Chapter XII: The Emancipation Proclamation (2)

But the British anti-slavery public, now recovered from its fears of an "abolition war" was of another temper. Beginning with the last week of December, 1862, and increasing in volume in each succeeding month, there took place meeting after meeting at which strong resolutions were passed enthusiastically endorsing the issue of the emancipation proclamation and pledging sympathy to the cause of the North. The _Liberator_ from week to week, listed and commented on these public meetings, noting fifty-six held between December 30, 1862, and March 20, 1863. The American Minister reported even more, many of which sent to him engraved resolutions or presented them in person through selected delegations. The resolutions were much of the type of that adopted at Sheffield, January 10:

"_Resolved_: that this meeting being convinced that slavery
is the cause of the tremendous struggle now going on in the
American States, and that the object of the leaders of the
rebellion is the perpetuation of the unchristian and inhuman
system of chattel slavery, earnestly prays that the rebellion
may be crushed, and its wicked object defeated, and that the
Federal Government may be strengthened to pursue its
emancipation policy till not a slave be left on the American
soil[947]."

Adams quoted the _Times_ as referring to these meetings as made up of "nobodies." Adams commented:

"They do not indeed belong to the high and noble class, but
they are just those nobodies who formerly forced their most
exalted countrymen to denounce the prosecution of the Slave
Trade by the commercial adventurers at Liverpool and Bristol,
and who at a later period overcame all their resistance to
the complete emancipation of the negro slaves in the British
dependencies. If they become once fully aroused to a sense of
the importance of this struggle as a purely moral question, I
feel safe in saying there will be an end of all effective
sympathy in Great Britain with the rebellion[948]."

Adams had no doubt "that these manifestations are the genuine expression of the feelings of the religious dissenting and of the working classes," and was confident the Government would be much influenced by them[949]. The newspapers, though still editorially unfavourable to the emancipation proclamation, accepted and printed communications with increasing frequency in which were expressed the same ideas as in the public meetings. This was even more noticeable in the provincial press. Samuel A. Goddard, a merchant of Birmingham, was a prolific letter writer to the _Birmingham Post_, consistently upholding the Northern cause and he now reiterated the phrase, "Mr. Lincoln's cause is just and holy[950]." In answer to Southern sneers at the failure of the proclamation to touch slavery in the border states, Goddard made clear the fact that Lincoln had no constitutional "right" to apply his edict to states not in rebellion[951]. On the public platform no one equalled the old anti-slavery orator, George Thompson, in the number of meetings attended and addresses made. In less than a month he had spoken twenty-one times and often in places where opposition was in evidence. Everywhere Thompson found an aroused and encouraged anti-slavery feeling, now strongly for the North[952].

Eight years earlier five hundred thousand English women had united in an address to America on behalf of the slaves. Harriet Beecher Stowe now replied to this and asked the renewed sympathy of her English sisters. A largely signed "round robin" letter assured her that English women were still the foes of slavery and were indignantly united against suggestions of British recognition of the South[953]. Working class Britain was making its voice heard in support of the North. To those of Manchester, Lincoln, on January 19, 1863, addressed a special letter of thanks for their earnest support while undergoing personal hardships resulting from the disruption of industry caused by the war. "I cannot" he wrote, "but regard your decisive utterances upon the question [of human slavery] as an instance of sublime Christian heroism which has not been surpassed in any age or in any country[954]." Nonconformist England now came vigorously to the support of the North. Spurgeon, in London, made his great congregation pray with him: "God bless and strengthen the North; give victory to their arms[955]." Further and more general expression of Nonconformist church sympathy came as a result of a letter received February 12, 1863, from a number of French pastors and laymen, urging all the Evangelical churches to unite in an address to Lincoln. The London and Manchester Emancipation Societies combined in drawing up a document for signature by pastors and this was presented for adoption at a meeting in Manchester on June 3, 1863. In final form it was "An Address to Ministers and Pastors of All Christian Denominations throughout the States of America." There was a "noisy opposition" but the address was carried by a large majority and two representatives, Massie and Roylance, were selected to bear the message in person to the brethren across the ocean[956]. Discussion arose over the Biblical sanction of slavery. In the _Times_ appeared an editorial pleading this sanction and arguing the _duty_ of slaves to refuse liberty[957]. Goldwin Smith, Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford, replied in a pamphlet, "Does the Bible sanction American Slavery[958]?" His position and his skill in presentation made him a valuable ally to the North.

