Chapter VI: Part 6
“The foregoing letter was written to caution you not to mention
your business to Colonel Sheldon, or any other person. I
have no confidant. I have made one too many already, who has
prevented some profitable speculation. I will send a person in
whom you can confide by water to meet you at Dobb’s Ferry at
the landing on the east side, on Wednesday the 20th instant,
who will conduct you to a place of safety, where I will meet
you. It will be necessary for you to be disguised, and, if the
enemy’s boats are there, it will favor my plan, as the person
is not suspected by them. If I do not hear from you before, you
may depend on the person’s being punctual at the place above
mentioned. My partner, of whom I hinted in a former letter, has
about ten thousand pounds cash in hand ready for a speculation
if any should offer, which appears probable. I have already one
thousand pounds on hand and can collect fifteen hundred more in
two or three days. Add to this I have some credit. From these
hints you may judge of the purchase that can be made. I cannot
be more explicit at present. Meet me if possible. You may rest
assured, that, if there is no danger in passing your lines, you
will be perfectly safe where I propose a meeting, of which you
shall be informed on Wednesday evening, if you think proper to
be at Dobb’s Ferry. Adieu, and be assured of the friendship of
“GUSTAVUS.”
This letter, although promptly received by Major André, never reached Clinton’s headquarters. A copy of it was left by one of the crew of a Connecticut privateer in the pay of Sir Henry Clinton, at the Townsend House, Oyster Bay, and another copy was forwarded several days later with the following note added:
“September 18th, The foregoing I found means to send by a very
honest fellow, who went to Kingsbridge on the 16th, and I have
no doubt you received it. But as there is a possibility of its
miscarriage, I send a copy, and am fully persuaded that the
method I have pointed out to meet you is the best and safest,
provided you can obtain leave to come out.”
On the 16th the Vulture again conveyed Beverly Robinson up the river. Pretending to believe that General Putnam still commanded in the Highlands, Robinson addressed a note to him requesting an interview on the subject of his confiscated property, and sent this letter by a flag, enclosed in one addressed to General Arnold; soliciting of him the same boon should General Putnam be absent. This letter was received at Verplanck’s by Livingston and forwarded to headquarters as Robinson wished it to be.
On the 18th September, Washington with his suite crossed the Hudson to Verplanck’s Point, in Arnold’s barge, on his way to Hartford. Arnold accompanied him as far as Peekskill, and on the way laid before him with affected frankness the letter of Colonel Robinson, and asked his advice. Washington disapproved of any such interview, observing that the civil authorities alone had cognizance of these questions of confiscated property.
Arnold now openly sent a flag on board of the Vulture, as if bearing a reply to the letter he had communicated to the commander-in-chief. His message, addressed to Colonel Beverly Robinson, reads:
“September 18th, 1780.--_Sir_: I parted with his Excellency
General Washington this morning, who advises me to avoid
seeing you, as it would occasion suspicions in the minds of
some people, which might operate to my injury. His reason
appears to me to be well founded; but, if I were of a different
opinion, I could not with propriety see you at present. I
shall send a person to Dobb’s Ferry, or on board the Vulture,
Wednesday night the 20th instant, and furnish him with a
boat and a flag of truce. You may depend on his secrecy and
honor, and that your business of whatever nature shall be
kept a profound secret; and, if it is matter in which I can
officially act, I will do everything in my power to oblige
you consistantly with my duty. To avoid censure, this matter
must be conducted with the greatest secrecy. I think it will
be advisable for the Vulture to remain where she is until the
time appointed. I have enclosed a letter for a gentleman in
New York from one in the country on private business, which I
beg the favor of you to forward, and make no doubt he will be
particular to come at the time appointed. I am, &c.
“B. ARNOLD.[43]
“P. S. I expect General Washington to lodge here on Saturday
night next, and will lay before him any matter you may wish to
communicate.”
A further note on the opposite side of the sheet reads: “As no person except His Excellency Genl. Washington shall be made acquainted with them. The bearer, Capt. D. Archibald will take particular care of your letters and deliver them to me with his own hand. B. A.”
On the same day Major André left Oyster Bay, crossed the Sound at Flushing, and on the New York side met by appointment Sir Henry Clinton, and together they rode to Mme Riedesel’s for a private interview. A paragraph in her memoirs records this visit; she says:
“The country residence of General Clinton was an hour’s ride
from the city ... he invited us to spend the summer there.
It was a most beautiful situation, the Hudson River running
directly in front of the house.... Not far from us were the
Hell-gates.... We often saw ships in danger, but only one was
wrecked and went to pieces during our stay. General Clinton
came often to visit us, but in hunter’s dress, accompanied by
only one aid-de-camp.... The last time he came to see us he had
with him the unfortunate--as he afterwards became--Major André,
who, the day afterwards, set out upon the fatal expedition, in
which he was captured by the Americans, and afterwards hung as
a spy.”
