Chapter XIII: Notes

[223.1] Cook, _The Religion of Ancient Palestine_, p. 17.

[223.2] _Researches in Sinai_, p. 72, etc., 186: he would carry back the foundation to the fourth millennium B.C.

[223.3] Vide _Arch. Anzeig._, 1909, p. 498.

[223.4] Vide _Cults_, iii. p. 299.

[224.1] _Vide_ Hogarth’s evidence for the date of the earliest Artemision, _Excavations at Ephesus_, p. 244.

[224.2] _Il._, i. 38.

[224.3] _Ib._, vi. 269, 299-300.

[224.4] _Ib._, ii. 550.

[224.5] _Ib._, ix. 405.

[224.6] _Vide_ Stengel, _Griechische Sacral-Altertümer_, p. 17.

[224.7] Vide _Athen. Mittheil._, 1911, pp. 27, 192.

[225.1] _Vide_ Jeremias in Roscher, _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2347, _s.v._ “Marduk.”

[225.2] Something near to it would be found in the cult-phrase Ζεὺς Νᾶος of Dodona, which is a form commoner in the inscriptions than Ζεὺς Νάϊος, if, with M. Reinach (_Rev. Archéol._, 1905, p. 97), we regarded this as the original title and interpreted it as “Zeus-Temple.” But the interpretation is hazardous.

[225.3] A disk on the top of a pole, _vide_ Jastrow, _Rel. Bab. Assyr._, vol. i. p. 203.

[226.1] Cook, _op. cit._, p. 28.

[226.2] _Religion of the Semites_, pp. 185-195; “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” _Hell. Journ._, 1901. It is interesting to note that Baitylos, a name derived from the Semitic description of the sacred stone as the “House of God,” is given as the name of a divine king in the cosmogony of Philo Byblius, Müller, _Frag. Hist. Graec._, iii. p. 567; cf. the baitylos with human head found at Tegea inscribed Διὸς Στορπάω (fifth century B.C.), “Zeus of the lightning” (_Eph. Arch._, 1906, p. 64).

[227.1] _Vide_ Evans, _op. cit._, and _Annual of British School_, 1908, 1909.

[227.2] _Vide_ my _Cults_, i. pp. 13-18, 102; ii. pp. 520, 670; iv. pp. 4, 149, 307; v. pp. 7, 240, 444.

[227.3] For the evidence of a pillar-cult of Apollo Agyieus and Karneios coming from the north, vide _Cults_, vol. iv. pp. 307-308.

[227.4] The pillars known as “Kudurru,” with emblems of the various divinities upon them, served merely as boundary-stones (_vide_ Jastrow, _op. cit._, i. p. 191; Hilprecht in _Babylonian Expedition of University of Pennsylvania_, vol. iv.).

[228.1] 6, 269.

[228.2] _Cults_, ii. 445.

[228.3] _Op. cit._, vol. v. p. 8.

[229.1] Arnob. _Adv. Gent._, 5, 19 (in the mysteries of the Cyprian Venus), “referunt phallos propitii numinis signa donatos.”

[229.2] Cook, _Religion of Ancient Palestine_, p. 28; cf. _Corp. Inscr. Sem._, i. 11. 6, inscription found in cave, dedicated perhaps by the hierodulai, “pudenda muliebria” carved on the wall.

[229.3] _Rel. of Sem._, pp. 437-438.

[229.4] _De Dea Syria_, c. 16 and c. 28.

[229.5] _Histoire de l’Art_, iv. pl. viii, D.

[230.1] Jeremias, in his articles on “Izdubar” and “Nebo” in Roscher’s _Lexikon_, ii. p. 792 and iii. p. 65, concludes that a phallic emblem was employed in the ritual of Ishtar; but he bases his view on the translation of the word _ibattu_ in the Gilgamesh Epic, which is differently rendered by King, _Babylonian Religion_, p. 163, and Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 572.

[230.2] Thureau-Dangin, _Les Cylindres de Goudéa_, p. 69.

[231.1] This may explain the double phrase, used concerning the institution and endowment of temple-rites in an inscription of the time of Tiglath-Pileser III., which Zimmern translates by “Opfer-Mahlzeiten,” _Keil. Bibl._, iv. p. 103; cf. especially _K.B._, iii. p. 179 (inscr. of ninth century); Zimmern, _Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Babyl. Relig._, ii. p. 99 (sacred loaves offered before consultation of divinity).

[231.2] _Vide_ Robertson Smith, _op. cit._, p. 200.

[231.3] Vide _Cults_, i. p. 88; v. p. 199.

