Chapter IX: Part 9

At the time of his capture which was in April, 1781, he was negotiating to make a second Arnold of Parsons.[63] Matters were progressing nicely when he crossed the Sound and landed near Oyster Bay with messages for Headquarters. Soon he was surrounded by British troops and found himself and crew prisoners. His actions must have appeared suspicious for that they claimed to be bearers of a flag did not deter their captors from making away with the boat and all that was in it. The available correspondence on the subject is interesting. First is a letter dated Westbury 21st April, 1781.

To Major Kissam. _Sir_, I had the honor to receive yours
this evening and have forwarded the letter to Major DeLancey
immediately. The bearers of flags of truces agreeable to
General Orders are to be sent back as soon as they have
delivered their dispatches, but if Wm. Heron has to transact
business in his private affairs on this Island, he must first
obtain his Ex. Gov. Robertson’s particular leave for that
purpose; and shall therefore have the honor to wait upon you,
Sir, tomorrow morning at 10 o’clock, in order to see whether
Heron’s request is likely to be granted, and till that time I
beg to detain him at your house or any other proper place. I am
with great regard, Sir, Your most obedt. humble servant,

DEWURMB, LT. C.

Another dated Westbury 23d Apl. 1781 reads:

To Major Kissam, Cowbay. _Sir_, I enclose a passport for Mr.
Heron, and should wish for his return to Stamford whenever the
wind will permit of it. I have not yet received an answer from
New York but as soon as those things wanted by Gen. Parsons
shall arrive I will not fail to forward them to the General by
another flag.--I have the honor to be with great regard, Sir,
Your most Obedt. humble servt.

DEWURMB, LT. C.

Probably Heron feared he would not be able to reach Headquarters. He therefore from his place of confinement addressed a long letter to Major DeLancy which unfortunately for General Parsons has been preserved. This letter explains the progress he had made since his last visit. It is dated April 24th, and reads:

“The business I had to negotiate with Genl. P----s after my
return home, I paid the utmost attention to, and in order to
break the ice (as says the vulgar adage) I found myself under
the necessity of summoning what little address I was master
of, in order to secure myself a retreat should the matter I
had to propose prove disagreeable to P----s. Therefore after
giving him a satisfactory account of my commercial negotiation
(which I knew would be alluring to him) I introduced the other
branch of the business in the following manner. I told him that
in justice to the confidence he reposed in me, I conceived
myself in duty bound to conceal no material circumstance from
him. Impressed with this sense I begged leave to communicate
the substance of a conversation I had with a gentleman at New
York, whom I knew to be in the highest confidence with the
Commander in chief.... ‘The terms offered by the parent state’
continued the gentleman, ‘are so liberal and generous, that I
wonder at any gentleman of an enlarged and liberal mind, giving
his assistance in prolonging the calamities of his country,
and as General P----s is well known to possess these talents
as well as great influence in the army and country, Government
would wish to make use of him for the laudable and honorable
purpose of lending his aid in terminating this unhappy war in
an amicable Re-union with the parent State: should he undertake
it, Government will amply reward him, both in a lucrative and
honorary way and manner, besides, I super-added, making a
provision for his son.’

“... During this conversation I observed that he listened with
uncommon attention, and as it grew very late, he said it was a
matter which required deliberation, he therefore postponed it
to another opportunity,

“Next morning he sent for me and resumed the subject of our
last or preceding nights discourse. He said he had weighed
the matter and found himself, upon the strictest examination,
disposed to a reconciliation and to effect which he would use
his influence and lend his aid to promote it, but that he saw
the embarrassments in his way in regard to inculcating such
principles in the army, though he did not doubt, but in time,
he could bring the officers of the Connecticut line over to his
opinion. That in order to effect it he thought he could do it
more to the purpose by resigning his commission, which would
save every appearance of those honorary ideas, inseperable
from the military profession; that he would draw after him the
officers above referred to, who look up to him as a father, and
that their joint influence would be exerted among the citizens,
which would turn the tables in favor of Government in our
State: but in consideration of those services, he must have a
reasonable and meet compensation for his Commission, it being
all he had to depend upon.”

Filed with the above are other papers which show that he was permitted to reach Headquarters. They are dated 25th April, 1781, and read:

“Memorandums taken of a conversation with Hiram.

“He promises to get from Genl Pa----s the following information.

“The exact state of West Point.

“What troops.

“What Magazines.

“What new works and how many Guns.

“Who commands.

“If there is a boom below Fort Clinton.

“He is to let me know what P----s wish is, how we can serve him
and the method he means to point out himself. He is to tell
him he can no way serve us so well as continuing in the army;
that the higher his command, the more material service he can
render--he is to promise him great rewards for any services he
may do us. He is to hold up the idea of Monk to him, and that
we expect from his services an end to the war. That during
the time he continues in their army, he shall have a handsome
support and should he be obliged to fly, to remind him of the
Example & situation of Arnold.”... Twelve additional questions
by Major DeLancy were filed on the 20th of June. The first
reads: “Is it your opinion that Genl. P----s will enter so
heartily as to make us hope he will take an open determined
step in our favor? Should that be the case you can hold up
the situation of General Arnold and say it is in his power to
place himself in one equally conspicuous; and as he must loose
his present property for a time the Commander in Chief will,
for every man he puts in our possession pay three guineas; or
should he choose it, he will specify the sum that shall be paid
on such event as we shall wish taking place. In the meantime
should he exert himself to give us intelligence, he need only
name the recompense, and most punctual attention shall be paid
to it.”