This visit was followed by a dinner at Kip’s house in the vicinity of Kip’s Bay, which was about where 2nd Avenue and 34th Street now is. Ostensibly it was given to Clinton and his staff but in reality it was as a parting compliment to André. The next day (Tuesday) he went by way of King’s Bridge to Dobb’s Ferry and thence to the sloop of war, Vulture, then probably at Teller’s Point. Reaching her about seven p. m. he waited all the next day without message or news from Arnold. His messages to Clinton explain the situation.
ON BOARD THE VULTURE, 21 September.
“_Sir_; As the tide was favorable on my arrival at the sloop
yesterday, I determined to be myself the bearer of your
Excellency’s letters as far as the Vulture. I have suffered for
it, having caught a very bad cold, and had so violent a return
of a disorder in my stomach which had attacked me a few days
ago, that Captain Sutherland and Colonel Robinson insist on my
remaining on board till I am better. I hope tomorrow to get
down again.”
In this letter he enclosed one meant for Clinton only, which read:
“_Sir_: I got on board the Vulture at about seven o’clock last
evening; and after considering upon the letters and the answer
given by Col. Robinson ‘that he would remain on board, and
hoped I should be up,’ we thought it most natural to expect the
man I sent into the Country here, and therefore did not think
of going to the Ferry. Nobody has appeared. This is the second
expedition I have made without an ostensible reason, and Col.
Robinson both times of the party. A third would infallibly fire
suspicions. I have therefore thought it best to remain here on
plea of sickness, as my enclosed letter will feign, and try
further expedients. Yesterday the pretence of a flag of truce
was made to draw people from the Vulture on shore. The boat was
fired upon in violation of the customs of war. Capt. Sutherland
with great propriety means to send a flag to complain of this
to General Arnold. A boat from the Vulture had very nearly
taken him on the 11th. He was pursued close to the float. I
shall favor him with a newspaper containing the Carolina news,
which I brought with me from New York for Anderson, to whom it
is addressed, on board the Vulture. I have the honor, &c.”
The ingenious artifice by which he contrived to let Arnold know that he was waiting for him was written as follows:
“VULTURE, OFF TELLER’S POINT, 21 September.--_Sir_: I consider
it a duty to complain of any violation of the laws of arms, and
I am satisfied that I now do it where I cannot fail to meet
redress. It is therefore with reluctance I give you the concern
to know, that a flag of truce having been yesterday shown on
Teller’s Point, I sent a boat towards the shore, presuming
some communication was thereby solicited. The boat’s crew on
approaching received a fire from several armed men, who till
then had been concealed.[44] Fortunately none of my people were
hurt, but the treacherous intentions of those who fired are not
vindicated from that circumstance. I have the honor to be, &c.”
(This was signed by Sutherland and countersigned by John Anderson, Secretary, and in André’s handwriting.)
FOOTNOTES to “JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON PLOT”:
[36] Dunlap, vol. 2, p. 171.
[37] The Duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt in his Travels in North America in 1795, says: “But for this inveterate hatred against the United States, which he too loudly professes, and which carries him too far, General Simcoe appears in the most advantageous light. He is just, active, enlightened, brave, frank, and possesses the confidence of the country, of the troops, and of all those who join him in administration of public affairs.”
[38] Alexander Hamilton, in a letter to John Laurens, says: “The project seems to have originated with Arnold himself, and to have been long premeditated. The first overture is traced back to some time in January last. It was conveyed in a letter to Colonel Robinson, the substance of which was, that the ingratitude he had experienced from his country, concurring with other causes, had entirely changed his principles; that he now only sought to restore himself in the favour of his king by some signal of his repentance and would be happy to open a correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton for that purpose.”
[39] Sheldon says, in his letter of August 10th, 1780: “It mortifies me not a little, that I am obliged to tell you that more than twenty of the best of my horses, completely accoutred, are employed as common Express Riders between this place and Newport exclusive of those which I am obliged to employ on the same business in conveying despatches as an intermediate post between Head Quarters and the first stage of expresses. I hope as horses are much wanted on this advance post those Dragoons who are employed on such extra service may soon be called to more honorable duty.”
[40] Washington Papers, No. 19991.
[41] General Washington’s reply from Headquarters, Sept. 14th, 1780, was: “... Under the circumstances you mention you may detain the men of Colonel Putnam’s regiment, who are serving as bargemen to you;.... I shall be at Peekskill on Sunday evening, on my way to Hartford, to meet the French admiral and general. You will be pleased to send down a guard of a captain and fifty men at that time, and direct the quartermaster to endeavour to have a night’s forage for about forty horses. You will keep this to yourself, as I wish to make my journey a secret. I am, &c. GO. WASHINGTON. (He was delayed in setting out. It was Monday the 18th.)
[42] Hamilton says: “There was some colour for imagining it was a part of the plan to betray the General into the hands of the enemy. Arnold was very anxious to ascertain from him the precise day of his return, and the enemy’s movements seem to have corresponded to this point. But if it was really the case it was very injudicious. The success must have depended on surprise, and as the officers at the advanced posts were not in the secret, their measures might have given the alarm, and General Washington, taking the command of the post, might have rendered the whole scheme abortive. Arnold it is true, had so dispersed the garrison as to have made the defence difficult, but not impracticable; and the acquisition of West Point was of such magnitude to the enemy, that it would have been unwise to connect it with any other object, however great, which might make the obtaining of it precarious.”