[232.1] Judges ix. 13; cf. Robertson Smith, _op. cit._, p. 203.

[232.2] Lagrange, _Études sur les religions sémitiques_, p. 506. This seems to agree with the statement in Diodorus (19, 94) that the Nabataeans tabooed wine; yet Dusares, the Arabian counterpart of Dionysos, was a Nabataean god.

[232.3] Gray, _Shamash Religious Texts_, p. 21.

[232.4] Dhorme, _Choix_, etc., p. 41, l. 136.

[232.5] Vide _Cults_, iii. p. 390, R. 57h.

[232.6] _Ib._, ii. p. 646.

[234.1] Robertson Smith, _op. cit._, pp. 272-273.

[234.2] Athenae. 376_a_ (_Cults_, i. p. 141).

[234.3] _Cults_, ii. pp. 646-647.

[234.4] O. Weber, _Dämonenbeschwörung_, p. 29; his note on the passage “that the unclean beast is offered as a substitute for an unclean man” is not supported by any evidence.

[234.5] Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, pp. 409-410.

[235.1] Robertson Smith’s theory that the gift-sacrifice was a later degeneracy from the communion-type is unconvincing; _vide_ specially an article by Ada Thomsen, “Der Trug von Prometheus,” _Arch. Relig. Wissensch._, 1909, p. 460.

[236.1] “Sacrificial Communion in Greek Religion,” in _Hibbert Journal_, 1904.

[236.2] _E.g._ _Il._, 1, 457-474; _Od._, 3, 1-41; 14, 426.

[236.3] Cf. Schol. _Od._, 3, 441 (who defines οὐλοχύται as barley and salt mixed with water or wine… καὶ ἔθυον αὐτὰ πρὸ τοῦ ἱερείου… κριθὰς δὲ ἐνέβαλον τοῖς θύμασι χάριν εὐφορίας); Schol. _Arist. Equ._, 1167, τοῖς θύμασιν ἐπιβαλλόμεναι [κριφαί]. _Vide_ Fritz. _Hermes_, 32, 235; for another theory, _vide_ Stoll, “Alte Taufgebraüche,” in _Arch. Relig. Wissensch._, 1905, Beiheft, p. 33.

[237.1] _Vide_ Evans, “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” _Hell. Journ._, 1901, pp. 114-115.

[237.2] _Od._, 14, 426; cf. the custom reported from Arabia of mingling hair from the head of a worshipper with the paste from which an idol is made.

[237.3] Aristoph. _Pax._, 956.

[237.4] Athenae, p. 419, B.

[237.5] Vide _Arch. Rel. Wiss._, 1909, p. 467; Thomsen there explains it wholly from the idea of tabu.

[237.6] The common meal of the thiasotaï is often represented on later reliefs, _vide_ Perdriyet, “Reliefs Mysiens,” _Bull. Corr. Hell._, 1899, p. 592.

[238.1] Vide _Cults_, i. pp. 56-58, 88-92.

[239.1] In my article on “Sacrificial Communion in Greek Religion,” _Hibbert Journal_, 1904, p. 320, I have been myself guilty of this, in quoting the story told by Polynaenus (_Strategem._ 8, 43), about the devouring of the mad bull with golden horns by the Erythraean host, as containing an example of a true sacrament.

[239.2] Vide _Cults_, vol. i. p. 145.

[239.3] See Crusius’ article in Roscher’s _Lexikon_, _s.v._ “Harpalyke.”

[240.1] Vide _Cults_, v. pp. 161-172.

[240.2] _Ib._, v. p. 165.

[241.1] _K.A.T._3, p. 596.

[241.2] Jeremias, _Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar_, p. 26.

[241.3] Zimmern, _Beiträge zur Kennt. Bab. Rel._, p. 15.

[242.1] _Vide_ Frazer, _Adonis-Attis-Osiris_, p. 189; cf. “Communion in Greek Religion,” _Hibbert Journ._, 1904, p. 317.

[242.2] Jeremias, _Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar_, p. 28.

[243.1] Weber, _Dämonenbeschwörung_, etc., p. 29.

[243.2] iv. R2, pl. 26, No. 6; this is the inscription quoted by Prof. Sayce (_vide infra_, p. 182, n.) as a document proving human sacrifice. I owe the above translation to the kindness of Dr. Langdon; it differs very slightly from Zimmern’s in _K.A.T._3, p. 597.

[243.3] Jeremias, _op. cit._, p. 29.