The correspondence continues:

BROOKLYN, Ap. 26, 1781.

To Captain Poers, Commander of His Majesty’s Brig Argo, &c.

_Sir_, Major Gen. De Riedesel begs you will in compliance with
the directions from Head Quarters, as you will see by the
enclosed extract of a letter from the Deputy Adjt. General,
order Mr. Wm. Heron’s boat which you took possession of a few
days ago, back in all haste to the place where you first found
her; and the men who navigated her will be sent without any
delay to that place to receive their boat; and it is requested,
Sir, that you will please to give such particular directions
to your people, that she and everything belonging to her, may
be restored to them as complete as she was found, without any
further detention whatever. I have the honor to be with all
respect, sir, Your very obedient humble servant.

---- ----.

Then from Westbury, under date of April 27th, 1781, the following note was forwarded by the detained men, who found upon their arrival Heron and the boat waiting for them:

“To Major Kissam. _Sir_, The enclosed papers will inform
you that the people belonging to the Flag of Mr. Heron are
to be sent to the other side as soon as Mr. Heron returns.
The prisoners I hereby send, and beg you will be kind enough
to guard them until they leave the Island; and in case of
necessity to furnish them with provisions which shall be paid
for whenever you will let me know the price thereof. The
boat which was taken by the Argo brig will perhaps arrive at
Hempstead Harbor to-day. I have the honor to be with great
regard, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,

“DEWURMB, Lt.C.”

Without delay they set out for Stamford and reached there just in time to fall into the hands of our General Waterbury, who treated them just as the British had on the other side of the Sound. We know now what they never suspected, that one of them, namely Heron, had recently furnished British Headquarters with information intended to enable Sir Henry Clinton to capture the spies of General Washington. Perhaps he had not quite sufficient detail. More likely the Culpers saved themselves by refusing to work as soon as the discovery was made that they were about to be betrayed. Employed with this crew of Heron’s were two whaleboat men who were also in Washington’s service. One was able to persuade General Waterbury to send him express to Headquarters. Promptly came word to release the crew and return their boat, just as the British had done on the other side. The letter was addressed to General Waterbury, Stamford, and reads as follows:

_Head Quarters_, NEW WINDSOR, 29, April, 1781.

_Sir._ Captains Scudder and Dean inform me that you had, from
not being acquainted with circumstances, detained a Boat in
which they had been over to Long Island. These Gentlemen were
employed under my order at that time and will have occasion to
cross the Sound every now and then as the business upon which
they are engaged may require.--You will therefore be pleased
to give them up the boat, and as I have now, in a confidential
manner, intrusted you with their business, I shall hope that
you will not only keep it a secret, but endeavour to assist
them in the prosecution of a plan in which the public goods
much interested. I do not mean to protect or countenance them
in any manner of trade should they attempt to carry it on. I
am, &c.

P.S. It may very probably lay in your way to obtain
intelligence from New York. Should any thing material occur,
you will oblige me by communicating it to me.

It was the William Heron above who made a farce of the engagement at the Setauket Church in August 1777. Putnam’s orders to Parsons were to destroy the enemy at Huntington and Setauket, bring off all the officers and soldiers of the Continental Army on Long Island, and destroy all the stores; and what he did was to capture a number of horse blankets and a dozen mounts. On page 108 of the life of Parsons will be found a part of what follows, including the original orders:

* * * * *

In August, 1777, Colonel Richard Hewlett, with two hundred and sixty Queens County Loyalists, had fortified himself in the Presbyterian Meeting House at Setauket, on the Long Island shore nearly opposite Fairfield and at the head of the little bay of that name. About the middle of the month, General Parsons prepared an expedition to surprise and capture this force. The following are the orders issued to him by General Putnam, the commander of the Connecticut Division:--

_Headquarters_, August 16, 1777.

You are hereby required to take under your command a detachment
from the Continental Army and proceed to the sea coast near
Fairfield and procure a number of boats to transport four or
five hundred men, and small armed or other vessels as you find
necessary and proper.

You are to make a descent on Long Island and deplete and
destroy such parties of the enemy as are found at Huntington
and Setauket or other place on the Island, and, if you find it
practical without too great hazard, you are to retake and bring
off all the officers and soldiers of the Continental Army now
on Long Island.

If any military stores, magazines, provisions, forage or naval
stores are found on the Island, you are to bring off and
destroy them. You are to procure such information before you
attempt to go on as will render the descent possible and the
design practicable. If you find the position of the enemy on
the Island or the ships in the Sound such as you judge will not
facilitate the carrying the design into execution, you will
not attempt it. This is left to your judgment. If that should
be the case you will return by way of White Plains and receive
further orders. You will take such men from the militia or the
troops necessary for the defense of the State of Connecticut,
in addition to the Continental troops, found necessary, and
also a field piece. From the sea coast you will be careful
to secure the return of your men to the Main in such manner
and from such place as you judge most effectual after having
affected the business you were sent to perform.

Wishing you success, I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

ISRAEL PUTNAM.

