Chapter VII: Part 7

There was a sequel to the capture of Major André by Paulding and his friends that prejudiced Major Tallmadge to such an extent that when a petition was presented to Congress in 1817 to increase their reward he created a sensation by opposing it. It appears either the taste of the world’s applause or the earnest entreaties of the much abused inhabitants of the neutral ground induced Paulding and others to undertake another expedition against the “Cow Boys,” this time aimed at their chief. Without consulting Major Tallmadge these young men took it upon themselves to attempt the capture of James DeLancey, whose home was in Westchester County. Here lived his mother and her family. In an earlier raid they had met with such cruel treatment at the hands of a band of outlaws that both sides had been appealed to and in all probability the property was under the protection of Major Tallmadge as well as Oliver DeLancey at the time. Nevertheless Paulding and his friends were so anxious to punish James DeLancey, who had command of the “Cow Boys,” that with all the force they could get together they secretly marched to his home on January 25th, 1783, hoping to capture him there. Being disappointed in this they ransacked the house and took therefrom all they could carry away that was of any value. The alarm was given and the next day they were overtaken and seven of them captured. One was killed and John Paulding was among the prisoners taken to the provost in New York and consigned to the care of the notorious William Cunningham. A sister of James DeLancey was Nancy, who with her mother Mrs. Elizabeth DeLancey, a daughter of Cadwalader Colden, occupied the Westchester County estate at that time. Among the friends and frequent visitors were the Floyds, in particular Elizabeth Floyd who married John Peter DeLancey and became the mother of Mrs. James Fenimore Cooper, and her cousin Mary Floyd, daughter of William Floyd, signer of the Declaration of Independence, who a few months later became the wife of Major Tallmadge.

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Rivington’s paper, the Royal Gazette, No. 662, published on January 29th, 1783, the following account:

“On Saturday last (Jan. 25,) a party of militia, thirty-three
in number, commanded by a Captain Williams, generally known
by the name of Skinner’s Party, made an attempt to carry off,
from his house at West-chester, Colonel DeLancey, of the Royal
Refugees, but missing their aim, they plundered the house of
wearing apparel. &c. and retreated with precipitation to Croton
Hill, near Croton Bridge, where, thinking themselves safe, they
exposed their plunder for sale; but a party of Loyal Refugees
soon surprized them, killed one man on the spot, wounded
several, and took seven prisoners. The prisoners were brought
to town on Sunday; one badly wounded was sent to the General
Hospital to be taken care of, and the rest safely lodged in
the provost. John Paulding, one of the persons who took Major
André prisoner, is among the number, and slightly wounded.
This design on the person of Colonel DeLancey is said to have
been planned by Colonel Drake and Mr. Vantassel, who were sure
of success, as they kept it a secret from all but Captain
Williams, and he only informed the party of it when they came
near to the Colonel’s house.”

A few days later from headquarters of General Washington came instructions to Colonel W. S. Smith to secure their exchange. In full this document reads:

_Head Quarters_ 6th Feby, 1783.

_Sir._ In a late excursion of the militia on the other side
under a captain Williams, John Paulding, one of the persons
who took Major André, was made prisoner with some others. His
friends, apprehensive for his safety have made intercession
with the Commander in Chief on his behalf, and, tho His
Excellency does not approve the excursions of these people,
yet, in consideration of the former services of Mr. Paulding
and as we have in the Provost Guard four Prisoners taken by
them some time since, he has been pleased to consent that those
four Prisoners be sent in on Parol with a request to send out
Paulding and the others mentioned hereon. The prisoners to be
sent in will go from hence tomorrow morning.

I have the honor to be Sir, Your very obedt. Servant, Ben
Walker, Aid DeCamp.

Addressed to Lieut. Coll. W. S. Smith,
commanding at Dobbs Ferry.

John Paulding Pero Faller Richd. Dusenberry James Mandeville

On the 24th of the same month Colonel Smith advised Headquarters saying: “I have brought with me the paroles of Paulding, and those taken with him at Croton.”

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Under ordinary circumstances Colonel Jameson would have held Mr. Anderson when John Paulding and his companions pronounced him a spy, but General Arnold had anticipated this possibility and thus saved his own life. He had written to several, Jameson being one, saying: “If Mr. John Anderson, a person I expect from New York should come to your quarters, I have to request that you will give him an escort of two Horse to bring him on his way to this place, and send an express to me that I may meet him.” Here was the very man that Arnold was expecting being detained as a spy! Were the letters decoys? It was beyond him to know; but the instructions of his General were plain, and off to Headquarters he promptly sent him.