[243.4] Renan’s thesis (_C. I. Sem._, i. p. 229) that the idea of sin, so dominant in the Hebrew and Phoenician sacrifice, was entirely lacking in the Hellenic, cannot be maintained; he quotes Porph. _De Abstin._, 1, 2, 24, a passage which contains an incomplete theory of Greek sacrifice. The sin-offering is indicated by Homer, and is recognised frequently in Greek literature and legend; only no technical term was invented to distinguish it from the ordinary cheerful sacrifice.

[244.1] _Cults_, ii. p. 441.

[244.2] Vide _K.A.T._3, pp. 434, 599, where Zimmern refers to the monuments published by Ménant, _Pierres gravées_, i. figs. 94, 95, 97, as possibly showing a scene of human sacrifice. But Ménant’s interpretation of them is wrong; _vide_ Langdon, _Babyloniaca_, Tome iii. p. 236, “two Babylonian seals”; the kneeling figure is the owner of the seal; the personage behind him is no executioner, but Ramman or Teschub holding, not a knife, but his usual club. The inscriptions published by Prof. Sayce (_Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch._, iv. pp. 25-29) are translated differently by Dr. Langdon, so that the first one (iv. R2, pl. 26, No. 6) refers to the sacrifice of a kid, not of an infant. The misinterpretation of the inscription has misled Trumbull (_Blood Covenant_, p. 166). The statement in 2 Kings xvii. 31 about the Sepharvites in Samaria does not necessarily point to a genuine Babylonian ritual, even if we are sure that the Sepharvites were Babylonians.

[245.1] _Babylonian and Assyrian Laws_, p. 95.

[245.2] The excavations at Gezer have revealed almost certain evidence of the early practice of human sacrifice; a number of skeletons, one of a girl sawn in half, were found buried under the foundation of houses (_vide_ Cook, _op. cit._, pp. 38-39).

[246.1] Stengel, _Die griechischen Kultusaltertümer_, p. 89.

[246.2] _K.A.T._3, p. 599.

[246.3] Jastrow, _op. cit._, i. p. 500.

[246.4] Might this be the meaning of a line in a hymn translated by Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 549, “I turn myself to thee (O Goddess Gula), I have grasped thy cord as the cord of my god and goddess” (_vide_ King, _Babyl. Magic_, No. 6, No. 71-94); or of the phrase in the Apocrypha (_Epist. Jerem._, 43), “The women also with cords about them sit in the ways”?

[246.5] Zimmern’s _Beiträge_, etc., p. 99.

[247.1] On the famous bronze plaque of the Louvre (Jeremias, _Hölle und Paradies_, p. 28, Abb. 6) we see two representatives of Ea in the fish-skin of the god; and on a frieze of Assur-nasir-pal in the British Museum (_Hell. Journ._, 1894, p. 115, fig. 10; Layard, _Monuments of Nineveh_, 1, pl. 30), two men in lions’ skins; but these are not skins of animals of sacrifice.

[247.2] _Vide_ my _Evolution of Religion_, pp. 118-120.

[248.1] _K.A.T._3, p. 49.

[248.2] 3, 300; 19, 265-267.

[248.3] Polybius, 3, 25, ἐγὼ μόνος ἐκπέσοιμι οὕτως ὡς ὅδε λίθος νῦν.

[248.4] _Op. cit._, ii. p. 217.

[250.1] According to Dr. Langdon (_op. cit._, p. xvi.), the wailing for Tammuz was developed in the early Sumerian period of the fourth millennium.

[251.1] Langdon, _op. cit._, 300-341; cf. Zimmern, “Sumerisch-Babylonische Tamuzlieder,” in _Sitzungsber. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wissen._, 1907, pp. 201-252, and his discussion, “Der Babylonische Gott Tamuz,” in _Abhandl. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wissen._, 1909.

[251.2] _Vide supra_, p. 105.

[251.3] _Vide_ Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 501.

[251.4] _Antiqu._, 8, 5, 3; cf. Clem. _Recogn._, 10, 24; Baudissin in his _Eschmun-Asklepios_ (_Oriental. Stud. zu Nöldeke gewidmet_, p. 752) thinks that the Healer-god, Marduk Asclepios Eschmun, is himself one who died and rose again in Assyrian and Phoenician theology. For Asklepios of Berytos we have the almost useless story of Damascius in Phot. _Bibl._, 573 H.; the uncritical legend in Ktesias (c. 21) and Ael. _Var. Hist._, 13, 3, about the grave of Belitana at Babylon (to which Strabo also alludes, p. 740), does not justify the view that the death of Marduk was ever a Babylonian dogma.

[252.1] Perrot-Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art_, iv. pl. viii.

[253.1] _Rev. de Philol._, 1893, p. 195.