Parsons’ order of August 16, to Colonel Samuel B. Webb of his brigade, was as follows:--

_Sir._--You will have your command parade in the street in
front of Colonel Wyllys’ regiment at 12 o’clock, provided with
arms, thirty rounds of ammunition and three days’ provisions,
and march them to Crompound where you will open the enclosed,
which will give you further directions. This you will
communicate to no one until you march forward.

* * * * *

FAIRFIELD, August 21, 1777.

Order of Brigadier General Parsons:

On the present expedition, ’tis of the first importance to the
success of the enterprise and the credit, honor and safety
of the troops, that the most exact order and discipline be
observed, and the honor of our arms and the righteousness
of our contest will be made manifest to the world and our
enemies by the regular and orderly behaviour of the officers
and soldiers. ’Tis not from base and mercinary motives, ’tis
not to distress the helpless women and honest citizen we
draw our swords, but from the noble and generous principle
of maintaining the right of humanity and vindicating the
liberties of freemen. The officers and soldiers are therefore
most earnestly exhorted and strictly commanded to forbear all
violation of personal property; not the least article is to be
taken but by orders; we are to convince our enemies we despise
their practices and scorn to follow their example. But should
any person be so lost to all virtue and honor as to infringe
this order, he or they may depend on the most exemplary
punishment.

No officer is to suffer a soldier to leave his ranks on any
pretense whatever and the greatest silence on the march is to
be observed.

SAML. L. PARSONS.

These orders effectually tied the hands of the men who accompanied him.

“Landing at Crane’s Neck very early in the morning, General
Parsons demanded the surrender of the Post; but ‘by means of
some infernal Tory’[64] says the Boston Gazette, ‘which shows
how much we suffer from internal foes who get knowledge of our
most secret movements and find means to convey it to the enemy’
Hewlett had obtained intelligence of the intended surprise,
and protected the church so effectively by breastworks six
feet high, thrown up thirty feet from the building, in which
were mounted four swivel guns, that, with the means at hand,
the Post was practically impregnable. The enemy refused to
surrender, Parsons opened on them with his guns, but failing
to make any considerable impression, and fearing that the
British fleet on the Sound might be attracted by the firing,
he withdrew, not, however, without capturing a quantity of
blankets and twelve or thirteen horses belonging to the
British, and returned to Connecticut the next day in safety.”

This expedition had long been contemplated; at least as early as March, at which time the Connecticut Legislators were in session. Parsons had received instructions from General Washington which he took with him and read in the presence of William Heron. The British, therefore, had ample time to prepare themselves.[65]

* * * * *

Henry Onderdonk in his Revolutionary Incidents of Suffolk County publishes on p. 66 the letters that passed between Parsons and Hewlett, as follows:

August 22d, 1777. Brig. Gen. Parsons, the Commanding officer
of the troops of the United American Army, now investing
the enemy’s Post at Setauket, to prevent the effusion of
human blood, requires the immediate surrender of the Post;
the officers and soldiers, and those who are under their
protection, shall be entitled to their baggage, and treated
with that humanity which prisoners are entitled to. Your
answer is desired in 10 minutes. I am fully sensible of your
condition, and as my whole strength and artillery will soon be
here, if your refusal should oblige to the effusion of blood
you must charge it to your own obstinacy.

The flag brought this reply: “Col. Hewlett’s compliments to
Gen. Parsons, and requests half an hour to consult his officers
on the subject of his summons.”

Then Parsons sent another flag: “Gen. Parsons’ compliments
to Col. Hewlett, and grants 10 minutes only for
consideration--longer time will not be granted.”

And back came this: “Col. Hewitt presents his compliments to
Gen. Parsons, and is determined to defend the fort while he has
a man left.”

The final message in this battle of words reads: “Gen. Parsons’
compliments to Col. Hewlett, and should have been happy to have
done himself the pleasure of paying him a longer visit, but the
extreme heat of the weather prevents him.”

In Vol. I, page 182 of Thomas Jones’ “History of New York during the Revolutionary War,” a paragraph will be found covering this exploit. It reads:

“In July (should read about August 22d) 1777, General Parsons,
with 1000 men (should read about 500) and several pieces of
cannon, passed from Fairfield in Connecticut to Long Island,
and laid siege to a small fort at Brookhaven, in Suffolk
County, garrisoned by about 300 men of DeLancey’s brigade,
under the command of Richard Hewlett, Esq., of Hempstead in
Queens County, Lieutenant Colonel of the 3d Battalion of
that Brigade; a bold, spirited, resolute, intrepid man. He
had served as an officer in the New York provincials to the
preceding war, with honour, credit, and applause. Parsons took
possession of some high ground at no great distance from the
fort, and having mounted his cannon, he sent a summons to
the garrison requiring its immediate surrender, in which case
he promised honourable terms, but in case of refusal a storm
should be the consequence, in which if attended with success,
no quarter was to be expected. To this summons Hewlett replied,
that though his garrison was not large, he had men enough to
man all his works; that he had provisions and stores enough
to stand a longer siege than the enemy could possibly carry
on by regular approaches, with any possibility of success,
before relief could be had; as to the threats of a storm, he
minded them not, his garrison consisted of loyal subjects who
were determined to spend the last drop of their blood in the
cause of their Sovereign rather than submit to a rebel banditti
commanded by a shoemaker. This answer irritated the General. He
began his cannonade. It was as warmly returned by the fort ...
the rebel General, after sustaining a considerable loss, drew
off, embarked, and returned to Connecticut. Hewlett’s garrison
was so small, and the rebels so numerous, that a pursuit would
have been a piece of madness. It was therefore declined. In
this expedition the rebels lost about thirty men, the garrison
one.”