[43] There is preserved in the Library of Congress among the Washington Papers, No. 20268, an interesting answer to this letter. It is in the handwriting of Beverly Robinson, and reads: ‘Vulture off Tellers point, Septr. 19, 1780. Sir. I am favoured with yours by Capt. Archibald and am sorry I have missed the opportunity of seeing General Putnam, and that it is not thought proper to allow me to see you, my business being entirely of a private nature, only concerning my self & no ways affecting publick matters of either side; I was induced to make the application to you in hopes of meeting with a favorable reception from a gentleman of your character. But I have not the least reason to expect any civility from the Civil Authority of this State, neither am I at all disposed to ask any favour from them. Had I known Genl. Washington was with you I should certainly have made my application to him as I flatter myself I should be allowed very reasonable indulgence from him, I beg my best respects may be presented to him; I can have nothing further to say to you at present, but must wait a more favorable opportunity of doing something for my family. I return you my thanks for your polite letter and Civil Expressions to me and am Your verry Humble Servt. BEV: ROBINSON.”
[44] The excuse for this story was two intoxicated men with one gun. They hung a shirt on the bushes which was mistaken for a flag; as the boat approached they fired the gun as a warning to keep away.
ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET
We now come to the evening of the 20th of September, 1780. Joshua Hett Smith, returning from Fishkill, met Samuel Colquhoun[45] after crossing the river near Stony Point, and asked him to accompany him to his house. When they had ascended the stairs and were in Smith’s private room he asked Colquhoun to go with him that night a piece down the river. Colquhoun told Smith he had no mind to go, and did not want to go, and Smith did not urge him. Then Smith told Colquhoun he must send him up express to General Arnold, and they should go over to the other house; but upon Colquhoun telling him again that he had no mind to go Smith seemed to urge his going and said it was great business. Colquhoun then agreed to go. They went over to the house of Smith’s brother and there Colquhoun was furnished with a horse, and a paper to Major Keirs[46] and started off to General Arnold.
The sun was rising when Colquhoun reached the headquarters of Arnold, on the east bank of the Hudson River, below West Point. The General was not up but he delivered the letter from Smith to a gentleman there[47] and in a few minutes he was informed there was no occasion for an answer. He was requested however to return as quickly as he could. That afternoon Arnold passed him and rode to Smith’s house.
When Smith again hailed Colquhoun it was near sun down as he was going for the cows. He told him to come up to his house as the General wanted to speak with him. He found Arnold there and was asked by him to go a piece that night. Colquhoun told him he could not go as he had been up the night before, and he also told him he was afraid to go, but General Arnold urged, and told him if he was a friend to his country he should do his best. Colquhoun then asked Arnold where he wanted him to go and was told on board the ship in the river. Smith told him there was a man there the General wanted to see very much. Colquhoun then asked what was the reason he could not stay till the morning and Arnold replied that it must be done that night. Colquhoun’s next excuse was that he could not go alone, and then Smith told him to go fetch his brother. In a short time Colquhoun returned and reported that his wife objected to his going and that the guard boats were out. Arnold told him there was no danger from the guard boats and also that if he did not go he would look upon him as a disaffected man. He then went for his brother and when they returned they argued awhile before consenting to go. This brother was Joseph Colquhoun, and he has left such a concise narrative that much of it is here quoted.
“Mr. Smith, last Thursday night week, sent word to me to come
over to his house, and he wanted to speak to me. I went. When
I came there he met me at the door, and sat down on the bench
with me, and on asking him what was his desire, he said he
wanted me to go with him that night. On asking Mr. Smith where
he wanted to go, he said, ‘A little way down the river.’ On
asking him how far and where, he said ‘On board the man-of-war
as a flag, on business of General Arnold.’ I told him I was
sorry I was wanted for that purpose, and said, upon any other
thing I was willing to serve him or the General. Mr. Smith
asked me why, and said there was no hurt in going, as it was
general business. On asking him whether he did not think we
should be taken up by the water-guard, (meaning the Continental
water guard,) he said, No, for he had a Pass from the General
to go, and the countersign he said was ‘Congress,’ which, when
he came up he must give, and so pass. Mr. Smith made answer to
me and said, ‘Have you not always heard that I was a friend
to the country, and did that which was always best for the
country?’ I told him, Yes, and always thought he was, upon
which I asked him why the flag was not sent down in the day
time, as it ought to be done? He said because it was to be kept
private from the inhabitants and common men. The officers, he
said, knew it, and said there was a man on board, that the
General wanted to speak to; and that he must be brought on
shore and carried on board again. I then told him I did not
chuse to go. He said there was no hurt in going, at all; and
said if anything should come against me he would defend me,
and clear me from all. I told him he could not clear me if
there was any bad in it; and Mr. Smith afterwards got up and
went into the house to General Arnold. General Arnold came out
soon after Mr. Smith went in, and said, upon his coming out, I
need not be afraid to go with Mr. Smith, and said it must be
done for the good of the country; and said it was not done in
private, for the officers at the Ferry knew it, the Captain of
the water guards also, and had the countersign; and that it
was not a secret to any persons but the inhabitants and common
men. I thought at first it was not good, but thought otherwise
upon the General’s mentioning that it was known. The General
also said Major Kierce had agreed to send him up a boat to the
creek at Colonel Hay’s landing place, but had not done it,
and he did not know the reason; upon which Mr. Smith asked me
if I would take his horse and ride down to the ferry, to see
whether the boat was come. I said No, he ought send his negro:
he ordered the negro to get the horse, and the negro went off.