[253.2] _Vide_ Frazer, _op. cit._, pp. 98-99.

[253.3] K. O. Müller, _Kleine Schriften_, vol. ii. pp. 102-103.

[253.4] _Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc._, 1909, pp. 966, 971; the information about the true meaning of the ideogram I owe to Dr. Langdon.

[254.1] _Vide supra_, p. 91; cf. _Cults_, ii. pp. 644-649; iii. pp. 300-305.

[254.2] The Babylonian myths of Etana and Adapa, and their ascent to heaven, may have given the cue to the Phrygian stories of Ganymede and Tantalos.

[256.1] Dr. Frazer, in _Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_ (_G. B._, vol. ii. p. 45), quotes from N. Tsackni (_La Russie Sectaire_, p. 74) an example of a fanatic Christian sect in modern Russia practising castration. I have not been able to find this treatise.

[257.1] Vide _Cults_, iii. pp. 300-301. Dr. Frazer’s theory is that the act of castration was performed in order to maintain the fruitfulness of the earth (_op. cit._, pp. 224-237). But this is against the countless examples which he himself has adduced of the character and function of the priest or priest-king as one whose virile strength maintains the strength of the earth; the sexual act performed in the field by the owner increases the fruitfulness of the field (Frazer, _GB_2, ii. p. 205). Why should the priest make himself impotent so as to improve the crops? The only grounds of his belief appear to be that the priest’s testicles were committed to the earth or to an underground shrine of Kybele (Arnob. _Adv. Gent._, v. 14, and Schol. Nikand. _Alexipharm._, 7; vide _Cults_, 3; Kybele Ref. 54_a_); but such consecration of them to Kybele would be natural on any hypothesis, and Arnobius’ words do not prove that they were buried in the bare earth.

[259.1] Vide _Cults_, i. pp. 36-38.

[259.2] Vide _Evolution of Religion_, p. 62.

[260.1] Porph. _Vit. Pyth._, 17; cf. Callim. _H. ad. Jov._, 8; Diod. Sic., 3, 61; vide _Cults_, i. pp. 36-37.

[260.2] _Vide_ A. Evans in _Hell. Journ._, xvii. 350.

[261.1] Vide _Cults_, vol. ii. p. 651; cf. Clem. _Recogn._, 10, 24, “sepulcrum Cypriae Veneris apud Cyprum.”

[261.2] _Ib._, pp. 651-652.

[261.3] Vide _Cults_, vol. ii. pp. 447, n. _c._, 478, 638, n. _a._

[261.4] Aristot. _Rhet._, 2, 23.

[262.1] Athenae, p. 620 A (ζητεῖν αὐτὸν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας μετά τινος μεμελῳδημένου θρήνου καὶ ἀνακλήσεως); Pollux., 4, 54.

[262.2] Frazer, _GB_2, vol. ii. p. 106.

[263.1] _Vide_ Thureau-Dangin, _Vorderasiatische Bibliothek_, i. p. 77.

[263.2] Weber, _Arabien vor dem Islam_, p. 19.

[264.1] _Vide_ Evans in _Hell. Journ._, 1901, p. 176.

[264.2] _Cults_, i. pp. 184-191.

[264.3] _Ib._, iii. pp. 123-124.

[264.4] _Ib._, iii. p. 176; cf. vol. iv. p. 34 n. _b._

[264.5] _Ib._, i. pp. 189-190.

[265.1] 1, 181.

[265.2] _Vide_, for instance, Dr. Langdon in the _Expositor_, 1909, p. 143.

[265.3] Winckler, _Die Gesetze Hammurabi_, p. 182.

[266.1] _Vide_ Dieterich, _Mithras-Liturgie_, pp. 126-127; Reizenstein, _Die hellenistischen Mysterien-religionen_.

[266.2] _Vide_ Herzog’s _Real-Encyclop._, _s.v._ “Montanismus.”

[266.3] _Jourdanet et Siméon transl. of Sahagun_, pp. 147-148.

[266.4] Golther, _Handbuch der Germanischen Mythologie_, p. 229; cf. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 589.

[267.1] Pausan., 2, 33, 3; 9, 27, 6; cf. my article in _Archiv. für Religionswiss._, 1904, p. 74; E. Fehrle, _Die Kultische Keuschheit im Alterthum_, p. 223, gives other examples which appear to me more doubtful.

[267.2] Paus., 3, 16, 1.

[267.3] _Cults_, v. pp. 217-219.

[268.1] Vide _Cults_, v. p. 109.

[268.2] Winckler, _op. cit._, p. 110; Johns, _op. cit._, p. 54.