FOOTNOTES to “A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED”:

[63] In folio 212 of the William Smith papers in the New York Public Library a memorandum in Smith’s Diary dated August 23d, 1781, reads: “In an interview with Sir Henry Clinton this day ... he said a late letter of General Parson’s said the Rebels dealt out 10,000 Rations--He allowed for 3000 less--but I recollect that Parsons made both armies but 8000 as Henry Van Schack had it from Colo. James DeLancey who saw and delivered the Letters.”

[64] This “infernal Tory” was William Heron, a good friend and close associate of Parsons.

[65] See R. R. Hinman, Connecticut during War of the Revolution, page 419.

NOTES AND AMPLIFICATION

(101) For ten years an endeavor to discover a handwriting that corresponded with the existing documents written by Samuel Culper Junior, was continued without success, until, upon examining a chest of old documents, once the property of Robert Townsend of Oyster Bay, Long Island, a startling resemblance was discovered. This led to a critical examination of the letters written under the _alias_ of Samuel Culper Junior, still preserved among the papers of General Washington, and it was found that the paper upon which they were written was identical. The same watermark, the same shade, the same weight, the same laid marks minutely varying one from the other on the same sheet, but corresponding exactly with all the little variations and flaws with other sheets among the Townsend Papers. The handwriting, looking so similar, was not declared identical until the world’s greatest expert, Albert S. Osborn, had examined it. The books showed accounts with Abraham Woodhull, who had already been identified as Culper Senior, and with several others known to be engaged in the secret service work. The movements of Culper Junior corresponded with those of Robert Townsend as revealed in his documents, and the stain invented by James Jay had been twice tested on documents still carefully preserved among Townsend’s effects. Long before all the evidence was discovered, it was certain that the identity of Culper Junior, that most active spy of the Revolution, had been revealed. Everything since gathered adds to the confirmation of that identity.

(102) Robert, although not yet of age, like his brother, Solomon, traveled extensively before the Revolution. From Wilmington, North Carolina, on November 22, 1774, he addressed his father as follows:

“_Honored Father_: I wrote you a few days since from Brunswick.
Have now to advise you of my arrival here the 18th. Instant.--I
am much afraid whether I shall be able to purchase any Flaxseed
being very little yet come to markett.--There is considerable
to come from the country, which they cant yet bring owing to
the waters being so very low in river.--I am with Duty to
Mother, love to Brothers & Sisters,

“Your Dutyfull Son,
“ROBT. TOWNSEND.

“P.S. Expect we shall sail about the 1st. of Decr.”

(103) Besides what will be found in these pages regarding Nathaniel Woodhull, there is much of interest that appears to have escaped the historians in the Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New York. There are still preserved many letters written by cousins of Abraham Woodhull, among the most interesting of them being those from the Reverend John Woodhull, son of Culper Senior’s uncle John, and therefore one of his first cousins. In writing to his wife, he describes the Battle of Long Island as he witnessed it from a distance as follows:

“_Near Midnight_, Aug. 27, 1776.

“_My Dear Sally_:--The solemn Day is come at last,--Long
Island is made a field of Blood--now the cannon & small arms
make a continued roar, even at this time of Night: Day before
yesterday the battle began, and with some intermission has
continued till now, yea now is roaring in my ears and God only
knows when it will end.

“Yesterday morning it was very hot, as yet we have no account
which may be fully depended on, only that in general that Howe
has landed with most of his men upon Long Island. Small parties
engaged till yesterday morning, when they made an attack upon
us, they were beat back three times, the last time our People
pursued them too far, when a strong reinforcement of the Enemy
endeavored to cut off our retreat and did us a good deal
of damage, tis reported that General Sullivan and Stirling
are missing. Tis also said we have made great havoc amongst
them--but I can tell but very little for certainty as yet,
except that there is a mighty Battle which is continuing--May
a good God grant that it end in our favor and for the glory of
his Name! Goodnight!”

* * * * *

“Aug. 30th, 1776.

“_My Dear Sally_:--Thro’ divine goodness I am very well as are
our congregation in general that are here. Adam Woods has the
ague. General Washington has thought proper to draw his men
from Long Island, this was done last night.

“The enemy are now firing upon New York, from Long Island; our
men here are drawing up to be in readiness, in case we are
needed.

“How many were lost upon the Island is yet uncertain, some say
we have 700 missing and that we have killed twice as many of
the enemy, tho I believe it is but guess work as yet.

“Generals Sullivan and Stirling who are missing are said to be
prisoners, it is also said general Grant on the other side is
killed, they talk of another General of theirs Killed.

“It is reported that Col. Atly is wounded and a prisoner. Think
it likely that our people will burn New York, and retreat into
the chain of Forts which are above it--when that is done am in
hopes our Enemies will get no farther. Poor Long Island! I know
not what will become of my Relations there. May God help them.
They are left to the mercy of our Cruel Enemy.

“Our men are in high spirits and I trust we shall, thro’ ye
help of God soon break the power of our Foes.