While the negro was gone myself and my brother concluded not to
go; but both were afraid to tell the General of it, and afraid
not to go for him, and the time passed away until the negro
came. When he came I asked him what news concerning the boat;
and he said he did not know, and he brought a letter from Major
Kierce to the General, upon which I told my brother I would go
up and tell the General. I had no mind to go and as I was going
up, I met Mr. Smith in the entry, and he told me the General
wanted to speak with me; and he passed out to the stoop, and I
went into the room to the General, who was sitting by a table,
with paper, and his speaking to me, I acquainted him I had no
mind to go, as it was late; and said I would rather go in the
morning. General Arnold said he must go to headquarters by ten
o’clock in the morning; and if I would not assist when I was
required for the good of my country and Congress, he would put
me under guard immediately. Upon which Mr. Smith came in and I
went out; and just after this Mr. Smith came out to the stoop;
asked my brother and myself if we would have a dram, and gave
us each one, and afterwards the General came out, and Mr. Smith
and myself and brother were together. The General and Mr. Smith
talked together, but what they said I do not know. My brother,
Mr. Smith and myself went down to the landing, about a half
mile below King’s Ferry, and passed off in the boat; and I
think it was pretty well near midnight when we got off. Mr.
Smith had on a whitish coat, a pretty large one, which I have
seen him wear before.”
The boatman’s story is here interrupted to insert paragraphs in the words of Joshua H. Smith, more complete in detail than Colquhoun’s.
“After General Arnold had given the order for muffling the
oars, that we might not be impeded by the boats that guarded
the shores, a precaution necessary, as there was a regular
water patrole, to prevent those disaffected to the American
interest, or Tories, as the friends to the royal cause were
called, from carrying provisions or intelligence to the British
ships occasionally lying in the river. This precaution,
however, staggered the confidence of the eldest of the
watermen, who bluntly told General Arnold that if the business
was of a fair and upright nature, as he assured them it was,
he saw no necessity for any disguise, or to seize the veil of
night to execute that which might be as well transacted in
broad daylight. The watermen were simple, honest men, had been
accustomed to their occupation, and were my tenants, in whom
I could place the utmost confidence. General Arnold insisted
on their pursuing the business, and assured them he had the
command of the militia of the county for 60 miles round West
Point by order of Congress....
“The Vulture was then lying at the extremity of Haverstraw
Bay. The night was serene, the tide favorable, and the silent
manner in which we passed the fort at Stony Point, at the mouth
of Haverstraw Creek, precluded any obstructions; in short,
although the distance was nearly 12 miles, we soon reached
the ship. On our approach we were hailed by the Sentinel on
deck, ordered to bring to, and questioned whither bound? I
answered, with a flag of truce to the Vulture sloop of war,
upon which I was heartily assailed with a volley of oaths, all
in the peculiarity of sea language, by the officer commanding
the watch on the quarter deck, and commanded instantly to haul
alongside, or he would blow us out of the water. Upon coming
alongside, I was saluted with another discharge of the same
nautical eloquence; and orders were given to hoist the rebel
rascal on board, which was prevented by my climbing up a rope
fastened to the main chains, and so reaching the main deck.
I was questioned as to my business, and how I could presume
to come on board his Majesty’s ship under colour of a flag of
truce at night? To which I answered, I was so authorized by my
papers, which I requested he would give to captain Sutherland,
the commander of the ship, and Colonel Robinson, as I knew
they were on board; this request, however, seemed to have no
effect; but he poured on me torrents of abuse, threatening to
hang me at the yard-arm, as he said another rebel had been a
few days before; being nevertheless unintimidated, and seeing
Colonel Robinson and the Captain, for whom I had letters, I
raised my voice and said, he must be answerable for my being
delayed: whether I was heard in the cabin or not I cannot say,
but soon afterwards a boy came on deck and said, ‘the captain
orders the man below.’ He conducted me into the cabin, where
on my entrance I saw a venerable looking gentleman, whom
I recognised to be Colonel Beverly Robinson, dressed in a
regimental uniform. He received me politely, desired me to be
seated, and shortly introduced me to Captain Sutherland, who
lay ill in his birth. Colonel Beverly Robinson having perused
the letter from General Arnold, apologized for retiring a few
minutes, ordering some refreshments, and left me to converse
with Captain Sutherland, to whom I related my uncourtly
reception on deck; and his amiable urbanity compensated me for
the incivility of his officer on deck. Having conversed with
Captain Sutherland for twenty minutes on indifferent subjects,
Colonel Robinson returned, and introduced Mr. Anderson to me,
saying he was mentioned in General Arnold’s letter, for whom he
had sent a pass to come on shore, in case he Colonel Robinson
should be unable to accompany me. Colonel Robinson pleaded
indisposition, and said Mr. Anderson could as effectually
answer all the purposes by going on shore as himself; there
seemed no reluctance on the part of Anderson to supply Colonel
Robinson’s place, and he appeared in a dress equipped for the
purpose, wearing boots and a large blue great-coat. For my own
part it made no difference to me who bore me company, so that
the object of my mission was fully answered, and the great
national ends obtained, which Arnold assured me would be the
result of the affair.