[269.1] Code, § 182.

[269.2] Jastrow, _op. cit._, ii. 157.

[269.3] _Vide_ Winckler’s interpretation of §§ 178, 180, 181; cf. also Zimmern in _K.A.T._3, 423.

[269.4] 1, 199.

[270.1] _E.g._ Zimmern in _K.A.T._3, p. 423.

[270.2] Verse 43.

[271.1] The first to insist emphatically on the necessity of their distinction was Mr. Hartland, in _Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_, pp. 190-191; but he has there, I think, wrongly classified--through a misunderstanding of a phrase in Aelian--the Lydian custom that Herodotus (1, 93) and Aelian (_Var. Hist._, iv. 1) refer to; both these writers mention the custom of the women of Lydia practising prostitution before marriage. Aelian does not mention the motive that Herodotus assigns, the collection of a dowry; neither associates it with religion. Aelian merely adds that when once married the Lydian women were virtuous; this need have nothing to do with the Mylitta-rite.

[272.1] _E.g._ Hosea iv. 13; Deut. xxiii. 18; 1 Kings xiv. 24.

[272.2] Weber, _Arabien vor dem Islam_, p. 18.

[272.3] _C. I. Sem._, 1, 263.

[272.4] Strab., 272.

[272.5] Strab., 559.

[272.6] Pind. _Frag._, 87; Strab., 378; (_Cults_, ii. p. 746, R. 99g).

[273.1] _Cities and Bishoprics_, i. 94. In his comment he rightly points out that the woman is Lydian, as her name is not genuine Roman; but he is wrong in speaking of her service as performed to a god (Frazer, _Adonis_, etc., p. 34, follows him). This would be a unique fact, for the service in Asia Minor is always to a goddess; but the inscription neither mentions nor implies a god. The bride of Zeus at Egyptian Thebes was also a temple-harlot, if we could believe Strabo, p. 816; but on this point he contradicts Herodotus, 1, 182.

[273.2] _Et. Mag._, s.v. Ἱκόνιον.

[274.1] _De Dea Syr._, 6; cf. Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, 4, 10: “cui (Veneri) etiam Phoenices donum dabant de prostitutione filiarum, antequam eas jungerent viris”: religious prostitution before marriage prevailed among the Carthaginians in the worship of Astarte (Valer. Max., 2, ch. 1, sub. fin.: these vague statements may refer either to defloration of virgins or prolonged service in the temple).

[274.2] See Frazer, _op. cit._, p. 33, n. 1, quoting Sozomen. _Hist. Eccles._, 5, 10, 7; Sokrates, _Hist. Eccles._, 1, 18, 7-9; Euseb. _Vita Constantin._, 3, 58. Eusebius only vaguely alludes to it. Sokrates merely says that the wives were in common, and that the people had the habit of giving over the virgins to strangers to violate. Sozomenos is the only voucher for the religious aspect of the practice; from Sokrates we gather that the rule about strangers was observed in the rite.

[274.3] 18, 5.

[274.4] This is confirmed by the legend given by Apollodoros (_Bibl._, 3, 14, 3) that the daughters of Kinyras, owing to the wrath of Aphrodite, had sexual intercourse with strangers.

[275.1] Justin, 21, 3; Athenaeus, 516 A, speaks vaguely, as if the women of the Lokri Epizephyrii were promiscuous prostitutes.

[275.2] Pp. 532-533.

[275.3] The lovers, Melanippos and Komaitho, sin in the temple of Artemis Triklaria of the Ionians in Achaia; the whole community is visited with the divine wrath, and the sinners are offered up as a piacular sacrifice (Paus., 7, 19, 3); according to Euphorion, Laokoon’s fate was due to a similar trespass committed with his wife before the statue of Apollo (Serv. _Aen._, 2, 201). It may be that such legends faintly reflect a very early ἱερὸς γάμος once performed in temples by the priest and priestess: if so, they also express the repugnance of the later Hellene to the idea of it; and in any case this is not the institution that is being discussed.

[276.1] _Antike Wald u. Feld Kulte_, p. 285, etc.

[277.1] Why should not the priestess rather play the part of the goddess, and why, if we trust Plutarch (_Vit. Artaxerx._, 27), was the priestess of Anaitis at Ekbatana, to whose temple harlots were attached, obliged to observe chastity after election?

[277.2] Vol. i. pp. 94-96.

[277.3] _Op. cit._, p. 35, etc.

[277.4] _Op. cit._, p. 44.

[278.1] I pointed out this objection in an article in the _Archiv. f. Relig. Wissensch._, 1904, p. 81; Mr. S. Hartland has also, independently, developed it (_op. cit._, p. 191).

