’.]

[Footnote 81: ? key of the Campo, see pp. 299 and 300, or a club,
the holder of which had a right to go out.]

[Footnote 82: See Mr Froude’s noble article in _The Westminster
Review_, No. 3, July, 1852 (lately republished by him in a
collection of Essays, &c.).]

[Footnote 83: Their eyes must have smarted. The natives’ houses in
India have (generally) no chimneys still, and Mr Moreshwar says
the smoke _does_ make your eyes water.]

[Footnote 84: Mouffet is learned on the Louse.

“In the first beginning whilest man was in his innocency, and free
from wickednesse, he was subject to no corruption and filth, but
when he was seduced by the wickednesse of that great and cunning
deceiver, and proudly affected to know as much as God knew, God
humbled him with divers diseases, and divers sorts of Worms, with
Lice, Hand-worms, Belly-worms, others call _Termites_, small Nits
and Acares ... a Lowse ... is a beastly Creature, and known better
in Innes and Armies then it is wellcome. The profit it bringeth,
_Achilles_ sheweth, _Iliad_ I. in these words: _I make no more of
him then I doe of a Lowse_; as we have an English Proverb of a
poor man, _He is not worth a Lowse_. The Lice that trouble men are
either tame or wilde ones, those the _English_ call _Lice_, and
these _Crab-lice_; the North _English_ call them _Pert-lice_, that
is, a petulant Lowse comprehending both kindes; it is a certain
sign of misery, and is sometimes the inevitable scourge of God.”
Rowland’s _Mouffet’s Theater of Insects_, p. 1090, ed. 1658
(published in Latin, 1634). By this date we had improved. Mouffet
says, “These filthy creatures ... are hated more than Dogs or
Vipers by our daintiest Dames,” _ib._ p. 1093; and again, p. 1097,
“Cardan, that was a fancier of subtilties, writes that the
_Carthusians_ are never vexed with Wall-lice, and he gives the
cause, because they eat no flesh.... He should rather have
alledged their cleanliness, and the frequent washing of their beds
and blankets, to be the cause of it, which when the _French_, the
_Dutch_, and _Italians_ do less regard, they more breed this
plague. But the English that take great care to be cleanly and
decent, are seldom troubled with them.” Also, on p. 1092, he says,
‘As for dressing the body: all _Ireland_ is noted for this, that
it swarms almost with Lice. But that this proceeds from the
beastliness of the people, and want of cleanly women to wash them
is manifest, because the English that are more careful to dress
themselves, changing and washing their shirts often, having
inhabited so long in _Ireland_, have escaped that plague....
Remedies. The _Irish_ and _Iseland_ people (who are frequently
troubled with Lice, and such as will fly, as they say, in Summer)
anoint their shirts with Saffron, and to very good purpose, to
drive away the Lice, but after six moneths they wash their shirts
again, putting fresh Saffron into the Lye.’ Rowland’s Mouffet
(1634), _Theater of Insects_, p. 1092, ed. 1658.]

[Footnote 85: Prof. Brewer says that Erasmus, rejecting the
Mediæval Latin and adopting the Classical, no doubt used
_salsamenta_ in its classical sense of salt-meat, and referred to
the great quantity of it used in England during the winter, when
no fresh meat was eaten, but only that which had been killed at
the annual autumn slaughtering, and then salted down.
Stall-fattening not being practised, the autumn was the time for
fat cattle. _Salsamentum_, however, is translated in White and
Riddle’s Dictionary, “A. Fish-pickle, brine; B. Salted or pickled
fish (so usually in plural).”]

[Footnote 86: If any member or reader can refer me to any other
verse or prose pieces of like kind, unprinted, or that deserve
reprinting, I shall be much obliged to him, and will try to put
them in type.]

Errata (noted by transcriber):

_Capiendo pro_[26]...’” [_missing ’_]
the case is too too evident [_duplication in original_]
sums it up.[59] [_footnote marker missing in text_]
a passage in Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger_ [passaeg]
ab. 1460 ... Marmaduke Constable [460]

In the section “Post-Reformation Cathedral Schools” the attribution of
quotes is sometimes obscure. The text layout has been kept as close
as possible to the original.

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