“Mr. Anderson being ready, we left the ship, and were rowed in
a short time to the western shore, to the place which General
Arnold had appointed for the interview; this was at the foot
of a mountain called the Long Clove, near the low water mark,
whither my servant had conducted General Arnold, on horseback,
he being still lame from his wounds.
“Very little conversation passed between Mr. Anderson and
myself, excepting trivial remarks about the tide, the weather,
and matters of no concern. Mr. Anderson, from his youthful
appearance and the softness of his manners, did not seem to me
to be qualified for a business of such moment....
“On my approach to the place of appointment, I found General
Arnold ready to receive me; he was hid among firs. I mentioned
to him Colonel Beverly Robinson’s reason for not accompanying
me, and the delegation of a young gentleman, a Mr. Anderson,
whom I had brought with me, and who was then with the watermen
on the strand. He appeared much agitated and expressed chagrin
at the disappointment of not seeing Colonel Robinson. He
desired me, however, to conduct Mr. Anderson to him, which
being done, he requested me to remain with the hands at the
boat. I went as directed, but felt greatly mortified at not
being present at the interview, to which I conceived myself
entitled from my rank in life, and the trouble I had taken to
effect the meeting. At length they continued such a time in
conference, that I deemed it expedient to inform them of the
approaching dawn of day. Shortly afterwards both came down to
the boat, and General Arnold, with much earnestness, solicited
me to return with Mr. Anderson to the Vulture: But I pointed
out the impracticability of effecting his wish, from the great
distance, and the fatigue of the hands. He then applied to
the men, who declared themselves unable to gratify his wish,
through want of strength to accomplish it, and the ebb tide
being against them. Convinced of the apparent impracticability
of the attempt to reach the ship and return before day without
being discovered from either shore by the inhabitants, whose
eyes were constantly watching the movements on the river,
not only from the forts, but the surrounding shores, he
relinquished his solicitations, and desired I would endeavour
to return the boat to the place from whence we first embarked:
this with much labour, and taking the circuit of the eddies,
was nearly effected, (as we left the boat at Crane’s Island)
when our attention was called to the cannonade from Gallows
Point against the Vulture, which was compelled to fall down the
river and appeared to be set on fire.”
Joseph Colquhoun continues the narrative by saying: “When we
landed at Crom’s Island, I stepped out and got down under a
bush, and was drowsy, and had no conversation with Mr. Smith
and I declare I have not seen Mr. Smith from that time until
this day. General Arnold promised me fifty weight of flour
for going on board the vessel; but I never saw it.... When we
came to Mr. Smith’s house it was after day-light. I saw Mr.
Arnold there. He walked lame and had on a blue coat and white
breeches.”
Smith says that on his return he found General Arnold and Mr. Anderson had arrived long before him. Mr. Anderson having mounted the horse his servant rode when he followed Arnold to the Long Clove. Anderson appeared vexed that the ship had been compelled to leave her position. Breakfast was soon served and during the meal one of the topics of conversation was the arrival of the fleet at New York under Arbuthnot. A recurrence of his chronic complaint, together with loss of sleep obliged Smith to retire as soon as they had finished the meal. Arnold and André were left alone the greater part of the day.
There is no reliable statement as to where they went but it is probable that Arnold improved this opportunity to show Major André the West Point approaches. Major Tallmadge found André thoroughly familiar with them, and outlined his intentions when six days later he was escorted down the river in a barge. On that trip with Tallmadge André could point to a table of land on the west shore, which he said was the spot where he should have landed at the head of a select corps, and he was able to traverse the course up the mountain in the rear of Fort Putnam, which overlooked the whole Parade of West Point, with great exactness. Later in the day they returned to Smith’s house, and there was some talk of going to the “Vulture,” which it was noticed had nearly regained her former station; but probably the cannon that could hit the mark with one shot deterred them; General Arnold returned to West Point after suggesting that it would be necessary for Anderson to discard his military coat in exchange for a plain one, which Smith furnished. Smith says he showed André the prospect from the upper part of his house, from whence there was an extensive view over the capacious bay of Haverstraw, to the opposite shore and adds: “He cast an anxious look towards the Vulture and with a heavy sigh wished he was on board.” Smith having promised to accompany André at least part way to the White Plains by land was now urged to prepare for their departure, and his servant having been ordered to get the horses ready they started for the ferry about sun down.