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Major Benjamin Tallmadge, in two letters addressed to Jared Sparks, carries the narrative through the 23d of September and into the 24th. He says: “No circumstances during that eventful period made a deeper impression on my mind than those which related to Arnold, the Traitor, and Major André, the sufferer. I proceed then to remark that the 2d Regt. of Light Dragoons, Commanded by Col. Sheldon, was stationed in advance of the Army, near North Castle, and Col. Sheldon being absent, I think at Salem, Lt. Col. Jameson was the commanding officer, and I was the Major. Early in the morning of the 23d of September, 1780, I marched with a large Detachment of Dragoons to reconnoitre the Country below the white plains, down to East Chester, which was a sort of neutral ground, from which Tour I did not return until late in the evening of the same day. Soon after I halted and had disposed of my Detachment, I was informed that a prisoner had been bro’t in that day, who called himself John Anderson. On enquiry, I found that three men, by the names of John Paulding, David Williams and Isaac Van Wart, who had passed below our ordinary military Patrols on the road from Tarry Town to Kingsbridge, had fallen in with this John Anderson on his way to New York. They took him aside for examination, and discovering sundry papers upon him, which he had concealed in his boots, they determined to detain him a prisoner. Notwithstanding Anderson’s offers to pecuniary satisfaction if they would permit him to proceed on his course, they determined to bring him up to the headquarters of our Regiment, then on the advance Post of our Army, and near to North Castle. This they effected in the afternoon of the 23d of September, 1780, by delivering said Anderson to Lt. Col Jameson of the 2nd Regt Lt Dragoons, who was then the Commanding Officer at said Post, Col Sheldon being then at old Salem, I believe under Arrest.

“His Excellency Gen. Washington had made an appointment to meet the Count Rochambeau (who commanded the French Army then at Newport, R. I.) at Hartford, in Conn. about the 18th or 20th of September, and was on his return to the Army at the time of Anderson’s capture. When I reached Lt. Col. Jameson’s Quarters late in the evening of the 23d of Sept., and had learned the circumstances relating to the capture of the said Anderson, I was much surprised to learn that he was sent on by Lt. Col. Jameson to Arnold’s Head Quarters at West Point, accompanied by a letter of information respecting his capture. At the same time he despatched an Express with the papers found on John Anderson to meet General Washington, then on his return to West Point.

“I felt very much surprised at the course which had been taken in this business, and did not fail to state the glaring inconsistency of their conduct to Lt. Col. Jameson in a private and most friendly manner. He appeared greatly agitated, more especially when I suggested to him a plan which I wished to pursue, offering to take the entire responsibility on myself, and which, as he deemed it too perilous to permit, I will not further disclose. Failing in this purpose, I instantly set about a plan to remand the Prisoner to our Quarters again, which I finally effected, although with reluctance on the part of Lt. Col. Jameson. When the order was about to be despatched to the Officer to bring back the Prisoner, strange as it may seem, Lt. Col. J. would persist in his purpose of sending his letter to Gen. Arnold--The letter did go on, and was the first information that Arch Traitor received that his plot was blown up. The Officer returned with his prisoner early the next morning.... We soon concluded that the safest course was to take the prisoner to Salem to Col. Sheldon’s Quarters, and I was appointed to take charge of him. After we reached Salem, it was manifest that his agitation and anxiety increased, and in the afternoon he asked to be furnished with pen, ink and paper, which were readily furnished, when he penned the letter to Gen’l. Washington, dated ‘Salem, 24th September, 1780.’ In this letter he disclosed his Character to be Major John André, Adjutant Genl. to the British Army. When I had perused the letter, which he handed to me to read, my agitation was extreme, and my emotions wholly indescribable....”

In another letter Major Tallmadge, although in a measure repeating himself, throws more light upon the subject. In this he says: “I have already informed you, that on the day when the Captors of Major André bro’t him up to our Regt. at North Castle (Sept. 23d, 1780) I was out on duty in advance of the Regt. below the white plains and did not return with my detachment until the evening of that day. After I had disposed of my Troops and had spoken with Lt. Col. Jameson, he informed me of the capture of John Anderson and that he had been brought up and delivered over to him by his captors. When I enquired where the prisoner was, he informed me that he had sent him on, under Guard to Gen’l Arnold at West Point. I expressed my astonishment at such a course and immediately entered on a course of measures to frustrate what I considered so unjudicious a procedure. My first proposal was to give me leave of absence for official object which I fully explained to Col. Jameson, and which for special reasons I have not disclosed, as no public benefit could result from it. Failing in this request my next plan was to remand the prisoner, then probably 8 or 10 miles on his way to West Point, which I did not accomplish until late in the evening. After the order was despatched for the officers and Guard to return with the prisoner, I waited impatiently for the coming morning, when for the first time I saw the face of John Anderson.

“What influenced Col. Jameson[50] to send on Major André to Arnold, I cannot tell, not being present with him when he sent him off; but I well remember that he expressed great confidence in him as I believe was the case thro’ the army. Until the papers were found on Anderson, I had no suspicion of his lack of patriotism or political integrity....

“With Arnold’s character I became acquainted while I was a member of Yale College and he residing at New Haven, and I well remember that I was impressed with the belief that he was not a man of integrity. The revolutionary war was coming on soon after I left college, and Arnold engaged in it with so much zeal, and behaving so gallantly in the capture of Burgoyne, we all seemed, as if by common consent, to forget his knavish tricks. When he was put in command of West Point, I had official communications with him, particularly as it related to my private Correspondence with persons in New York, of which you must have seen much in my Letters to Genl. Washington. When he turned traitor and went off, I felt for a time extremely anxious for some trusty friends in New York, but as I never gave their names to him, he was not able to discover them, although I believe he tried hard to find them out.”