“My Love to the Girls, my little son, and the Neighbors.
Remember me to Elsy and the boys--and accept yourself the best
affections of your....

“JOHN WOODHULL.”

(104) _Abraham Woodhull meets with the inhabitants._

November 23, 1778.

_Sir._ The enclosed will explain to you a meeting of the
inhabitants, at which I was present, and with satisfaction
beheld their dijected countenances. The Commissioners sales
this day in the Roebuck, it is sd. Lord Cornwallace is a going
with them. The second division under Brig. Genl. Cambell that
have laid some time at Sandy Hook, on the account D’Estaing
sailing consisting of about three thousand troops, are to sail
this day. Two ships with Troops drove to sea in a violent
gale of wind from the northward about the 10th inst. and have
not been heard of since. A friget sent yesterday with all
expedition to Rhode Island said for transports, The Bedford in
the Harbour lost her fore and Missen Mast, is to go home under
Jurey Masts with expedition. She was one of four in A. Byron’s
fleet that was missing after the gale of wind the beginning of
the month. With her came in the Richmond Friget dismasted. The
cannon and field pieces are removed from the common to Fort
George. Some of the cannon on that Fort and the Battery near
it are put as ballace on board several transports, on the 19th
Inst. Some Capital Merchants were very buisy the day and night
following in packing and putting their goods on board ships.
The whole of the Kings Troops on York Island includeing out
posts, doth not exceed three thousand five hundred men, and not
much to be feared from the inhabitants. The whole City seaged
with a Panike and a general dissatisfaction taken place.

(105) _Woodhull’s longest letter._

SETAUKET, Feby. 26, 1779.

_Sir_. No. 8.

Your No. 4 and 5 came to hand. The former forgot to acknowledge
the receipt of in my No. 7. The latter have carefully observed
and will follow your directions. I shall now endeavour to give
you as an authentic of affairs and transactions that hath
past since my No. 7 (together with the state of the enemy) as
I possibly can. The troops within these lines have not been
augmented by any arrivals from Europe. The number consequently
remaining the same, save two companies of Light Infantry from
Rhode Island landed on Long Island and marched immediately
for Southampton, about fifty came down to New York, said to
be deserters from General Burgoin’s Army. The force of the
enemy on this, Staten, Powles Hook and York Island are as
follows: and think you may very safely rely upon it as I have
been for some time engaged to find out the true state of the
Enemy, and to correct my former accounts. The 44, 57, 63,
Colls. Robinson’s and Emmerick with three German Regiments all
commanded by Governor Tryon, are cantoned from King’s Bridge
to and within four miles of the city. From these posts to and
within the City are two Battallions of Guards, 28 Regm. Welch
Fusileers, The Volunteers of Ireland, called Lord Rhoden’s
Regm. and four German Regm. Also in the City are Genls.
Clinton, Jones, Mathews, DeLancey, Knyphousen, with one other
German Genl. think his name is Smyth--64th Regm. Powles Hook,
26, 37, one German, Colls. Buskearks and Barton’s, with Genls.
Leslie and Skinner on Staten Island, Long Island and Brooklyn
ferry one German Regt. 33 at Bedford, a small part of the 42
and 71 with three companies of Germans commanded by Genl.
Vaughn are at New Town. One German Regm. Yaigers at Flushing,
Queen’s Rangers Coll. Simcoe at Oyster Bay, Coll. Ludlow’s
Regiment under Genl. DeLancey New Levies at Lloyd’s Neck. The
17th Regm. Dragoons, Coll. Burch and Lord Cathcart Legion are
at South Hampton together with all the Grenadeers and Light
Infantry belonging to the enemy within these lines, except
about two hundred left at Jamaica. Their several movements to
South Hampton make that body about two thousand men. They have
lived upon the miserable inhabitants of Suffolk County ever
since they have been in it and there is a great probability
of the inhabitants wanting the necessities of life. They give
receipts for cattle, hay and etc. but are not paid. They have
been out of money nearly two months. I compute the whole
force of the enemy to be thirty four Battallions, equal to
two hundred and fifty in a battallion, and believe it to be
a very just computation. I saw a private letter from London
brought in the Packet that left Falmouth the 20th of November
and arrived here the 24th January, which I think you may rely
on, that Spain and the two Sicily’s have followed the steps of
France in favour of America which compleets the whole family
of the House of Bourbone. The Dutch have demanded satisfaction
of his Brittannick Majesty of all damages sustained on their
shipping by seasure ever since the year 1734, and His Majesty
hath complyed with their request. Bergoin a discarded Lord and
General Howe are both to undergo parliamentary examinations.
15 Privateers and 300 sail of Merchantmen and 2 ships of War
have been lately taken by the French. No prospect of any troops
being sent to America but a great probability of the King
giving up the contest. This sir agrees in substance with the
English papers, which I have seen up to the 3d of November.
Other accounts say his Majesty will continue the war and that a
large body of troops will be sent to America in the Spring, but
I doubt if any troops comes, but begin to be fearful that these
troops here will stay longer than some time ago I expected. I
can positively inform you that Genl. Clinton had liberty from
his Majesty to leave New York the first of November last on
which a council of war was held and concluded it was not for
the interest of the Crown to do it. I think if it had not been
for the sake of the Tory’s they would have quit America then.
The cannon that was taken from the Battery near Fort George
and put on board the Lord Townsend transport was some time ago
relanded. On the first instant a Cork Fleet, consisting of
eleven sail arrived with provisions but brought no news. On the
8th six transports arrived from Hallifax under convoy of the
Delaware Frigate. Same day some ships from Rhode Island with
the troops before mentioned. On the 14th Instant his Majesty’s
Speech was handed us from Jersy, it appears very mild and not
very pleasing to the enemy; it is all we have had from England
since the November Packet. It is said the December Packet is
taken. There is a fleet of Victiallers and private adventurers
preparing for Georgia. It is said some Troops will go in the
Fleet. I think it very likely. Their convoy will certainly be
weak. I do not know to be but three or four ships of war in and
about the city, their ships of war are all gone to the West
Indies. Six ships of the Line could now very easily block up
the Port and reduce New York. It is reported fifteen hundred
troops have sailed from Rhode Island for Georgia but it wants
confirmation. On the 15th Inst. a fleet sailed for Ireland
consisting of about ten or fifteen sail. The enemy will shortly
be in great want of forage, which they will endeavour to get a
supply from the Jersey’s before long, their flat boats in the
King’s yard have lately been put in good repair. I frequently
see General Clinton amongst the Carpenters, in particular
viewing the boats. Ther’s upwards of Seventy Privateers and
Letters of Marque from this port and have been very successful.
A large French ship arrived here on the 15th with upwards of
500 hhd. of Sugar and 5 tons of Indigo, with some specie and
other articles. Sir William Erskin is a fortifieing at and
about Southampton and building flat boats, probably they intend
to cross and do you some damage. On the 17th it was said a
fleet was at the Hook from England but being obliged to leave
the city that afternoon I can give no further account about
it. Their movements puzzles the greatest politicians and I am
at a loss to judge whether we shall have peace or war this
Spring. I think upon the whole there is a greater prospect of
war than peace. I believe now that the King will endeavour to
see if his fleet can get the better of the French Fleet. If
they should not he will then make peace with France and quit
America. I don’t doubt but by the next appointment we shall
know the determination of Parliament and give a better guess.
Their success in Georgia under Campbell and as they say Adml.
Byron blocking up Count D’Estaing in Martineco and Genl. Grant
defeating the French with great loss at St. Lucea, hath given
the Enemy fresh spirits. I cannot bear the thoughts of the
war continuing another year, as could wish to see an end of
this great distress. Were I to undertake to give an account of
the sad destruction that the enemy makes within these lines I
should fail. They have no regard to age, sex, whig or tory. I
lament to hear the depreciation of your money and in particular
the civil dissentions among you at Philadelphia. I think them
very alarming. It sinks the spirits of our suffering friends
here and pleases the enemy. Cannot the disturbers see that they
are working their own ruin. Is there no remedy to apply. Better
had they be cut off from the land of the living than to be
suffered to go on. There’s nothing will give the enemy greater
courage than Civil dissentions, and as long as there’s any hope
they will endeavour. Thus sir, I have wrote you as fully and
clearly as is in my power at this time, and please excuse any
imperfections that you may discover. Coll. Floyd returned on
his Parole the 16th. I earnestly wrote you for his discharge. I
repeat it again, I anxiously desire you would not forget it. I
am very likely to stand in need of his services. I desire you
will send me one hundred Pounds by the next appointment without
fail, as I have spent already forty pounds more than I have
received from you. Board is £3 pr. week in New York besides
other necessary expenses, postage, &c. I now conclude with my
sincere regard and desire for your health and safety.