[278.2] Vol. ii. p. 446.

[278.3] _Origin of Civilisation_, pp. 535-537.

[279.1] _Vide_ Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, p. 76.

[279.2] Mr. Hartland objects (_loc. cit._, p. 200) to this explanation on the ground that the stranger would dislike the danger as much as any one else; but the rite may have arisen among a Semitic tribe who were peculiarly sensitive to that feeling of peril, while they found that the usual stranger was sceptical and more venturesome: when once the rule was established, it could become a stereotyped convention. His own suggestion (p. 201) that a stranger was alone privileged, lest the solemn act should become a mere love-affair with a native lover, does not seem to me so reasonable; to prevent that, the act might as well have been performed by a priest. Dr. Frazer in his new edition of _Adonis_, etc. (pp. 50-54), criticises my explanation, which I first put forth--but with insufficient clearness--in the _Archiv. für Religionswissenschaft_ (1904, p. 88), mainly on the ground that it does not naturally apply to general temple-prostitution nor to the prostitution of married women. But it was never meant to apply to these, but only to the defloration of virgins before marriage. Dr. Frazer also argues that the account of Herodotus does not show that the Babylonian rite was limited to virgins. Explicitly it does not, but implicitly it does; for Herodotus declares that it was an isolated act, and therefore to be distinguished from temple-prostitution of indefinite duration; and he adds that the same rite was performed in Cyprus, which, as the other record clearly attests, was the defloration of virgins by strangers. Sozomenos and Sokrates attest the same of the Baalbec rite, and Eusebius’s vague words are not sufficient to contradict them. One rite might easily pass into the other; but our theories as to the original meaning of different rites should observe the difference.

[280.1] But _vide_ Gennep, _Les Rites de passage_, p. 100.

[280.2] Cf. Arnob. _Adv. Gent._, 5, 19, with Firmic. Matern. _De Error._, 10, and Clemens, _Protrept._, c. 2, p. 12, Pott.

[281.1] 1, 199.

[281.2] The lady who there boasts of her prostitute-ancestresses describes them also as “of unwashed feet”; and this is a point of asceticism and holiness.

[282.1] _Op. cit._, p. 199.

[282.2] _K.A.T._3, p. 423.

[283.1] _Vide supra_, p. 163. The writer of the late apocryphal document, “The Epistle of Jeremy,” makes it a reproach to the Babylonian cult that “women set meat before the gods” (v. 30), and “the menstruous woman and the woman in child-bed touch their sacrifices” (v. 29), meaning, perhaps, that there was nothing to prevent the Babylonian priestess being in that condition. But we cannot trust him for exact knowledge of these matters. Being a Jew, he objects to the ministration of women. The Babylonian and Hellene were wiser, and admitted them to the higher functions of religion.

[283.2] Vide _Cults_, iv. p. 301.

[283.3] _Vide_ Inscription of Sippar in British Museum, concerning the re-establishment of cult of Shamash by King Nabupaladdin, 884-860 B.C. (Jeremias, _Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar_).

[284.1] _Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms_, p. 75.

[284.2] _Vide_ Langdon in _Transactions of Congress for the History of Religions_ (1908), vol. i. p. 250.

[284.3] Vide _Zeitung für Assyriologie_, 1910, p. 157.

[284.4] Formula for driving out the demon of sickness, “Bread at his head place, rain-water at his feet place” (Langdon, _ib._ p. 252).

[284.5] Delitsch, _Wörterbuch_, i. 79-80.

[284.6] _Zeit. für Assyr._, 1910, p. 157.

[284.7] _Vide_ Hippocrates (_Littré_), vi. 362; Stengel, _Griechischer Kultusaltertümer_ (Iwan Müller’s Handbuch, p. 110).

[285.1] Referred to in the comedy of Eupolis called the “Baptai.”

[285.2] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 500.

[285.3] _Op. cit._, p. 297, 487; the priest-exorciser, the Ashipu, uses a brazier in the expulsion of demons.

[285.4] _Vide_ Golther, _Handbuch der Germanischen Mythologie_, p. 580; cf. my _Cults_, v. p. 196.

[285.5] _Cults_, vol. v. pp. 383-384; cf. iv. p. 301.

[286.1] _Cults_, v. p. 356; cf. p. 363 (the purifying animal carried round the hearth).

[286.2] Eur. _Herc. Fur._, 928.