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What follows discloses the life of Benedict Arnold as observed by members of his military family during the months of July, August and September, 1780, when he was in command of the fortifications at West Point. Upon assuming command he invited Colonel Richard Varick[51] to join his military family as aid and secretary, naming, among other inducements for his acceptance, the fact that Mrs. Arnold was about to join him at his headquarters. Varick had acted as private secretary to General Schuyler, and then mustering officer in the Northern Department, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In this way they had become acquainted and he readily accepted the invitation, reporting for duty on August 13th.

As his private headquarters Arnold had selected the Robinson House, on the opposite side of the river a little below West Point. Upon the arrival of Mrs. Arnold on September 15th, his military family or the party which messed at his own table, consisted of himself, Mrs. Arnold, Colonel Varick, and Major David S. Franks, who had been an aid to the general for some time, having left Canada to join the American Army. As might be expected with an excellent cook and charming hostess dinner guests were frequent. Officers vied with each other in their attentions and witty entertainment. But one visitor particularly ruffled the temper of the “Family” at the Robinson House. This was Joshua Hett Smith, for whom Colonel Varick could not conceal his dislike. Opposition began upon receipt of a letter from him dated August 13. Varick told Arnold in the presence of Franks that he considered him a liar and a rascal, and Franks thereafter entertained that opinion of him.

On the 14th of September Arnold went down the river in his barge, to meet Mrs. Arnold, who was being escorted by Franks from Philadelphia. They returned on the 15th. Meanwhile Varick discovered that Arnold had sent for Capt. Robinson, a skipper, and asked him to sell some rum for him. Finding that he was a Tory his employ was prevented.

Smith brought his wife with him to call upon Mrs. Arnold the day after her arrival, and remained two days. At table he asserted that America might have made an honorable peace with Great Britain when the commissioners came out in 1778. Varick’s answer occasioned Mrs. Arnold to tell Franks that Colonel Varick was in her opinion a very warm and staunch whig.

It was whilst Smith was dining at Arnold’s Quarters on the 23d of September that Varick’s indignation reached a crisis. “My unfavorable opinion of his moral and political character, and his unusual and unparalleled impertinence and forwardness, and General Arnold’s countenancing him (notwithstanding my advice and frequent solicitations to the contrary) fixed a resolution in me to affront him before Arnold the first opportunity. A trifling one offered at table. I embraced it with warmth,” says Varick.

As much as has been preserved of it follows:

_Mrs. Arnold_ (to servant). A little more butter please.

_Servant._ There is no more, Madam.

_Arnold._ Bless me, I had forgotten the oil I bought in Philadelphia; it will do very well with this salt fish.

_Servant_ produces the oil.

_Arnold._ That oil cost eighty dollars.

_Smith._ Eighty pence, a dollar is no more than a penny.

_Varick_ (in a voice meant as an affront). That is not true, Mr. Smith.

_Franks_, _Arnold_, _Smith_, _Varick_, all join in a hot dispute, until Mrs. Arnold, observing her husband in a passion, begged them to drop the matter. Varick soon quitted the table and went to his room which was then in the office. Smith went off soon after dinner and Arnold went to the office and took Franks to task in very illiberal language for affronting him.

_Arnold._ If I asked the Devil to dine with me the gentlemen of my family should be civil to him.

_Franks._ Let me tell you that if Smith had not been at your table I would have sent the bottle at his head. Hereafter I will treat him as a rascal.

_Varick._ It was I who affronted Smith, not Franks.

_Franks_ (to Arnold). I have of late observed that you view every part of my conduct with an eye of prejudice. I beg you to discharge me from your family. [Leaves room in passion and goes to Newburgh, where he remains over night.]

The dispute continues between Arnold and Varick.

_Varick_ (to Arnold). Smith is a ---- ---- rascal, a scoundrel and a Spy. My reason for affronting him is that I think him so. My advice to you has proceeded from a regard to your reputation which you wished should stand well in this State and which I have very often told you will suffer by an improper intimacy with Smith. Smith’s insolence to Franks and his ungentlemanlike conduct to Mrs. Arnold, in speaking impertinently to Franks before her in a language she did not understand, justifies Franks’ treating him as he did and worse, and also merited your resentment instead of countenance.

_Arnold._ I am always willing to be advised by the gentlemen of my family, but by ---- I will not be dictated to by them. I think I possess as much prudence as the gentlemen of my family.

That evening Varick received a letter from Lieutenant Colonel Benson, of Governor Clinton’s family, in answer to one of his of the 24th of August inquiring of Smith’s real political character and the truth of some information he had given Arnold. The answer contained an opinion by no means favorable. Varick showed it to Arnold and then told him that he considered his past conduct and language to him as unwarrantable and that he thought he did not place the confidence in his repeated friendly assurance and advice which he had a right to expect and which was necessary to be put in a person acting in his capacity, and that he could not act longer with propriety. Arnold gave him assurances of his full confidence in him, of a conviction of the rectitude of his conduct, of Smith’s being a rascal, and of his error in treating him with such cavalier language, and that he would never go to Smith’s house again, or be seen with him but in company.