Thus British anti-slavery circles, previously on the defensive, became aroused and enthusiastic when Lincoln's January 1, 1863, proclamation made good his pledge of the previous September: other elements of opinion, and in all classes, were strengthened in like measure, and everywhere the first expression of fear of a servile insurrection largely disappeared. In truth, pro-Northern England went to such lengths in its support of emancipation as to astound and alarm the _Saturday Review_, which called these demonstrations a "carnival of cant[959]." More neutral minds were perplexed over the practical difficulties and might well agree with Schleiden who wrote in January, 1863, quoting Machiavelli: "What is more difficult, to make free men slaves, or slaves free[960]?" But by the end of January the popular approval of emancipation was in full swing. On the evening of the twenty-ninth there took place in London at Exeter Hall, a great mass meeting unprecedented in attendance and enthusiasm. The meeting had been advertised for seven o'clock, but long before the hour arrived the hall was jammed and the corridors filled. A second meeting was promptly organized for the lower hall, but even so the people seeking admission crowded Exeter Street and seriously impeded traffic in the Strand. Outdoor meetings listened to reports of what was going on in the Hall and cheered the speakers. The main address was made by the Rev. Newman Hall, of Surrey Chapel. A few Southern sympathizers who attempted to heckle the speakers were quickly shouted down[961].

The "carnival of cant," as the _Saturday Review_ termed it, was truly a popular demonstration, stirred by anti-slavery leaders, but supported by the working and non-enfranchised classes. Its first effect was to restore courage and confidence to Northern supporters in the upper classes. Bright had welcomed emancipation, yet with some misgivings. He now joined in the movement and in a speech at Rochdale, February 3, on "Slavery and Secession," gave full approval of Lincoln's efforts.

In 1862, shortly after the appearance of Spence's _American Union_, which had been greeted with great interest in England and had influenced largely upper-class attitude in favour of the South, Cairnes had published his pamphlet, "Slave Power." This was a reasoned analysis of the basis of slavery and a direct challenge to the thesis of Spence[962]. England's "unnatural infatuation" for a slave power, Cairnes prophesied, would be short-lived. His pamphlet began to be read with more conviction by that class which until now had been coldly neutral and which wished a more reassured faith in the Northern cause than that stirred by the emotional reception given the emancipation proclamation. Yet at bottom it was emancipation that brought this reasoning public to seek in such works as that of Cairnes a logical basis for a change of heart. Even in official circles, utterances previously made in private correspondence, or in governmental conversations only, were now ventured in public by friends of the North. On April 1, 1863, at a banquet given to Palmerston in Edinburgh, the Duke of Argyll ventured to answer a reference made by Palmerston in a speech of the evening previous in which had been depicted the horrors of Civil War, by asking if Scotland were historically in a position to object to civil wars having high moral purpose. "I, for one," Argyll said, "have not learned to be ashamed of that ancient combination of the Bible and the sword. Let it be enough for us to pray and hope that the contest, whenever it may be brought to an end, shall bring with it that great blessing to the white race which shall consist in the final freedom of the black[963]."

The public meetings in England raised high the hope in America that governmental England would show some evidence of a more friendly attitude. Lincoln himself drafted a resolution embodying the ideas he thought it would be wise for the public meetings to adopt. It read:

"Whereas, while _heretofore_ States, and Nations, have
tolerated slavery, _recently_, for the first time in the
world, an attempt has been made to construct a new Nation,
upon the basis of, and with the primary, and fundamental
object to maintain, enlarge, and perpetuate human slavery,
therefore,

_Resolved_: that no such embryo State should ever be
recognized by, or admitted into, the family of Christian and
civilized nations; and that all Christian and civilized men
everywhere should, by all lawful means, resist to the utmost,
such recognition or admission[964]."