SAMUEL CULPER.

(106) _Tallmadge finds Woodhull ill from fright._

_Sir._ FAIRFIELD, April 21, 1779.

Agreeable to your Excellency’s instructions I have forwarded
the Vial delivered me and the directions for C----s future
conduct. In answer to which he wrote, but as I wished to see
him to communicate many things, I appointed an interview at
Brook Haven, Long Island, where I met C. on the 16th instant,
and was detained on the Island till this morning by a violent
storm and contrary winds.

In addition to what C. informs by the enclosed, he has given me
some memorandums. You may perceive in the close of his second
letter No. 10 he mentions something respecting the transport
lately arrived at New York from Rhode Island. He assures me
that the business of their mission is a proposed feint, and
that by diligent attention and enquiry he finds they are
taking on board the remaining baggage of the troops now at
Rhode Island. The conjecture among them is that they intend to
evacuate that post, and by their taking their baggage from New
York they cannot be returning there.

He thinks there never has been such a prospect of peace as at
present. Bets are now laying 2 to 1 that there will be a peace
in less than 2 months from this. Many of those who have been
particularly active against us are selling off their estates.
General DeLancey and Mr. McAdams in particular have proposed
their estates for sale, neither of them in want of money. In
England Government takes up money at most enormous interests,
from 10 to 14 per cent.

The Troops at the East End of Long Island are ordered to supply
themselves with forage for 14 days, and by the beginning of
next month it is thought they will move westward. Most of the
flat boats have moved thro’ South bay for New York.

