Chapter XIII: Book XIV: The Augsburg Confession. 1530 (4)

That part of the Confession destined to point out errors and abuses still remained. Bayer continued: he explained and demonstrated the doctrine of the two kinds; he attacked the compulsory celibacy of priests, maintained that the Lord's Supper had been changed into a regular fair, in which it was merely a question of buying and selling, and that it had been re-established in its primitive purity by the Reformation, and was celebrated in the Evangelical churches with entirely new devotion and gravity. He declared that the Sacrament was administered to no one who had not first made confession of his faults, and he quoted this expression of Chrysostom: "Confess thyself to God the Lord, thy real Judge; tell thy sin, not with the tongue, but in thy conscience and in thy heart."

Bayer next came to the precepts on the distinction of meats and other Roman usages. "Celebrate such a festival," said he; "repeat such a prayer, or keep such a fast; be dressed in such a manner, and so many other ordinances of men--this is what is now styled a spiritual and christian life; while the good works prescribed by God, as those of a father of a family who toils to support his wife, his sons, and his daughters--of a mother who brings children into the world, and takes care of them--of a prince or of a magistrate who governs his subjects, are looked upon as secular things, and of an imperfect nature." As for monastic vows in particular, he represented that, as the Pope could give a dispensation from them, those vows ought therefore to be abolished.

The last article of the Confession treated of the authority of the bishops: powerful princes crowned with the episcopal mitre were there; the Archbishops of Mentz, Cologne, Salzburg, and Bremen; the Bishops of Bamberg, Wurzburg, Eichstadt, Worms, Spire, Strasburg, Augsburg, Constance, Coire, Passau, Liege, Trent, Brixen, and of Lebus and Ratzburg, fixed their eyes on the humble confessor. He fearlessly continued, and energetically protesting against that confusion of Church and State which had characterized the Middle Ages, he called for the distinction and independence of the two societies.

[Sidenote: THE CONFESSION--DUTY OF THE BISHOPS.]

"Many," said he, "have unskilfully confounded the episcopal and the temporal power; and from this confusion have resulted great wars, revolts, and seditions.[575] It is for this reason, and to reassure men's consciences, that we find ourselves constrained to establish the difference which exists between the power of the Church and the power of the sword.[576]

[575] Nonnulli incommode commiscuerunt potestatem ecclesiasticam et
potestatem gladii; et ex hac confusione, &c.--(Urkunden. Confes. Augs.
i. p. 539.)

[576] Coacti sunt ostendere discrimen ecclesiasticæ potestatis et
potestatis gladii.--(Ibid.)

"We therefore teach that the power of the keys or of the bishops is, conformably with the Word of the Lord, a commandment emanating from God, to preach the Gospel, to remit or retain sins, and to administer the Sacraments. This power has reference only to eternal goods, is exercised only by the minister of the Word, and does not trouble itself with political administration. The political administration, on the other hand, is busied with everything else but the Gospel. The magistrate protects, not souls, but bodies and temporal possessions. He defends them against all attacks from without, and, by making use of the sword and of punishment, compels men to observe civil justice and peace.[577]

[577] Politica administratio versatur enim circa alias res quam
Evangelium; magistratus defendit non mentes sed corpora----et coercet
homines gladio.--(Urkund. Confess. Aug. i. p. 541.)

"For this reason we must take particular care not to mingle the power of the Church with the power of the State.[578] The power of the Church ought never to invade an office that is foreign to it; for Christ himself said: _My kingdom is not of this world_. And again: _Who made me a judge over you?_ St. Paul said to the Philippians: _Our citizenship is in heaven_.[579] And to the Corinthians: _The weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God_.

[578] Non igitur commiscendæ sunt potestates ecclesiasticæ et
civilis.--(Ibid.)

[579] Greek, πολιτευμα.--(Philip. iii. 20. Scott and Henry Comment.)

"It is thus that we distinguish the two governments and the two powers, and that we honour both as the most excellent gifts that God has given here on earth.

[Sidenote: THE CONFESSION--EPILOGUE.]