We now come to the day of Arnold’s flight [Sept. 25, 1780]. Varick is not well, he remained in bed most of the morning. Before breakfast Arnold entered his room and inquired:

_Arnold._ Have you answered the letters received from Lt. Colonel Jameson? Has Major Tallmadge’s letter been answered? Have you written to Gov. Clinton inclosing copies of the letters of Colonel Beverly Robinson?

_Varick._ No sir, I am sick and am not able to.

_Arnold._ [Taking Colonel Tallmadge’s letter out of the office with him.] I will write to Tallmadge myself.

Some minutes later the messenger from Lieutenant Colonel Jameson hands Arnold two letters. After reading them he ascends the stairs to Mrs. Arnold’s room.

Two minutes later His Excellency General Washington’s servant comes to the door and informs Major Franks that His Excellency is nigh at hand. Franks goes immediately up stairs and informs Arnold of it. Arnold comes down in great confusion, orders a horse to be saddled, mounts him, and tells Franks to inform His Excellency that he is going to West Point and will return in about an hour.

Half an hour later General Washington arrives and after taking a hasty breakfast starts for West Point. Franks in the interval had stopped at Varick’s room and told him that Arnold had gone to West Point. Lieutenant Hubbell also entered Varick’s room and incidentally told him he saw Arnold’s barge going down the river. It should have been going up to reach West Point, but at the moment this made no impression.

Colonel Varick’s room was on the ground floor. There was a window near the bed that could be opened from the outside. Presently this was raised by Franks and with suppressed emotion he informed Varick that he believed Arnold was a villain: that he had heard a report that one Anderson was taken as a spy on the lines and that a Militia officer had brought a letter to Arnold and that he was enjoined secrecy by Arnold. Varick concurred and with indescribable agitation they discussed the subject, but finally concluded that it was uncharitable and unwarrantable even to suppose it.

Franks had only time to lower the window when Mrs. Arnold called for Varick. As soon as he conveniently could he waited on her. She was in great distress and had apparently lost her reason. Dr. Eustice was summoned. After an examination he addressed Varick: “Where has General Arnold gone? I beg you for God’s sake to send for him, or the woman will die.” Franks was with them by this time and taking Dr. Eustice into an adjoining room, after enjoining the most sacred secrecy, they informed him of their suspicions that Arnold had gone to the enemy. They made him understand that it was a bare suspicion, and that they were afraid to lisp it to any creature living, lest proving untrue it should ruin their reputations. Their suspicions were soon confirmed and communicated to Dr. Eustice, when upon Varick’s remarking to Mrs. Arnold that she would soon have the General with her again, she exclaimed, “Oh no, no! he is gone, gone forever!”[52]

General Washington has arrived at the Robinson House, the Headquarters of Arnold. And now in his own words will be told what next happened. One day in 1796 he related this at the close of an enjoyable meal at his own table. His secretary, Tobias Lear, carefully recorded it and begged permission to preserve it for permanent record. General Washington says:

“On my return from Hartford I met Chevalier Luzerne towards evening within about 15 miles of West Point, which I intended to reach that night, but he insisted upon turning back with me to the next public house; where, in politeness to him, I could not but stay all night, determining, however, to get to West Point to breakfast very early. I sent off my baggage and desired Colonel Hamilton to go forward and inform General Arnold that I would breakfast with him. Soon after he arrived at Arnold’s quarters, a letter was delivered to Arnold which threw him into the greatest confusion. He told Colonel Hamilton that something required his immediate attendance at the garrison which was on the opposite side of the river to his quarters; and immediately ordered a horse, to take him to the river; and the barge which he kept to cross, to be ready; and desired Major Franks, his Aid, to inform me when I should arrive that he was gone over the river and would return immediately. When I got to his quarters and did not find him there, I desired Major Franks to order me some breakfast; and as I intended to visit the fortifications I would see General Arnold there. After I had breakfasted I went over the river, and inquiring for Arnold, the commanding officer told me that he had not been there. I likewise inquired at the several redoubts, but no one could give me any information where he was. The impropriety of his conduct when he knew I was to be there, struck me very forcibly, and my mind misgave me; but I had not the least idea of the real cause. When I returned to Arnold’s quarters about two hours after, and told Colonel Hamilton that I had not seen him, he gave me a packet which had just arrived for me from Colonel Jameson, which immediately brought the matter to light. I ordered Colonel Hamilton to mount his horse and proceed with the greatest dispatch to a post on the river about eight miles below, in order to stop the barge if she had not passed; but it was too late. It seems that the letter which Arnold received which threw him in such confusion was from Colonel Jameson, informing him that André was taken and that the papers found upon him were in his possession. Colonel Jameson when André was taken with the papers, could not believe that Arnold was a traitor, but rather that it was an imposition of the British in order to destroy our confidence in Arnold. He, however, immediately on their being taken, dispatched an express after me, ordering him to ride night and day till he came up with me. The express went the lower road, which was the road by which I had gone to Connecticut, expecting that I would return by the same route, and that he would meet me; but before he had proceeded far, he was informed that I was returning by the upper road. He then cut across the country and followed my track till I arrived at West Point. He arrived about two hours after and brought the above packet. When Arnold got down to the barge he ordered his men, who were very clever fellows and some of the better sort of soldiery, to proceed immediately on board the Vulture sloop of war, as a flag, which was lying down the river; saying that they must be very expeditious, as he must return in a short time to meet me, and promised them two gallons of rum if they would exert themselves. They did, accordingly; but when they got on board the Vulture, instead of their two gallons of rum, he ordered the cockswain to be called down into the cabin and informed him that he and the men must consider themselves as prisoners.