[286.3] Dio Chrys. _Or._, 48 (Dind., vol. ii. p. 144), περικαθήραντες τὴν πόλιν μὴ σκίλλῃ μηδὲ δαδί, πολὺ δὲ καθαρωτέρῳ χρήματι τῷ λόγῳ (cf. Lucian, _Menipp._, c. 7, use of squills and torches in “katharsis,” (?) Babylonian or Hellenic); Serv. _ad Aen._, 6, 741, “in sacris omnibus tres sunt istae purgationes, nam aut taeda purgant aut sulphure aut aqua abluunt aut aere ventilant.”

[286.4] “To take fire and swear by God” is a formula that occurs in the third tablet of Surpu; _vide_ Zimmern, _Beiträge zur Kenntniss Babyl. Relig._, p. 13; cf. Soph. _Antig._, 264.

[286.5] Salt used as a means of exorcism in Babylonia as early as the third millennium (_vide_ Langdon, _Transactions of Congress Hist. Relig._, 1908, vol. i. p. 251); the fell “of the great ox” used to purify the palace of the king (_vide_ Zimmern, _Beiträge_, p. 123; compare the Διὸς κῴδιον in Greek ritual).

[287.1] _Vide_ Thureau-Dangin, _Cylindres de Goudéa_, pp. 29, 93.

[287.2] Vide _Evolution of Religion_, pp. 113, 114, 117; _Cults_, v. p. 322 (Schol. Demosth., 22, p. 68).

[287.3] 5, 13, 6.

[287.4] Vide _Cults_, iii. pp. 303-304; _Evolution of Religion_, p. 121.

[288.1] _Vide supra_, p. 146.

[288.2] Vide _Cults_, iii. p. 167.

[288.3] Published in Zimmern’s _Beiträge_, p. 123; cf. Weber, _Dämonenbeschwörung_, pp. 17-19.

[289.1] _Il._, xvi. 228.

[289.2] _Od._, ii. 261.

[289.3] _Il._, i. 313.

[290.1] _Od._, xxii. 481: In the passage referred to above, Achilles uses sulphur to purify the cups.

[290.2] _Od._, xiii. 256-281: This is rightly pointed out by Stengel in his _Griechische Kultusaltertümer_, p. 107.

[290.3] _Evolution of Religion_, pp. 139-152; _Cults_, iv. pp. 295-306.

[291.1] Vide _Cults_, iv. pp. 144-147, 300: To suppose that Hellas learnt its cathartic rites from Lydia, because Herodotus (i. 35) tells us that in his time the Lydians had the Hellenic system of purification from homicide, is less natural. Lydia may well have learnt it from Delphi in the time of Alyattes or Croesus. Or it may have survived in Lydia as a tradition of the early “Minoan” period; and, similarly, it may have survived in Crete.

[291.2] _Vide supra_, pp. 176-178.

[292.1] Vide _Cults_, iv. pp. 268-284.

[292.2] For similar practices, vide _Cults_, pp. 415-417.

[292.3] Clem. Alex. _Strom._, p. 755, Pott.

[293.1] Paus., 9, 33, 4.

[293.2] For the facts _vide_ Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 592.

[294.1] _Works and Days_, l. 824.

[294.2] _Ib._, l. 804.

[294.3] _Expositor_, 1909, p. 156.

[294.4] _Vide_ Photius and Hesych., _s.v._ Μιαραὶ ἡμέραι.

[295.1] _Hell._, 1, 4, 12.

[295.2] Vide _Cults_, v. pp. 215-216.

[295.3] _Cults_, iv. p. 259.

[295.4] _Vide supra_, pp. 176-177.

[296.1] _Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms_, p. 196.

[296.2] King, _Babylonian Religion_, p. 196.

[296.3] _Vide_ Fossey, _La Magie Assyrienne_, p. 96.

[297.1] Knudtzon, _Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott_, p. 78 (texts belonging to period of Asarhaddon, _circ._ 681).

[297.2] Zimmern, _Beiträge_, etc., p. 161.

[298.1] Zimmern, _Beiträge_, etc., p. 163.

[298.2] Fossey, _op. cit._, p. 399.

[298.3] iv. _R._ 56, 12; Fossey, _op. cit._, p. 401.

[298.4] _Expositor_, 1909, p. 150, giving text from iv. _R._ 40.

[299.1] Fossey, _op. cit._, p. 209.

[299.2] Zimmern, _Beiträge_, p. 173.

[299.3] _Supra_, p. 176.

[299.4] Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 169.

[300.1] Zimmern, _Beiträge_, pp. 30-31; he mentions also the similar practice of tying up a sheepskin or a fillet of wool and throwing it into the fire.