Major Burroughs was the first to notice the party on their way to King’s Ferry on that 22d of September, 1780. His testimony follows:
“Between sundown and dark I was overtaken on the road, about
three quarters of a mile from Stoney Point, by Mr. Smith and
another gentleman; Mr. Smith’s servant, a negro boy, was with
him: Mr. Smith as he passed by, spoke, and said ‘How do you do,
Captain Livingston?’ I told him he was mistaken; on that he
stopped, and said: ‘How do you do, Major Burroughs?’ and turned
about his horse, and talked to me for about a minute, in which
time, I rode up between the gentleman who was with Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith while he stopped told me he was going for Mrs. Smith
and the ladies, to West Point and should be happy to see me at
tea the next afternoon; Mr. Smith then turned about his horse,
and rode off pretty fast; I told him I thought it rather late,
and he said he had business. André had a round hat on and a
blue coat or cloak, the cape of which was buttoned up tight
around the neck, and the other part was also buttoned.”
Another half mile and they are before the tent of William Jameson, who records that on Friday evening, just as it was getting dusk, the twenty-second day of September, 1780, Mr. Smith came to his tent at King’s Ferry, on Stoney Point side, after sun down, with a gentleman who was in company and a waiter; the gentleman who was in company with Mr. Smith rode a little past the tent, and Mr. Smith made a halt; there were some gentlemen sitting in the tent, who handed him a bowl of liquor they had been drinking out of, upon which Mr. Smith dismounted his horse and handed the bowl to him and desired he would fill it, which he did; as he handed him the liquor again Mr. Smith spoke to Mr. Cooley, and said, “in three weeks’ time we shall all be in New York;” Mr. Cooley made answer, “Sir, I don’t know,” upon which Mr. Smith said, “Let it be three months;” Mr. Smith upon this, took his horse and went off, down to the ferry-stairs; the person with Mr. Smith had on a flopped hat and a great coat, the color I cannot recollect; the person rode a little past when Mr. Smith halted, made a little halt and he was on the ferry-stairs when Mr. Smith got down; Mr. Smith at his tent, took one drink out of the bowl, handed it about, and then went down to the Ferry-stairs.” William Jameson’s statement above was confirmed by William Cooley.
* * * * *
Cornelius and Lambert Lambert, with their brother Henry Lambert, were the ferrymen. Smith urged them to greater speed and when they reached the shore he gave Henry, who steered the boat, an eight dollar bill. Benjamin Acker was also an observer.
The party, still consisting of André, Smith and the colored boy, all mounted, are now on the east bank of the Hudson river near Verplanck’s Point. Here James Livingston, who fired the cannon that morning at daylight, landing the first shot on the deck of the Vulture, has a word to say: “Just after dark Smith stopped at my marquee for a few minutes. I asked him where he was going. He said up toward General Arnold’s, or that route, and I gave him one letter to be delivered to General Arnold and another to General Clinton as he had informed me it was likely he would go that route. I then urged him to stay awhile and take supper or a drink of grog. He then informed me that there was a gentleman waiting for him that had just rode on, and was in a hurry to get off, and informed me his business was very urgent, and I did not insist on his staying any longer. He then rode off and I did not see the person who was with him, it being dark and he having rode forward. I desired him to request the person to walk in, and he informed me the gentleman had rode on slowly, and he was in a hurry to go after him.”
* * * * *
It was four miles to Peekskill and about eight miles to Crompond, and it is at Crompond where they are next discovered.