“The cockswain was very much astonished, and told him that they came on board under the sanction of a flag. He answered that that was nothing to the purpose; they were prisoners. But the Captain of the Vulture had more generosity than this pitiful scoundrel, and told the cockswain that he would take his parole for going on shore and getting his clothes, and whatever else was wanted for himself and his companions. He accordingly came, got his clothes and returned on board. When they got to New York General Clinton, ashamed of such low and mean action, set them at liberty.”

_See page 178._

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On p. 100 in the Diary of Hugh Gaine is this entry: “Sept. 26. This day Gen. Arnold came in from West Point, to the great surprise of every person who was not in the secret.”]

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It is not proposed to even mention here the prompt measures that were taken to protect West Point. General Washington’s letter to General Heath follows as a continuation of the narrative of Arnold’s escape and extracts from a letter of General Green to show in what contempt he was held.

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The letter to William Heath is dated

ROBINSON HOUSE, Sept. 26, 1780.

_Dear Sir_: In the present situation of things, I think it
necessary that you should join the army; and request that
you will do it. You will come to headquarters yourself. The
route through Litchfield will be the most eligible for you, on
account of security, and you may direct your baggage to halt
at Fishkill, for your further orders. I write to the Count de
Rochambeau by this conveyance; and I trust that your coming
away now will not be attended with any material inconvenience
to him.

I cannot conclude without informing you of an event which has
happened here, which will strike you with astonishment and
indignation:--Major General Arnold has gone to the enemy. He
had had an interview with Major André, Adjutant General of
the British Army, and had put into his possession a state of
the army of the garrison at this post, of the number of men
considered as necessary for the defense of it, a return of the
ordinance, and the disposition of the artillery corps, in case
of an alarm. By a most providential interposition, Major André
was taken in returning to New York, with all the papers in
General Arnold’s hand writing; who, hearing of the matter, kept
it to himself, left his quarters immediately, under pretext of
going over to West Point, on Monday forenoon, about an hour
before my arrival; then pushed down the river in the barge,
which was not discovered until I had returned from West Point
in the afternoon, and when I received the first information of
Mr. André’s capture. Measures were instantly taken to apprehend
him, but, before the officer sent for the purpose could reach
Verplanck’s Point he had passed it with a flag, and got on
board the Vulture ship of war, which lay a few miles below. He
knew of my approach, and that I was visiting, with the Marquis,
the north and middle redoubts; and from the circumstances was
so straightened in point of time, that I believe he carried
with him but very few, if any, material papers; tho he has very
precise knowledge of the affairs of the post. The gentlemen of
General Arnold’s family I have the greatest reason to believe,
were not privy in the least degree to the measures he was
carrying on, or to his excape.

GO. WASHINGTON.

Nathaniel Green’s letter is addressed to Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth at Hartford, and reads: “I think I have not written you since the late desertion of Arnold. Was you ever more astonished in your life? A man high in reputation, and with the fairest prospects of domestic happiness. The love of parade and the thirst for gold has proved his ruin. How black, how despised, loved by none, and hated by all. Once his Country’s Idol now her horror. Curse on his folly nay his villainy and most of all his meanness. The latter has been displayed in such dirty colours in his transactions at this post, as has not been equaled in the history of man. All kind of private and public robery has he pursued, and accompanied it, with such circumstances of littleness as shows him to be the basest of mortals. I freely confess I had no conception notwithstanding the converse I have had with mankind, that it was possible for human nature to arrive at such a degree of corruption. The discovery has been very providential. Had these Posts fallen into the Enemies’ hand God knows what might have been the consequence. But I think little short of the entire subjection of America. What a triumph to British pride; and what a downfall to American glory. Poor Congress what would have become of you?”