"The duty of the bishops is therefore to preach the Gospel, to forgive sins, to exclude from the Christian Church all who rebel against the Lord, but without human power, and solely by the Word of God.[580] If the bishops act thus, the churches ought to be obedient to them according to this declaration of Christ: _Whoever heareth you, heareth me_.

[580] Excludere a communione Ecclesiæ, sine vi humana sed
verbo.--(Urkund. Confes. Augs. i. p. 544.)

"But if the bishops teach anything that is contrary to the Gospel, then the churches have an order from God which forbids them to obey (Matt. vii. 15; Galatians i. 8; 2 Cor. xiii. 8, 10). And St. Augustin himself, in his letter against Pertilian, writes: 'We must not obey the catholic bishops, if they go astray, and teach anything contrary to the canonical Scriptures of God.'"[581]

[581] Nec catholicis episcopis consentiendum est, sicuti forte
falluntur, aut contra canonicas Dei scripturas aliquid
sentiunt--(Urkund. Confes. Augs. i. p. 544.)

After some remarks on the ordinances and traditions of the Church, Bayer came to the epilogue of the Confession.

"It is not from hatred that we have spoken," added he, "nor to insult any one; but we have explained the doctrines that we maintain to be essential, in order that it may be understood that we admit of neither dogma nor ceremony which is contrary to the Holy Scriptures, and to the usage of the universal Church."

Bayer then ceased to read. He had spoken for two hours: the silence and serious attention of the assembly were not once disturbed.[582]

[582] Mit grosser Stille und Ernst.--(Brüch's Apologie, p. 59.)

This Confession of Augsburg will ever remain one of the masterpieces of the human mind enlightened by the Spirit of God.

[Sidenote: REMARKS ON THE CONFESSION.]

The language that had been adopted, while it was perfectly natural, was the result of a profound study of character. These princes, these warriors, these politicians who were sitting in the Palatine Palace, entirely ignorant as they were of divinity, easily understood the Protestant doctrine; for it was not explained to them in the style of the schools, but in that of everyday life, and with a simplicity and clearness that rendered all misunderstanding impossible.

At the same time the power of argumentation was so much the more remarkable, as it was the more concealed. At one time Melancthon (for it was really he who spoke through the mouth of Bayer) was content to quote a single passage of Scripture or of the Fathers in favour of the doctrine he maintained; and at another he proved his thesis so much the more strongly, that he appeared only to be declaring it. With a single stroke he pointed out the sad consequences that would follow the rejection of the faith he professed, or with one word showed its importance for the prosperity of the Church; so that while listening to him, the most violent enemies were obliged to acknowledge to themselves that there was really something to say in favour of the new sect.

To this force of reasoning the Apology added a prudence no less remarkable. Melancthon, while declining with firmness the errors attributed to his party, did not even appear to feel the injustice of these erroneous imputations; and while pointing out those of Popery, he did not say expressly they were those of his adversaries; thus carefully avoiding every thing that might irritate their minds. In this he showed himself wise as a serpent and harmless as a dove.

But the most admirable thing of all is the fidelity with which the Confession explains the doctrines most essential to salvation. Rome is accustomed to represent the Reformers as the creators of the Protestant doctrines; but it is not in the sixteenth century that we must look for the days of that creation. A bright track of light, of which Wickliffe and Augustin mark the most salient points, carries us back to the Apostolic age: it was then that shone in all their brilliancy the creative days of Evangelical truth. Yet it is true (and if this is what Rome means, we fully concur in the idea) never since the time of St. Paul had the Christian doctrine appeared with so much beauty, depth, and life, as in the days of the Reformation.

[Sidenote: REMARKS.]

Among all these doctrines, that of the Church, which had been so long disfigured, appeared at this time in all its native purity. With what wisdom, in particular, the confessors of Augsburg protest against that confusion of religion and politics which since the deplorable epoch of Constantine, had changed the kingdom of God into an earthly and carnal institution! Undoubtedly what the Confession stigmatizes with the greatest energy is the intrusion of the Church into the affairs of the State, but can it be thought that it was to approve the intrusion of the State in Church affairs? The evil of the Middle Ages was the having enslaved the State to the Church, and the confessors of Augsburg rose like one man to combat it. The evil of the three centuries which have passed away since then, is to have subjected the Church to the State; and we may believe that Luther and Melancthon would have found against this disorder thunders no less powerful. What they attack in a general sense, is the confusion of the two societies; what they demand, is their independence, I do not say their separation. If the Augsburg confessors were unwilling that things from above should monopolize those of the earth, they would have been still less willing for things of earth to oppress those from heaven.