This American hope much disturbed Lyons. On his return to Washington, in November, 1862, he had regarded the emancipation proclamation as a political manoeuvre purely and an unsuccessful one. The administration he thought was losing ground and the people tired of the war. This was the burden of his private letters to Russell up to March, 1863, but does not appear in his official despatches in which there was nothing to give offence to Northern statesmen. But in March, Lyons began to doubt the correctness of these judgments. He notes a renewed Northern enthusiasm leading to the conferring of extreme powers--the so-called "dictatorship measures"--upon Lincoln. Wise as Lyons ordinarily was he was bound by the social and educational traditions of his class, and had at first not the slightest conception of the force or effect of emancipation upon the public in middle-class England. He feared an American reaction against England when it was understood that popular meetings would have no influence on the British Government.

"Mr. Seward and the whole Party calculate immensely on the
effects of the anti-slavery meetings in England, and seem to
fancy that public feeling in England is coming so completely
round to the North that the Government will be obliged to
favour the North in all ways, even if it be disinclined to do
so. This notion is unlucky, as it makes those who hold it,
unreasonable and presumptuous in dealing with us[965]."

* * * * *

Lincoln's plan of emancipation and his first proclamation had little relation to American foreign policy. Seward's attitude toward emancipation was that the _threat_ of it and of a possible servile war might be useful in deterring foreign nations, especially Great Britain, from intervening. But he objected to the carrying of emancipation into effect because he feared it would _induce_ intervention. Servile war, in part by Seward's own efforts, in part because of earlier British newspaper speculations, was strongly associated with emancipation, in the English view. Hence the Government received the September, 1862, proclamation with disfavour, the press with contempt, and the public with apprehension--even the friends of the North. But no servile war ensued. In January, 1863, Lincoln kept his promise of wide emancipation and the North stood committed to a high moral object. A great wave of relief and exultation swept over anti-slavery England, but did not so quickly extend to governmental circles. It was largely that England which was as yet without direct influence on Parliament which so exulted and now upheld the North. Could this England of the people affect governmental policy and influence its action toward America? Lyons correctly interpreted the North and Seward as now more inclined to press the British Government on points previously glossed over, and in the same month in which Lyons wrote this opinion there was coming to a head a controversy over Britain's duty as a neutral, which both during the war and afterwards long seemed to Americans a serious and distinctly unfriendly breach of British neutrality. This was the building in British ports of Confederate naval vessels of war.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 846: _Punch_, Nov. 22, 1862, has a cartoon picturing Palmerston as presenting this view to Napoleon III.]

[Footnote 847: Rhodes, IV, p. 348.]

[Footnote 848: F.O., Am., Vol. 875. No. 80. Confidential. Lyons to Russell, Jan. 27, 1863. This date would have permitted Mercier to be already in receipt of Napoleon's instructions, though he gave no hint of it in the interview with Lyons.]

[Footnote 849: Mercier had in fact approached Stoeckl on a joint offer of mediation without England. Evidently Stoeckl had asked instructions and those received made clear that Russia did not wish to be compelled to face such a question. She did not wish to offend France, and an offer without England had no chance of acceptance (Russian Archives, F.O. to Stoeckl, Feb. 16, 1863 (O.S.)).]

[Footnote 850: F.O. Am., Vol. 876. No. 108. Confidential. Lyons to Russell, Feb. 2, 1863.]

[Footnote 851: Rhodes, IV, p. 348.]

[Footnote 852: F.O., Am., Vol. 868, No. 86.]

[Footnote 853: Hansard, 3rd. Ser., CLXIX, pp. 5-53, and 69-152.]

[Footnote 854: _Ibid._, pp. 1714-41. March 23, 1863.]

[Footnote 855: Ashley, _Palmerston_, II, 208-9. To Ellice, May 5, 1861.]

[Footnote 856: July 13, 1861.]

[Footnote 857: Harriet Martineau, _Autobiography_, p. 508, To Mrs. Chapman, Aug. 8, 1861.]

[Footnote 858: Sept. 21, 1861.]

[Footnote 859: _Saturday Review_, Nov. 17, 1860.]

[Footnote 860: Russell Papers. To Russell.]

[Footnote 861: Gladstone Papers. Russell to Gladstone, Jan. 26, 1862.]