_Benedict Arnold_

We know that his mother’s maiden name was Hannah Waterman, and that she married first Absalom King, of Long Island, and then, after his death, on November 8th, 1733, she married Benedict Arnold and that Benedict, the traitor, was born on January 3d, 1740, new style Jan. 14, 1741; and that he had a sister Hannah, born Dec. 9th, 1742. We also know that while yet a lad he was apprenticed to a druggist in Norwich and that another lad likewise apprenticed was Hopkins. Arnold when only sixteen enlisted in a regiment and went off to Hartford but at his mother’s earnest solicitation he was sent back; only to run away again and enlist in a regiment stationed in the vicinity of Ticonderoga. He soon deserted and returned to his home and business and after serving his apprenticeship started in the drug business for himself in New Haven. This for awhile prospered and later failed. We know that before the war, in 1767, he was married at New Haven to a lady by the name of Margaret Mansfield. They had three sons, Benedict, Richard and Henry. This lady probably died in 1775. We know that during the war, in April, 1779, he was married to the youngest daughter of Edward Shippen of Philadelphia, Pa. Margaret, or as she was more frequently called, Peggy Shippen, a girl under nineteen in 1779. We know they went to England before the close of the war and Benedict Arnold was in England in 1786 and part of 1787. We do not know if he was married again after the war, but we know that a lady calling herself Mrs. Arnold arrived in Massachusetts on January 3, 1796. She came in the ship _Outram_ from London 56 days out. With her was her daughter Elizabeth Arnold, then nine years old. A man showed them marked attention during the voyage and after they had been some time settled in Boston Mrs. Arnold announced that she had married this individual, who was Charles Tubbs, before leaving England. Mrs. Tubbs and her daughter Betty or Elizabeth Arnold became stage favorites and in 1802 the daughter Elizabeth Arnold, then fifteen years old, married C. D. Hopkins, and they continued to take prominent parts on the stage until his death, which occurred on October 26th, 1805. Meanwhile David Poe, the son of David Poe of Baltimore, Maryland, had fallen desperately in love with Betty Arnold Hopkins. Her husband’s sudden death enabled them to marry and in July 1806 Mr. and Mrs. Poe appeared together at the Vauxhall Garden Theatre in New York. In January, 1809, they were together, filling an engagement on the Boston stage, assisted by John Howard Payne, the immortal author of Home, Sweet Home, when on the 19th of the month Edgar Poe was born. What became of his Arnold grandmother may always remain a mystery. She may have died in Philadelphia in 1798 after which date she was never heard of, but wherever she reposes, with her is probably buried for all time that question one might like to solve. Was her child, as some affirm, the daughter of Benedict Arnold? If this Betty Arnold was his daughter then our immortal poet Edgar Allan Poe was a grandson of the arch traitor, Benedict Arnold.

FOOTNOTES to “EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE”:

[48] Bancroft, vol. 10, p. 388 says: When they had delivered André to Col. Jameson they “went their way not asking a reward for their services or leaving their names.” John Jameson practically confirms this in the letter he wrote to General Washington at the time. In full it reads:

NORTH CASTLE, Sept. 27th, 1780.

This will be delivered you by John Paulding, one of the young
men that took Major André and who nobly refused any sum of
money that he should demand. The other two young men that were
in company with him are not yet found; as soon as they arrive
they shall be sent on. I have just seen L. Kennecut. He thinks
it will be impossible for him to go below again; he begs your
instruction and assistance; almost all his furniture, clothes
and money are below. Some of the slanderers from above have
stole his horses which makes him very poor; he has gone down
between the lines to try to get out some of his things and
to give notice to some people that have assisted him in his
business.

I should take it as a particular favour if you would use your
influence with Governor Clinton to have some board appointed to
enquire into and determine the horrid practice of plundering
that is carried on in this part of the country. I have no doubt
but that the plunderers above and below are connected. If some
proper board could be appointed or the commanding officer on
the lines vested with proper authority from Governor Clinton
many petty villains near the lines may be detected I make no
doubt who hold a correspondence with DeLancey’s Cow Boys. I
am very sorry that I wrote to G-- Arnold. I did not think of
a British Ship being up the River and expected that if he was
the man he has since turned out to be that he would come down
to the troops in this quarter in which case I should have
secured him. (I mentioned my intention to Major Tallmadge and
some other of the field officers all of which were clearly of
opinion that it would be right) until I could hear from your
Excellency. The Queens Rangers I am informed marched from
Oyster Bay last Saturday for Kingsbridge, the 17th on Sunday
and some others ordered to hold themselves in readiness. Two
British Officers went on board the Vulture just above Tarrytown
they were out in the country cloathed in mean ragged country
cloaths and at the river side changed them for fine laced
regimentals. Some gentleman came out from Kingsbridge about a
fortnight ago with a handkerchief full of gold; changed his
clothes for an old sack coat and pushed up the North River. I
am with regard and esteem Your Excellency’s most Obedient and
very humble servant

JOHN JAMESON.

[49] Paulding died in 1818, and in 1827 the Corporation of the City of New York placed a monument over his grave in the old cemetery just north of Peekskill, reciting, “The Corporation of the City of New York erected this tomb as a Memorial Sacred to Public Gratitude.” Van Wart died in 1828, and in the Greenburgh church-yard the citizens of this county erected a memorial in “Testimony of his virtuous and patriotic conduct.” Williams died in Livingstonville, in Schoharie County, in 1831, and was buried with military honors. In 1876 the State erected a monument, and his remains were re-interred in the old stone fort at Schoharie Court House. On the spot where André was captured the young men of Westchester County, in 1853, built a cenotaph in honor of his captors.