In addition to the 20 Guineas acknowledged to have been
received by Culper in the enclosed, I have handed him 30
more. He informs that his expenses are necessarily great,
but whenever your Excellency may wish him to discontinue
his present correspondence he will most cheerfully quit the
employment, as he proposes no advantage to himself from the
undertaking. I have urged by letter and verbally the plan of
forwarding letters by some shorter route to Headquarters. C.
wishes as much as your Excellency to hit on some more speedy
mode of conveyance, but finds such a step difficult and
dangerous. That same Brown at Bergen, whom your Excellency
mentioned to me, C. informs is now in provost on suspicion of
having given information of the late movement of the enemy to
Elizabeth Town. If he should soon get released C. thinks he
would be a very proper man for the business. He will in the
mean time pay the greatest attention to the proposal. He says
a man may be engaged to reside on Staten Island (if he can be
supported) who will receive his dispatches and forward them at
all times. In this case some person must be appointed to go
across with a boat to an appointed place.

I must now relate an anecdote respecting the Vial which I
forwarded Cr. Much pleased with the curious Ink or Stain and
after making some experiments with the same, he was set down
to answer my letter which accompanied it. He had finished
the enclosed when suddenly two persons broke into the room
(his private apartment). The consideration of having several
officers quartered in the next Chamber, added to his constant
fear of detection and its certain consequences made him
rationally conclude that he was suspected, and that those
steps were taken by said officers for discovery. Startled by
so sudden and violent an obtrusion he sprang from his seat,
snatched up his papers, overset his table and broke his Vial.
This step so totally discomposed him that he knew not who they
were, or even to which sex they belonged--for in fact they
were two ladies who, living in the house with him, entered
his chamber in this way on purpose to surprise him. Such an
excessive fright and so great a turbulence of passions so
wrought on poor C. that he has hardly been in tolerable health
since. The above relation I had from his own mouth. He is much
pleased with the Ink, and wishes if any more can be spared, to
have a little sent him. By this he thinks he could frequently
communicate intelligence by persons permitted to pass the lines.

Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting the movement of
the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to New London, and
which I have reason to believe in a great measure defeated
their intentions, have been communicated by Culper.

There are some men on this side the Sound who conduct most
villionously towards the inhabitants of Long Island by lying
on the road and robbing the inhabitants as they pass. Cr. was
the other day robbed of all his money near Huntington, and was
glad to escape with his life. I know the names of several, some
of whom under sanction of Commissions for cruising in the Sound
land on Long Island and plunder the inhabitants promiscously.

I have now put the Correspondence with Cr. on such a footing
that any letter he may forward by the old conveyance will
be sent to Capt. Grinell of this place, on whom I can most
implicitly depend. He will forward them to Genl. Putnam
agreeable to instructions. Any instructions which your
Excellency may wish to communicate to Cr. you will please to
forward to me as usual, no other person being appointed in this
quarter with whom he would be willing to correspond.

The bearer having some business to transact and wishing to see
his friends, will return in 4 or 5 days, when your Excellency’s
commands and in particular the above mentioned Ink, may be
forwarded with safety. I am, with profound Respect, Your
Excellency’s most Obedt. Hbl. Servt.

BENJ. TALLMADGE.

(107) _Culper Senior near capture by Colonel Simcoe._

“No. 13 20 June 5, 1779.

“_Dear Sir_, Your No 7 came to hand and have observed its
contents. I Purpose this only to informe you of my Misfortune.
On the 24 of April. John Wolsey returned from Connecticut
being Paroled by the Company of Prisoners (although taken
in a Privateer). And Lodged information against me before
Coll. Simcoe of the Queens Rangers who thinking of finding
me at Setauket came down but happily I set out for N. York
the day before his arrival, and to make some compensation for
his voige he fell upon my father and plundered him in a most
shocking manner. I hearing of it and his intentions, used
every endeavour to defeat his designs which I happily did in a
measure by a friend of mine makeing interest with the Genl Aid
and only that saved me. But I am very obnoxious to them and
think I am in continual danger you will see the contents of the
other letter and the proposals there made and at once see the
necessity of destroying these letters after perusull.

“I was in town that night you was. I wish I had a known it. I
am with esteem Yours &c.

“SAMUEL CULPER.”