[Footnote 862: Article in _Fraser's Magazine_, Feb. 1862, "The Contest in America."]

[Footnote 863: Hansard, 3rd Ser., CXLV, p. 387, Feb. 17, 1862.]

[Footnote 864: Pierce, _Sumner_, IV, pp. 41-48, and 63-69.]

[Footnote 865: Raymond, _Life, Public Services and State Papers of Abraham Lincoln_, p. 243.]

[Footnote 866: _Ibid._, pp. 229-32.]

[Footnote 867: _Ibid._, p. 233, May 19, 1862.]

[Footnote 868: A Bill was in fact introduced July 16, 1862, on the lines of Lincoln's "pecuniary aid" proposal of July 12, but no action was taken on it.]

[Footnote 869: Welles, _Diary_, I, pp. 70-71.]

[Footnote 870: Abraham Lincoln, _Complete Works_, II, p. 213.]

[Footnote 871: Rhodes, IV, pp. 71-2.]

[Footnote 872: As issued September 22, the first paragraph refers to his plan of securing legislation to aid compensated voluntary emancipation, the next sets the date January 1, 1863, for completed emancipation of slaves in states still in rebellion and the remaining paragraphs concern the carrying out of the confiscation law. Lincoln, _Complete Works_, II, pp. 237-8.]

[Footnote 873: Raymond, _State Papers of Lincoln_, 260-61.]

[Footnote 874: Rhodes, IV, p. 214.]

[Footnote 875: _Ibid._, p. 410. In letter, August 26, 1863, addressed to a Springfield mass meeting of "unconditional Union men."]

[Footnote 876: American Hist. Rev., XVIII, pp. 784-7. Bunch to Russell, Dec. 5, 1860.]

[Footnote 877: Southern Commissioners abroad early reported that recognition of independence and commercial treaties could not be secured unless the South would agree to "mutual right of search" treaties for the suppression of the African Slave Trade. Davis' answer was that the Confederate constitution gave him no authority to negotiate such a treaty; indeed, denied him that authority since the constitution itself prohibited the importation of negroes from Africa. For Benjamin's instructions see Bigelow, _Retrospections_, I, pp. 591-96.]

[Footnote 878: _Spectator_, May 4, 1861.]

[Footnote 879: Sept. 6, 1861. In Mass. Hist. Soc. _Proceedings_, Vol. XLVI, p. 95.]

[Footnote 880: Sept. 14, 1861.]

[Footnote 881: October 5, 1861.]

[Footnote 882: Lyons Papers. To Lyons, Oct. 26, 1861.]

[Footnote 883: _Ibid._, To Lyons, Nov. 2, 1861. The same ideas are officially expressed by Russell to Lyons, March 7, 1861, and May 1, 1862. (F.O., Am., Vol. 818, No. 104, Draft; and _Ibid._, Vol. 819, No. 197, Draft.).]

[Footnote 884: See ante, p. 81.]

[Footnote 885: _U.S. Messages and Documents_, 1862-3, Pt. I, p. 65.]

[Footnote 886: Ashley, _Palmerston_, II, p. 227. Palmerston to Russell, Aug. 13, 1862.]

[Footnote 887: Garrison, _Garrison_, IV, p. 66. Many distinguished names were on the roster of the Society--Mill, Bright, Cobden, Lord Houghton, Samuel Lucas, Forster, Goldwin Smith, Justin McCarthy, Thomas Hughes, Cairns, Herbert Spencer, Francis Newman, the Rev. Newman Hall, and others. Frederick W. Chesson was secretary, and very active in the work.]

[Footnote 888: Schurz, _Speeches and Correspondence_, I, 190.]

[Footnote 889: Schurz, _Reminiscences_, II, 309.]

[Footnote 890: Gasparin, _The Uprising of a Great People_, 1861.]

[Footnote 891: Gasparin, _America before Europe_, Pt. V, Ch. III. The preface is dated March 4, 1862, and the work went through three American editions in 1862.]

[Footnote 892: Pierce, _Sumner_, IV, p. 63. No exact date, but Spring of 1862.]

[Footnote 893: Raymond, _State Papers of Lincoln_, p. 253.]