“Last Friday a week ago, the 22d of September last,” says Ebenezer Boyd in relating the event, “between eight and nine o’clock, as near as I can recollect, at night, the sentry stopped Mr. Smith, another person, and a negro with him. When the sentry hailed them, they answered, ‘Friends.’ The sentry ordered one to dismount; Mr. Smith readily dismounted, and spoke to the person who was with him to hold his horse, and Mr. Smith advanced till he came near the sentry; Mr. Smith asked who commanded the party; the sentry said Captain Boyd; upon that I was called for; what passed between Mr. Smith and the sentry I heard, as I have related, being close by the sentry; Mr. Smith came to me, upon my calling for him; I asked him who he was; he told me his name was Joshua Smith, and that he had a pass from General Arnold to pass all guards; I asked him where he lived, or where he belonged; he told me he lived in the white house on the other side of King’s Ferry; I asked him what time he crossed the ferry; he said about dusk; I asked him how far he was bound for, and where to? He told me he intended to go that night as far as Major Strang’s; I told him Major Strang was not at home, and he spoke something of going to old Colonel Gil Drake’s, as he was an old acquaintance of his; I told him he did not live where he used to, but had moved to Salem; I told him about his saying he was going to Major Strang’s, that his lady might be in bed, and it would incommode her much, likewise I desired to see Mr. Smith’s pass; and went into a little house close by there, and got a light; and I found that he had a pass from General Arnold, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and return, being on business of importance, I think were the words of the pass. After I had read the pass we came out, and Mr. Smith and myself talked alone privately; then I desired him to let me know something of his business; he made answer that he had no objection to my knowing it; he told me that he was a brother of William Smith, in New York, though very different in principle, and that he was employed by General Arnold to go with the person who was with him to get intelligence from the enemy; and they expected to meet a gentleman at or near White Plains, for the same purpose. I asked Mr. Smith what gentlemen he was who was with him. Mr. Smith said he was a gentleman that General Arnold had in his employ; and told me his name was John Anderson. I think Mr. Smith told me he was not so positive as that he should go himself, as far as the White Plains, or not; on this I advised Mr. Smith to put up there, at one Andraes Miller’s, close by where we were, and so start as soon as it was light; the reasons I gave Mr. Smith were, that the riding in the night would be dangerous when they got below Croton River, from the Cow Boys; Mr. Smith made answer that he would speak to his partner; whereupon Mr. Smith went to him; I was pretty close to them; and when they conversed together they spoke low; Mr. Smith told him he thought it would be best to put up, and said he thought they might be interrupted; upon that they concluded to turn back to this house, to put up; I concluded in my mind their speaking low was occasioned by what Mr. Smith had said to me before, which was, he did not want everyone to know what business they were on; Mr. Smith then asked my opinion about the roads, which would be the safest to the White Plains, and not fall into the hands of those ‘Cow Boys’ or Refugees; putting confidence in what they were upon, I gave him my opinion as to the safest road, that the safest road would be to go by North-Castle Church, and by Wright’s Mills, by reason if they went the Tarry-Town road, they would fall into the lower party’s hands--these ‘Cow Boys.’ I likewise advised him to call upon Captain Delavan, next morning, pretty early. Mr. Smith asked me if I thought that Captain Delavan would assist them with an escort or two or three horse. I told him I did not doubt but that he might when he came to understand what his business was. They then went back towards Andraes Miller’s, which was the last I saw of them that night. I was a little at a stand about Mr. Smith’s name being Joshua, as he was called by the name of Jo Smith, but his pass was in the name of Joshua. What made me put more confidence in what Mr. Smith told me, was, I had heard it frequently mentioned that General Howe used to employ Mr. Smith in getting intelligence.”
* * * * *
Here Smith again takes up the narrative, saying: “With no small difficulty we returned and gained admittance into a house for the night; while such was the caution and danger of admitting nocturnal inmates, that we were obliged to take to bed or keep the family up, who would not retire until they saw us safely lodged. We slept in the same bed; and I was often disturbed with the restless motions, and uneasiness of mind exhibited by my bed-fellow, who on observing the first approach of day, summoned my servant to prepare the horses for our departure. He appeared in the morning as if he had not slept an hour during the night; he at first was much dejected, but a pleasing change took place in his countenance when summoned to mount his horse. The landlord, who was a very kind and civil man refused to take any compensation for the trouble which we had given him.... We rode very cheerfully towards Pine’s bridge without interruption, or any event that excited apprehension; here I proposed to leave my companion; but I observed that the nearer we approached the bridge, the more his countenance brightened into a cheerful serenity, and he became very affable; in short, I now found him highly entertaining.... He descanted on the richness of the scenery around us, and particularly admired, from every eminence, the grandeur of the Highland mountains, bathing their summits in the clouds from their seeming watery base at the north extremity of Haverstraw Bay. The pleasantry of converse, and mildness of the weather, so insensiably beguiled the time that we at length found ourselves at the bridge before I thought we had got half way; and I now had reason to think my fellow-traveller a different person from the character I had at first formed of him.
“This bridge crosses the Croton river, a branch of the Hudson; here we halted, and at a house on the right endeavored to obtain some breakfast, from an old matronly Dutch woman, and provender for the horses; in this expectation, however, we were disappointed; the Cow Boys or Skinners had been there the night before, and taken all the supplies of her cupboard, except some Indian meal, which she had mixed up with water, and boiled into a consistency, by the Dutch called suppon. This with the addition of some milk from a single cow they had left her, was the only fare we could procure, and of this we made a good meal, our appetites being keen from having been supperless the preceding night. While at breakfast I mentioned my determination to proceed no farther. Having discharged the bill to the woman, in the local money of the county, my companion (Major André) requested me to lend him some, and I cheerfully supplied him with the half of my pocket amount, although I was afraid it was not current below that place; the bridge being accounted the south boundary of the American lines. He was affected at parting, and offered me a valuable gold watch in remembrance of him, as a keep sake, which I refused. The horse was furnished by General Arnold; the saddle and bridle were borrowed of me, with the promise that they should be returned, or the value of them paid to me.
“Having given him directions about the road he was to take upon crossing the bridge, with a message to my brother, the chief justice, whom he knew, we parted, and I proceded on my way to Fish Kill.”