There is a particular application of this principle, which the Confession points out. It wills the bishops should reprimand those who obey wickedness, "but without human power, and solely by the Word of God." It therefore rejects the use of the sword in the chastisement of heretics. This we see is a primitive principle, fundamental and essential to the Reformation, as the contrary doctrine is a primitive principle, fundamental and essential to the Papacy. If among Protestants we find some writing, or even some example opposed to this, it is but an isolated fact, which cannot invalidate the official principles of the Reform--it is one of those exceptions which always serve to confirm the rule.

[Sidenote: MODERATE TONE OF THE CONFESSION.]

Finally, the Augsburg Confession does not usurp the rights of the Word of God; it desires to be its handmaid and not its rival; it does not found, it does not regulate the faith, but simply professes it. "Our churches teach," it says; and it will be remembered that Luther considered it only as a sermon preached by princes and kings. Had it desired more, as has since been maintained, by that very circumstance it would have been nullified.

Was, however, the Confession able to follow in all things the exact path of truth? We may be permitted to doubt it.

It professes not to separate from the teaching of the Catholic Church, and even from that of the Romish Church--by which is no doubt signified the ancient Roman Church--and rejects the popish particularism which, for about eight centuries, imprisoned men's consciences. The Confession, however, seems overlaid with superstitious fears when there is any question of deviating from the views entertained by some of the Fathers of the Church, of breaking the toils of the hierarchy, and of acting, as regards Rome, without blameable forbearance. This, at least, is what its author, Melancthon, professes. "We do not put forward any dogma," said he, "which is not founded on the Gospel or on the teaching of the Catholic Church; we are prepared to concede everything that is necessary for the episcopal dignity;[583] and, provided that the bishops do not condemn the Gospel, we preserve all the rites that appear indifferent to us. In a word, there is no burden that we reject, if we can bear it without guilt."[584]

[583] Concessuros omnia quæ ad dignitatem Episcoporum stabiliendam
pertinent.--(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 431.)

[584] Nullum detractavimus onus, quod sine scelere suspici
posset.--(Ibid.)

Many will think, no doubt, that a little more independence would have been proper in this matter, and that it would have been better to have passed over the ages that have followed the times of the apostles, and have frankly put in practice the grand principle which the Reformation had proclaimed: "There is for articles of faith no other foundation than the Word of God."[585]

[585] _Solum verbum Dei condit articulos fidei._

[Sidenote: DEFECTS OF THE CONFESSION.]

Melancthon's moderation has been admired; and, in truth, while pointing out the abuses of Rome, he was silent on what is most revolting in them, on their disgraceful origin, their scandalous consequences, and is content to show that they are in contradiction to the Scripture. But he does more; he is silent on the divine right of the Pope, on the number of the sacraments, and on other points besides. His great business is to justify the renovated, and not to attack the deformed, Church. "Peace! peace!" was his cry. But if, instead of all this circumspection, the Reformation had advanced with courage, had wholly unveiled the Word of God, and had made an energetic appeal to the sympathies of reform then spread in men's hearts, would it not have taken a stronger and more honourable position, and would it not have secured more extensive conquests?

The interest that Charles the Fifth showed in listening to the Confession seems doubtful. According to some, he endeavoured to understand that foreign language;[586] according to others, he fell asleep.[587] It is easy to reconcile these contradictory testimonies.

[586] Satis attentus erat Cæsar. (Jonas in Corp. Ref. ii. p. 184.)

[587] Cum nostra confessio legeretur, obdormivit. (Brentius in Corp.
Ref. ii. p. 245.)