[Footnote 894: _Ibid._, p. 256.]

[Footnote 895: Rhodes, IV, p. 162.]

[Footnote 896: Lincoln's _Complete Works_, II, p. 454. But the _after-comment_ by Lincoln as to purpose was nearly always in line with an unfinished draft of a letter to Charles D. Robinson, Aug. 17, 1864, when the specific object was said to be "inducing the coloured people to come bodily over from the rebel side to ours." _Ibid._, p. 564.]

[Footnote 897: See _ante_, Ch. IX.]

[Footnote 898: _U.S. Messages and Documents, 1862-3_, Pt. I, p. 83. Adams to Seward, May 8, 1862.]

[Footnote 899: _Ibid._, pp. 101-105.]

[Footnote 900: _Ibid._, p. 122. Adams to Seward, July 3, 1862. In his despatch Adams states the conversation to have occurred "last Saturday," and with an "unofficial person," who was sounding him on mediation. This was Cobden.]

[Footnote 901: Welles, _Diary_, I, p. 70.]

[Footnote 902: _U.S. Messages and Documents, 1862-3_, Pt. I, p. 135.]

[Footnote 903: _Ibid._, p. 133. To Seward. His informant was Baring.]

[Footnote 904: Bancroft, _Seward_, II, p. 333.]

[Footnote 905: See _ante_, p. 35.]

[Footnote 906: _Parliamentary Papers, 1863. Lords_, Vol. XXIX. "Correspondence relating to the Civil War in the United States of North America." No. 8. To Russell.]

[Footnote 907: _Ibid._, No. 10. Russell to Stuart, Aug. 7, 1862.]

[Footnote 908: _Ibid._, 1863, _Lords_, Vol. XXV. "Further correspondence relating to the Civil War in the United States of North America." No. 2. To Stuart.]

[Footnote 909: _Ibid._, 1863, _Lords_, Vol. XXIX. "Correspondence relating to the Civil War in the United States of North America," No. 20. Stuart to Russell, Aug. 16, 1862.]

[Footnote 910: See _ante_, p. 37.]

[Footnote 911: State Department, Eng., Vol. 78, No. 119. Adams to Seward, Feb. 21, 1862. This supplemented a similar representation made on Jan. 17, 1862. (_U.S. Messages and Documents, 1862-3_, Pt. I, p. 16.)]

[Footnote 912: e.g., Motley, _Correspondence_, II, pp. 64-5. To O.W. Holmes, Feb. 26, 1862.]

[Footnote 913: _U.S. Messages and Documents, 1862-3_, Pt. I, p. 140. Adams to Seward, July 17, 1862.]

[Footnote 914: Bancroft, _Seward_, II, p. 336.]

[Footnote 915: _U.S. Messages and Documents, 1862-3_, Pt. I, p. 191. Adams to Seward, Sept. 12, 1862.]

[Footnote 916: _Ibid._, p. 199.]

[Footnote 917: _Ibid._, p. 195.]

[Footnote 918: _Ibid._, p. 202. Seward to Adams, Sept. 26, 1862. Lyons, on his return to Washington, wrote that he found Seward's influence much lessened, and that he had fallen in public estimation by his "signing the Abolition Proclamation, which was imposed upon him, in opposition to all his own views, by the Radical Party in the Cabinet." (Russell Papers. Lyons to Russell, Nov. 14, 1862.)]

[Footnote 919: Russell Papers. Stuart to Russell, Sept. 19, 1862.]

[Footnote 920: _U.S. Messages and Documents, 1862-3_, Pt. I, p. 202. The instruction went into great detail as to conditions and means. A similar instruction was sent to Paris, The Hague, and Copenhagen.]

[Footnote 921: There was much talk and correspondence on this project from Sept., 1862, to March, 1864. Stuart was suspicious of some "trap." Russell at one time thought the United States was secretly planning to colonize ex-slaves in Central America. Some of the Colonies were in favour of the plan. (Russell Papers. Stuart to Russell, Sept. 29, 1862. F.O., Am., Vol. 878, No. 177. Lyons to Russell, Feb. 24, 1863.)]

[Footnote 922: Lyons Papers. To Lyons.]