FOOTNOTES to “ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET”:
[45] Trial report says Cahoon, Smith Calquhoon.
[46] Report says Keirce.
[47] Probably Major Franks.
EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE
Perhaps as they parted no two men held more opposite ideas of danger than Smith and Major André. The very name “Cow Boy” struck terror in the heart of Smith, for they would have robbed him of all he possessed and then discovering that he was a nephew of William Livingston would probably have held him for ransom; but for André the Cow Boys had no terror. They were under control of James DeLancey and it would only be necessary to convince them that he was a British officer and offer to reward them for their assistance and they would conduct him with speed and in safety to headquarters. It was not surprising therefore that as soon as Smith was out of sight he turned from the White Plains road and started down the other road towards Tarrytown and the Cow Boys that Smith and Captain Boyd had impressed him made that road impassable as it was almost certain they would be encountered there.
Few persons realize how closely identified this event is with the history of our country. Col. Trumbull is recorded as saying: “But for that event the Declaration of Independence might have proved abortive, and the blood of so many of our countrymen shed in vain.”]
* * * * *
John Paulding will now take up the narrative, in the words he used the day after the execution of Major André in explaining the matter to a board of officers at the request of General Washington. Paulding says:
“Myself, Isaac Van Weart and David Williams, were lying by the side of the road, about a half a mile above Tarry Town, and about fifteen miles from King’s-bridge, on Saturday morning, between nine and ten o’clock, the twenty third of September last (1780). We had lain there about an hour and a half, as near as I can recollect, and saw several persons we were acquainted with, whom we let pass. Presently, one of the young men who was with me said, ‘There comes a gentleman-like looking man, who appears to be well dressed, and has boots on, who you had better step out and stop if you don’t know him.’ On that I got up and presented my firelock at the breast of the person, and I told him to stand; and then I asked him which way he was going. Says he, ‘Gentlemen, I hope you belong to our party.’ I asked him ‘What Party?’ He said, ‘The lower party.’ Upon that I told him I did. Then he said, ‘I am a British officer out of the country, on particular business, and I hope you won’t detain me a minute!’ and to show that he was a British officer, he pulled out his watch; upon which I told him to dismount. Upon that, he said, ‘My God, I must do anything to get “along”;’ seemed to make a kind of a laugh of it, and pulled out General Arnold’s pass, which was to John Anderson, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and further. Upon that he dismounted, and says he, ‘Gentlemen you had best let me go, or you will bring yourselves in trouble, for, by your stopping of me you will detain the General’s business;’ and he said he was to go to Dobb’s Ferry, to meet a person there, on the General’s business. Upon that I told him I hoped he would not be offended, and I told him we did not mean to take anything from him; and told him there were many bad people going along the road, and I did not know but perhaps he might be one; and I asked him if he had any letters about him. He made answer, ‘No.’ Upon that, myself, or one of my comrades, though I think myself, told him to pull off his clothes, which he did. We searched his clothes, but could find nothing; and I told him to pull off his boots; he rather seemed backward of pulling them off; however, he pulled off one of them, and I felt at his foot, where I felt the papers in his stocking under his foot; then I told him to pull off the other boot, and when the other boot was off, I found other papers in his stocking, under his foot. Then I looked on the back of the papers, and I said to the young fellows who were with me, ‘This is a spy.’ One of the young fellows who were with me asked him if he would give up his horse, saddle, and bridle, and watch, and a hundred guineas, if he would let him go. He made answer, ‘Yes, and whatever sum of money you will mention, or quantity of dry goods.’ And then I made answer, ‘No, by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas, you should not stir a step.’ One of the young fellows winked at me, who had a mind to find out a little more, and I made answer to the lads who were with me to come along, for I would have nothing more to say to him, and we asked him some questions as we were going along the road, and he begged we would ask him none till he came to some officers, and then he would reveal the whole. We carried him to Colonel Jameson and there he took him into his custody,[48] and I have not seen him from that time until I saw him the other day.” Paulding added that had he pulled out General Arnold’s pass before he said he was a British officer he would have let him go.
David Williams’ story, as recorded on October 4th, 1780, confirmed Paulding’s, and it would be a repetition to print it; but one statement in it needs emphasizing. Williams said: “Mr. Paulding looked at the contents and said he was a spy; upon which we made him pull off his other boot, and there we found three more papers at the bottom of his foot, within his stocking; upon which we made him dress himself, and I asked him what he would give us to let him go; he said he would give us any sum of money. I asked him whether he would give us his horse, saddle, bridle, watch, and one hundred guineas, upon which he said, ‘Yes;’ and he told us he would direct it to any place even if it was to that very spot, so that we could get it. I asked him whether he would not give us more; he said he would give us any quantity of dry goods or any sum of money, and bring it to any place that we might pitch upon, so that we might get it; upon which Mr. Paulding answered ‘No, by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas you shall not stir one step.’”[49]
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General Washington's spies on Long Island and in New YorkChapter VI: Part 6
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