[50] Jameson addressed another letter to headquarters on the very day of André’s execution. It is dated from Northcastle, New Purchase, Oct. 2nd, 1780, and reads:

“_Sir_, I have just received information that about six
thousand men are embarked and embarking, some say they are
destined for Rhode-Island, some for Pennsylvania, and others
that they are going to Philadelphia. It is said that all the
Pennsylvania refugees are to go on board the fleet. It is also
said that part of their Cavalry are to go. The man I wrote to
you about in my last letter, is up in this neighborhood. He
tells me that he has been informed that most of the people that
were friends to America in New York are confined. He is very
desirous to move his family from the lines, but says that he is
not able. A party of the inhabitants and some of my men have
killed two of DeLancey’s men and three prisoners. One of the
prisoners was so badly wounded that he was left on Parole. The
inhabitants are very desirous to have the prisoners exchanged
for some men of their own company that are prisoners now in the
sugar-house. I am with esteem, Your Excellency’s most obedient,
and very humble servant.

“JOHN JAMESON.”

[51] Colonel Richard Varick was born in New Jersey, on March 25, 1753. Making law his profession, he entered the office of John Morin Scott, in New York City, with whom he served his law apprenticeship in 1772, 1773 and 1774, and who from friendship and personal confidence embarked him in professional business as soon as he attained the years of maturity and responsibility. The Revolutionary troubles coming on, he took up his sword, being appointed sixth Captain of McDougall’s regiment on June 28, 1775. A day or two later, July 1, Schuyler made him his Private Secretary, and when the General resigned in 1776, Congress appointed Varick, September 26, Deputy Muster Master General of the Northern Department, giving him the rank, November 7, of Lieutenant-Colonel. This office he held until January 12, 1780, when all the mustering officers of the department were discharged. Varick was then on the point of retiring to civil life, when he received Arnold’s invitation to become his Secretary. Nor was he long off duty after the traitor’s family was broken up, as he favorably impressed the Commander-in-Chief, who appointed him Recording Secretary under resolution of Congress in the spring of 1781, for the purpose of arranging his military correspondence for preservation; and this office he retained to the close of the war. Resuming his law practice in 1784, Varick rose to influence, became Recorder of the city, Attorney-General of the State, and finally Mayor, which office he held for twelve years, from 1789 to 1800. His death occurred July 30, 1831. He left a widow, formerly Miss Maria Roosevelt, of New York, who survived him a number of years. They had no children. The above, written by H. P. Johnston, will be found on p. 733 of the Magazine of American History, November 1882, copied from the original papers, then in possession of the Mercantile Library, New York City.

[52] The name of Mrs. Arnold’s baby, born that fall, was Edward Shippen Arnold. He died Dec. 15, 1813.

AFTERMATH

None were more shocked at the news of André’s execution than the Townsend family. Robert in particular feared that his friends among the British officers might betray him in retaliation. He considered it necessary to visit personally every one in his employ. Meanwhile, his store in New York was closed for nearly three weeks and upon the day of his return entries were made of over £500 in cash that had been given to sundry persons. In a letter dated from Bedford, October 11, 1778,[53] Major Tallmadge writes:

“The conduct of Arnold, since his arrival at N. Y. has been
such, that though he knows not a single link in the chain of
my correspondence, still those who have assisted us in this
way, are at present too apprehensive of Danger to give their
immediate usual intelligence. I hope as the tumult subsides
matters will go on in their old channels.

“Culper, Junr. has requested an interview with me on Long
Island on the 13th inst, but in the present situation of
affairs I believe it would be rather imprudent. What makes it
peculiarly so at this time is the swarm of Refugee Boats which
cruise along the shore of Long Island. I have wrote Culper,
Junr. assuring him that his name or character are not even
known by any officer but myself in the army, tho should your
Excellency wish to have me meet Culper, Junr. I will appoint an
interview at any time, with great Regard Regard[54]

Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient sert.

“BENJ. TALLMADGE.”

In reply to this General Washington wrote:

“_Dear Sir_, I recd. your favr. of the 11th, with C. Senior’s
enclosed. I think you were right in declining an interview at
this time, as the enemy would act with more than common rigor
just now should an officer be taken under circumstances the
least suspicious--I should be exceedingly glad to hear from
C. Junior, because all my accounts from other quarters are
very defective as to the number of troops to be embarked, or,
indeed, whether an embarkation is seriously in contemplation.
The last account was of the 13th, and it was then said the
expedition was delayed for some purpose or other.”

General Washington supplements this justifiable praise with the following paragraph which will be found in a letter to the Congress (No. 20645):

“Unluckily, the person in whom I have the greatest confidence
is afraid to take any measures for communicating with me just
at this time, as he is apprehensive that Arnold may possibly
have some knowledge of the connection and may have him watched.”