[Footnote 923: Russell Papers. Stuart to Russell, Sept. 26, 1862.]

[Footnote 924: Gladstone Papers. British agents still residing in the South believed the proclamation would have little practical effect, but added that if actually carried out the cultivation of cotton "would be as completely arrested as if an edict were pronounced against its future growth," and pictured the unfortunate results for the world at large. (F.O., Am., Vol. 846, No. 34. Cridland to Russell, Oct. 29, 1862.)]

[Footnote 925: See Rhodes, IV, 344, _notes_.]

[Footnote 926: October 6, 1862. The _Times_ had used the "last card" phrase as early as Dec. 14, 1861, in speculations on the effect of Sumner's agitation for emancipation.]

[Footnote 927: Oct. 6, 1862.]

[Footnote 928: e.g., _Dublin Nation_, Oct. 11, 1862. _Manchester Guardian_, Oct. 7. _London Morning Advertiser_, Oct. 9. _North British Review_, Oct., 1862. _London Press_, Oct. 11. _London Globe_, Oct. 6. _London Examiner_, Oct. 11, editorial: "The Black Flag," and Oct. 18: "The Instigation to Servile War." _Bell's Weekly Messenger_, Oct. 11.]

[Footnote 929: October, 1862.]

[Footnote 930: November, 1862.]

[Footnote 931: It is worthy of note that the French offer of joint mediation made to Britain in October specified the danger of servile war resulting from the proclamation as a reason for European action. (France, _Documents Diplomatiques, 1862_, p. 142.)]

[Footnote 932: The _Times_, Oct. 7, 1862.]

[Footnote 933: Oct. 18, 1862.]

[Footnote 934: Communication in the _Times_, Nov. 7, 1862.]

[Footnote 935: Richardson, II, 360. Mason to Benjamin, Nov. 6, 1862.]

[Footnote 936: _Spectator_, Oct. 11, 1862.]

[Footnote 937: _Ibid._, Oct. 25, 1862.]

[Footnote 938: Rhodes, IV, 162-64.]

[Footnote 939: Perry, _Henry Lee Higginson_, p. 175.]

[Footnote 940: Rhodes, IV, p. 349, _note_. Bright to Sumner, Dec. 6, 1862.]

[Footnote 941: Rogers, _Speeches by John Bright_, I, pp. 216 ff.]

[Footnote 942: _Liberator_, Nov. 28, 1862, reports a meeting at Leigh, Oct. 27, expressing sympathy with the North. At Sheffield, Dec. 31, 1862, an amended resolution calling for recognition of the South was voted down and the original pro-Northern resolutions passed. There were speakers on both sides. _Liberator_, Jan. 23, 1863.]

[Footnote 943: Motley, _Correspondence_, II, p. 113. J.S. Mill to Motley, Jan. 26, 1863.]

[Footnote 944: Richardson, I, p. 273. Davis' order applied also to all Northern white officers commanding negro troops. It proved an idle threat.]

[Footnote 945: Russell Papers. Lyons to Russell, Dec. 30, 1862. And again, Jan. 2, 1863. "If it do not succeed in raising a servile insurrection, it will be a very unsuccessful political move for its authors." Stoeckl in conference with Seward, expressed regret that the emancipation proclamation had been issued, since it set up a further barrier to the reconciliation of North and South--always the hope of Russia. Seward replied that in executing the proclamation, there would be, no doubt, many modifications. Stoeckl answered that then the proclamation must be regarded as but a futile menace. (Russian Archives. Stoeckl to F.O., Nov. 19-Dec. 1, 1862, No. 2171.)]

[Footnote 946: Rhodes, IV, p. 357.]

[Footnote 947: _U.S. Diplomatic Correspondence, 1863_, Pt. I, p. 55. Adams to Seward, Jan. 16, 1863, transmitting this and other resolutions presented to him. Adams by March 20 had reported meetings which sent resolutions to him, from Sheffield, Chesterfield, Derbyshire, Crophills, Salford, Cobham, Ersham, Weybridge, Bradford, Stroud, Bristol, Glasgow, Liverpool, South London, Bath, Leeds, Bromley, Middleton, Edinburgh, Birmingham, Aberdare, Oldham, Merthyr Tydfil, Paisley, Carlisle, Bury, Manchester, Pendleton, Bolton, Newcastle-on-Tyne, Huddersfield, Ashford, Ashton-under-Lyme, Mossley, Southampton, Newark, and York. See also Rhodes, IV, 348-58, for résumé of meetings and opinions expressed.]