(108) _Woodhull fears handwriting may betray him._

“No. 13 20 June 5, 1779-- 12

“_Sir_, Your No 7 came to hand and have duely observed the
contents. It is now a long time since I have wrote you, And do
assure you not through neglect but owing to the difficulty I
have laboured under ever since I saw you--In my other letter I
have stated the particulars. And I dre say you will be filled
with wonder and surprise, that I have had the good fortune to
escape confinement. And am sorry to inform you that it hath
rendered me almost unservicable to you. I purpose quitting _10_
and residing at _20_. As I am now a suspected person I cannot
frequent their camp as heretofore. And think only just residing
at _10_ and be obliged to take up with common reports will not
answer your purpose, or make by any means compensation for the
expense--I have truely the interest of our Country at heart[66]
and could not wish to spend one shilling useless--I shall
visit _10_ as often as I can with any degree of safety--and
have not as yet stoped the channel of intelligence and shall
anxiously wait your directions--Weather I shall endeavour
to establish a confidential friend to step into my place if
agreeable direct in your next and forward the ink--When I have
effected this most probable I shall come to you. And shall
wish to joyne in the common defence--I shall now endeavour to
give you an authentick account of the principle arrivals and
departures of all fleets--foreign intelligence, and the temper
and expectations of the enemy and movements since the 14th of
May, all before hath been forwarded. The latter of which I am
sensible can be of little or no service now but may be some
satisfaction. About the 15th May sailed a Cork fleet and on the
_18_ arrived 12 sail from Cork with provisions and serveral
private ships have arrived at different times from Europe one
bringing the news of the surrender of Pondicherry in India,
but I do not believe it yet. you may depend that the Cutter
that said to bring the news saild some time from Ireland and
of course before the last Cork fleet and they brought no such
account. Provisions are very plenty at _10_ and a Cork fleet
is expected also a large fleet from England with ten thousand
troops is said to be expected in, in about ten days. The troops
that went from hence last fall for West India and Georgia it
is said are about returning. I think it probable for they are
very sickly in those quarters. I hear some tell us of Peace
amongst you. God grant it may take place on honourable terms.
But I must tell you thers less appearance of Peace here now
than some time agone--And thers nothing we can hear from Europe
that demonstrates it. The spirits of their troops is high,
and the expectation of the Tory’s is great to admiration. I
hope you will not trust to an uncertainty, but prepare for the
worst. I have a long time expected to hear of your appearing
in force near the Bridge and keeping them in their strongholds
and hope that their present expedition may serve to further
convince them of the impracticability of subduing this country.
And call your army together and be upon your guard and be very
industrious to find out the schemes of the Torys amongst you.
Almost every action is handed down by them and men is said to
pass (and I believe they do) from hence to the enemy on the
frontiers. The enemy have almost intirely quit Long Island
and the whole of the force on Long Island does not exceed
three hundred only a few individuals left at their different
stations they have likewise taken all their baggage from Long
Island and on the 29 arrived their Virginia fleet with about
30 prizes mostly small schooners and a number of negroes and
some white females, upon the whole that expedition is thought
but little of and as the 30 sailed immediately up the river
about 20 transports the Raisonable of 64 guns and 2 frigats
on the 28th the army and troops in general left _10_ together
with all their train of artillery that stood on the common.
There was not on the 3 instant one thousand troops in and about
the city only one Batallion of guards and two small German
Regt. to do duty in and about _10_ There orders for to raise a
number of men for the terme of six months out of the Militia of
Kings and Queens Countys to do duty as occasion may require.
This is very disagreeable to the inhabitants. On the 3 instant
there was only 3 frigates in the river except those before
mentioned--Thus sir I shall conclude with this request that
you would upon sufficient Perusual consume it for if by any
accident this or any other of my letters should fall into the
enemy’s hands very probable my handwriting or some circumstance
mentioned might be the cause of detection. And conclude with my
great desire for your success and welfair. I remain your most
obet. H. Servt. Samuel Culper. Just as I was about to seal this
I saw a gentleman from 10 that said every sixth man in 10 and
the before mentioned places were immediately to be Draughfet I
purpose waiting at 20 until I receive an answer from you.

“S. C.”

(109) _Robert Townsend now becomes chief._

_Sir._ No. 14. 20 June 20 1779.

Your No. 8 on the 16 found me at 20 anxiously concerned for
our interest, and unwilling it should be neglected, and some
reason to fear that by delay the door might be shut and out
of my power to perform what I proposed in my No. 13, which
I have concluded would be your desire. I thought proper
to detain 40 until I went to 10 to endeavour to gain the
best intelligence I could, and settle the plan proposed. I
returned on the 19th, and my success hath exceeded my most
sanguine expectations.--There hath been no arrival of any
fleet from any quarter since my last--and the enemy hath not
been strengthened. On the 18 Gen. Clinton went out of 10 in
person to go to his camp. You may depend their whole force is
up the river, and that can’t exceed 8000 men. I expect they
are evacuating Rhode Island, if not all part of their troops
are coming to 10, it is said four Regiments, this I have from
good authority, likewise that it is certainly Gen. Clinton’s
positive order and determination to burn all the fields of
wheat as soon as they are dry, and intends to exert himself
in that to the utmost. They have brought in many cattle. If
you don’t exert yourself the country will greatly suffer. A
considerable force to march towards the Bridge would make them
quit the River and country, for they are very fearful of your
getting New York and have frequently said they have in all
but just a garrison, it is the admiration of all friends that
they can hold their ground up the river. Their strength by sea
is trifling. Much the same as mentioned in my last only it is
said you have taken the Delaware of 28 guns. It is currently
reported in New York that the enemy are entirely defeated near
Charles Town, and is believed by some, and the enemy in general
trembles for fear if it should be true they acknowledge that it
will ruin them. In answer to yours concerning the strength of
the enemy at Lloyd’s Neck and what saw mills were sawing for
the use of the enemy I cannot give so satisfactory an account
about the above questions as I could wish. The former shall
endeavour to refer you to Capt. Cornelius Conklin, Major Brush,
Capt. Rojers and some others mostly residing at Norwalk that
frequently cross near there, the latter shall advise--Coll.
Ludlow’s Regiment is very small, don’t exceed 150 men. The
Refugees that are there are all armed and take their turn as
guards with the regiment, how many I cannot tell but readily
conclude they exceed the number in the regiment. I cannot tell
whether there’s any cannon in the fort nor how it is situated.
Coll. Hulet that commands is a brave officer. Many deserters
and refugees that know they will be hanged and think they will
make a desperate resistance, and think if it is done at all it
must be by surprise.