Townsend, meanwhile, in a letter addressed to John Bolton, Esq., replied to two he had received from Major Tallmadge, as follows:

“729. 462. 20th, 1780

“_Sir_, Yours of the 30th of Sept. & 6th of October are now
before me. In answer to the first, W-s assurances are as much
as I could expect. When I conclude to open another route you
shall be informed of it. I do not choose that the person you
mention, or any other of his character, should call on me.

“I am happy to think that Arnold does not know my name.
However, no person has been taken up on his information. I was
not much surprised at his conduct, for it was no more than
I expected of him. Genl. Clinton has introduced him to the
General officers on parade as General Arnold in the British
service, and he is much caressed by General Robinson. This will
tend to gloss his character with the venal part of the enemy,
but the independent part must hold him in contempt; and his
name will stink to eternity with the generous of all parties.

“I never felt more sensibly for the death of a person whom I
knew only by sight, and had heard converse, than I did for
Major André. He was a most amiable character. General Clinton
was inconsolable for some days; and the army in general and
inhabitants were much exasperated, and think that General
Washington must have been destitute of feeling, or he would
have saved him. I believe General Washington felt sincerely for
him, and would have saved him if it could have been done with
propriety.

“The long time I have been out of town prevents my giving
you any information of consequence. The army which embarked
last week are generally supposed intended to make a diversion
in Virginia or Cape Fear in North Carolina, to favour Lord
Cornwallis--They take but few horses, but a number of saddles
with an intention to mount a number of dismounted dragoons who
are going with them. The Cork and English fleets are, I expect,
arrived by this. I hope and expect that all my letters are
destroyed after they are perused. I am yours &c.

“SAMUEL CULPER JUNIOR.”

Culper Senior enclosed one of his in the above,(129) in which he says: “C. Junr. is now with me.... I was in hopes you might have come and seen him.” Major Tallmadge forwarded these to General Washington on October 17th, and in a note of his own(130) says: “As circumstances have since turned out I wish I had met C. Junr. as mentioned in my last to Your Excellency.”

* * * * *

Again on October 23d, Major Tallmadge wrote to General Washington, saying that he was obliged to attend Colonel Sheldon’s trial that day at West Point, and expected to be detained some time. Nevertheless he would give attention to the Culper messages.

* * * * *

The momentary retirement of Townsend, Woodhull’s fear to remain in the city, and request that Tallmadge undertake the expedition that terminated in the capture of Fort St. George, are features of the next letter from Culper Senior, dated October 26, 1780. In full, as translated, it reads:

“_Dear Sir._ Your favour of the ee instant came to hand, and
observe the contents. Your desire to have a shorter conveyance
opened hath been repeatedly urged from time to time. I have
this day returned from New York, and am sorry to informe you
that the present commotions and watchfullness of the Enemy at
New York hath resolved C. Jur. for the present to quit writing
and retire into the country for a time.--Most certainly the
enemy are very severe, and the spirits of our friends very low.
I did not think myself safe there a moment, and as nothing is
like to be done about New York, perhaps it may not be much
disadvantage to drop it for a time, and if need requires C.
Junr. will undertake again, and in the interum if anything in
particular is wanted to be known, shall be ready to serve and
faithfully transmit what I may know. The enemy’s Fleet left
the Hook on the 17--and very probable this moment are landed
in Virginia. They were in case of a separation to rendezvous
in Hampton Roads. Another embarcation is thought will take
place soon, accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton, and is thought
will proceed to reinforce Lord Cornwallis. The sum of their
intention is you may depend, to exert their whole force against
the Southern Provinces. The Militia together with their ships
and about four thousand regular Troops are to defend New York
this winter. The English fleet consisted of about fifty sail
the better half merchantmen. The best information that can be
collected says the recruits do not exceed twenty five hundred
men with one general officer. They have had a short passage and
are not very sickly. A Cork fleet is daily expected, and the
enemy are in fears about them. Should they not arrive it would
ruin them and the inhabitants of Long Island. The French have
taken twenty six sail of outward bound East and West Indiamen,
five of them were bound to the East Indies. The 17th Dragoons
in about five days will be at Musqueto Cove, handy to take some
of the gentlemen. They are now at Cedar Swamp--The enemy are
foraging in these parts, with a very small guard of Militia
Troops. I yesterday saw a guard of 17 men following one hundred
and five Brigade Wagons. Most certainly they will be this
way in three or four days, and expect they will go to South
Hampton. Yourself with fifty men might do as you would with
them. They are much off their guard. I think if you undertake
and call on me you will do something handsome. Arnold is about
to publish an address to his County Men, which am fearful may
do you much harm, assuring all officers and men countenance and
protection, that may come in, and have the same rank in the
British service as they have now in your army. Thus sir, have
communicated as much as possibly could--and in the mean time
Remain your most obed. Humbl. Servt.

“SAML. CULPER.”

The saddest letter in the correspondence comes next. Some of those friends of their country were captured by the British in New York. Culper transmits the information to John Bolton in the following letter:

“SETAUKET, November 12th, 1780