[300.2] Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 33: note magic use of knots in general, _vide_ Frazer, _G.B._2, vol. i. pp. 392-403; _Archiv. für Religionsw._, 1908, pp. 128, 383, 405. The superstition may have prevailed in Minoan Crete (see A. Evans, _Annual British School_, 1902-1903, pp. 7-9) and was in vogue in ancient Greece.

[300.3] W. Warde Fowler, _The Religious Experiences of the Roman People_, Gifford Lectures, p. 49.

[301.1] _Vide supra_, pp. 248-249; _Cults_, iv. p. 191.

[301.2] For the main facts relating to the Babylonian system and the “baru”-priests, _vide_ Zimmern, _Beiträge_, etc., pp. 82-92; for the Hellenic, vide _Cults_, iv. 190-192, 224-231; also vol. iii. 9-12.

[301.3] The documentary evidence, from a very early period, is given by Zimmern, _Beiträge_, etc., pp. 85-97.

[301.4] L. 322: Clytemnestra speaks of pouring oil and vinegar into the same vessel and reproaching them for their unsociable behaviour.

[302.1] We have also one example of an oracle of Ishtar (in plain prose), _Keil. Bibl._, ii. p. 179.

[303.1] Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 89.

[303.2] _Cults_, iii. p. 297.

[303.3] Lucian, _De Dea Syr._, 43.

[303.4] _Cults_, iii. p. 297.

[303.5] Vide _Cults_, iv. pp. 191-192; iii. p. 11.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES.

Page numbers are given in {curly} brackets.

Plain text version only: endnote markers are given in [square] brackets.

Minor spelling inconsistencies (_e.g._ coexist/co-exist, temple-ritual/temple ritual, etc.) have been preserved.

Add title, subtitle, and author’s name to cover image.

Alterations to the text:

Convert footnotes to endnotes, relabel note markers (append the original note number to the page number), and add a corresponding entry to the TOC.

[Title page]

Add commas to author’s bibliography.

[Chapter I]

Change “from the tyranny of a morbid _ascetism_” to _asceticism_.

[Chapter III]

“In his _Historie des anciennes Religions_, Tiele classifies” to _Histoire_.

“and their aboriginal god was _Possidon_” to _Poseidon_.

[Chapter IV]

“and _expecially_ the powers of the lower world” to _especially_.

“Even _Allat_, the goddess of Hell, she who” to _Allatu_.

“the great Assyrian god _Ahshur_ is quaintly expressed” to _Asshur_.

“the idea that _Istar_ is the compeer in power” to _Ishtar_.

“between the Hittites and the _Assyrian Babylonian_ kingdom” to _Assyrian-Babylonian_.

“no clear trace of _theriomophism_ either in the” to _theriomorphism_.

“how far the _Minaon_ religion was purely anthropomorphic” to _Minoan_.

[Chapter V]

“I formerly developed in the second volume of my cults” capitalize and italicize _cults_.

[Chapter VI]

“Still less is _Allalu_, the monstrous and grim Queen” to _Allatu_.

[Chapter VII]

(Alalkomenai, “the places of Athena Alalkomene; Nemea, “the…) add right double quotation mark after _Alalkomene_.

[Chapter VII]

“about whom he is _particulurly_ thoughtful” to _particularly_.

[Chapter IX]

“and regards this _Hititte_ goddess as the ancestress” to _Hittite_.

[Chapter XIII]

“modern savagery and the history of _ascetism_” to _asceticism_.

(and bewail her”: “If you regard her as a deity, do) delete right double quotation mark.

[Index]

“Hell, Babylonian conception of, 205-206” add period at end of line.

[Endnotes]

(Page 17, note 1) “_Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft_, 1904.” to _für_.

(Page 42, note 1) “that the _idiogram_ of Enlil, the god of” to _ideogram_.

(Page 84, note 3) “last of the Babylonian kings, _Nabuna ’id_, who prays” to _Nabuna’id_.

(Page 124, note 1) “Die Phoenizischen Imschriften,” to _Phönizischen Inschriften_.

(Page 148, note 1) “Weber, _Dämonenbeschworung bei den Babyloniern_…” to _Dämonenbeschwörung_.

(Page 183, note 3) “pp. 502 503, n. 2” add comma after _502_.

(Page 232, note 2) “Lagranges, _Études sur les religions sémitiques_” to _Lagrange_.

(Page 246, note 1) “Stengel, _Die griechischen Kultusalterthümer_, p. 89” to _Kultusaltertümer_.

(Page 286, note 5) “_vide_ Zimmern, _Beitrage_, p. 123;” to _Beiträge_.

[End of text]