[Footnote 948: State Department, Eng., Vol. 81, No. 300. Adams to Seward, Jan. 22, 1863.]

[Footnote 949: _U.S. Diplomatic Correspondence, 1863_, Pt. I, p. 100. Adams to Seward, Feb. 5, 1863.]

[Footnote 950: Goddard, _Letters on the American Rebellion_, p. 287. Goddard contributed seventy letters before 1863.]

[Footnote 951: _Ibid._, p. 307. Letter to _Daily Gazette_, May 2, 1863.]

[Footnote 952: _The Liberator_, Feb. 27, 1863. At Bristol the opposition element introduced a resolution expressing abhorrence of slavery and the hope that the war in America might end in total emancipation, but adding that "at the same time [this meeting] cannot but regard the policy of President Lincoln in relation to slavery, as partial, insincere, inhuman, revengeful and altogether opposed to those high and noble principles of State policy which alone should guide the counsels of a great people." The resolution was voted down, and one passed applauding Lincoln. The proposer of the resolution was also compelled to apologize for slurring remarks on Thompson.]

[Footnote 953: _Atlantic Monthly_, XI, p. 525.]

[Footnote 954: Lincoln, _Complete Works_, II, p. 302.]

[Footnote 955: Trevelyan, _John Bright_, p. 306. Also Rhodes, IV, p. 351.]

[Footnote 956: Massie, _America: the Origin of Her Present Conflict_, London, 1864. This action and the tour of the two delegates in America did much to soothe wounded feelings which had been excited by a correspondence in 1862-3 between English, French and American branches of similar church organizations. See _New Englander_, April, 1863, p. 288.]

[Footnote 957: Jan. 6, 1863.]

[Footnote 958: Published Oxford and London, 1863.]

[Footnote 959: Rhodes, IV, p. 355.]

[Footnote 960: Lutz, _Notes_. Schleiden's despatch, No. 1, 1863. German opinion on the Civil War was divided; Liberal Germany sympathized strongly with the North; while the aristocratic and the landowning class stood for the South. The historian Karl Friedrich Neumann wrote a three-volume history of the United States wholly lacking in historical impartiality and strongly condemnatory of the South. (Geschichte der Vereinigten Staaten, Berlin, 1863-66.) This work had much influence on German public opinion. (Lutz, _Notes_.)]

[Footnote 961: _Liberator_, Feb. 20, 1863. Letter of J.P. Jewett to W.L. Garrison, Jan. 30, 1863. "The few oligarchs in England who may still sympathize with slavery and the Southern rebels, will be rendered absolutely powerless by these grand and powerful uprisings of THE PEOPLE."]

[Footnote 962: Duffus, _English Opinion_, p. 51.]

[Footnote 963: Argyll, _Autobiography_, II, pp. 196-7.]

[Footnote 964: Trevelyan, _John Bright_. Facsimile, opp. p. 303. Copy sent by Sunmer to Bright, April, 1863.]

[Footnote 965: Russell Papers. Lyons to Russell, March 10, 1863. Lyons was slow to favour the emancipation proclamation. The first favourable mention I have found was on July 26, 1864. (Russell Papers. To Russell.) In this view his diplomatic colleagues coincided. Stoeckl, in December, 1863, wrote that slavery was dead in the Central and Border States, and that even in the South its form must be altered if it survived. (Russian Archives, Stoeckl to F.O., Nov. 22-Dec. 4, 1863, No. 3358.) But immediately after the second proclamation of January, 1863, Stoeckl could see no possible good in such measures. If they had been made of universal application it would have been a "great triumph for the principle of individual liberty," but as issued they could only mean "the hope of stirring a servile war in the South." _(Ibid._, Dec. 24, 1863-Jan. 5, 1864, No. 70.)]