When the reading was finished, Chancellor Brück, with the two copies in his hand, advanced towards the Emperor's secretary and presented them to him. Charles the Fifth, who was wide awake at this moment, himself took the two Confessions, handed the German copy, considered as official, to the elector of Mentz, and kept the Latin one for himself.[588] He then made reply to the Elector of Saxony and to his allies that he had graciously heard their confession;[589] but as this affair was one of extreme importance, he required time to deliberate upon it.

[588] The Latin copy, deposited in the archives of the imperial house,
should be found at Brussels; and the German copy, sent afterwards to
the Council of Trent, ought to be in the Vatican.

[589] Gnedichlich vernohmen. (F. Urkunden, ii. p. 3.)

[Sidenote: THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION.]

The joy with which the Protestants were filled shone in their eyes.[590] God had been with them; and they saw that the striking act which had so recently been accomplished, imposed on them the obligation of confessing the truth with immovable perseverance. "I thrill with joy," wrote Luther, "that my life was cast in an epoch in which Christ is publicly exalted by such illustrious confessors and in so glorious an assembly."[591] The whole Evangelical Church, excited and renovated by this public confession of its representatives, was then more intimately united to its divine Chief, and baptized with a new baptism. "Since the apostolic age," said they (these are the words of a contemporary), "there has never been a greater work or a more magnificent confession."[592]

[590] Cum incredibili protestantium gaudio. (Seck. ii. p. 170.)

[591] Mihi vehementer placet vixisse in hanc horam. (L. Epp. iv. p.
71.)

[592] Grösser und höher Werk. (Mathesius, Hist. p. 93-98.)

The Emperor, having descended from his throne, approached the Protestant princes, and begged them in a low tone not to publish the Confession;[593] they acceded to his request, and every one withdrew.

[593] In still angeredet und gebethen. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 143.)

[Sidenote: LUTHER DEMANDS RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.]

VIII. The Romanists had expected nothing like this. Instead of a hateful controversy, they had heard a striking confession of Jesus Christ; the most hostile minds were consequently disarmed. "We would not for a great deal," was the remark on every side, "have missed being present at this reading."[594] The effect was so prompt, that for an instant the cause was thought to be definitively gained. The bishops themselves imposed silence on the sophisms and clamours of the Fabers and the Ecks.[595] "All that the Lutherans have said is true," exclaimed the Bishop of Augsburg; "we cannot deny it."[596]--"Well, doctor," said the Duke of Bavaria to Eck, in a reproachful tone, "you had given me a very different idea of this doctrine and of this affair."[597] This was the general cry; accordingly the sophists, as they called them, were embarrassed. "But, after all," said the Duke of Bavaria to them, "can you refute by sound reasons the Confession made by the Elector and his allies?"--"With the writings of the Apostles and Prophets--no!" replied Eck; "but with those of the Fathers and of the Councils--yes!"[598] "I understand," quickly replied the Duke; "I understand. The Lutherans, according to you, are in scripture; and we are outside."

[594] Brücks Geschichte der Handl. in den Sachen des Glaubens zu
Augsbourg. (Förstemann Archiv. p. 50.)

[595] Multi episcopi ad pacem sunt inclinati. (L. Epp. iv. p. 70.)

[596] Illa quæ recitata sunt, vera sunt, sunt pura veritas; non
possumus inficiari. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 154.)

[597] So hab man Im vor nicht gesagt. (Mathes. Hist. p. 99.)

[598] Mit Propheten und Aposteln schriften----nicht. (Ibid.)

The Archbishop Hermann, elector of Cologne, the Count-palatine Frederick, Duke Erick of Brunswick-Luneburg, Duke Henry of Mecklenburg, and the Dukes of Pomerania, were gained over to the truth; and Hermann sought erelong to establish it in his electorate.

The impression produced in other countries by the Confession was perhaps still greater. Charles sent copies to all the courts; it was translated into French, Italian,[599] and even into Spanish and Portuguese; it circulated through all Europe, and thus accomplished what Luther had said: "Our Confession will penetrate into every court, and the sound thereof will go through the whole earth."[600] It destroyed the prejudices that had been entertained, gave Europe a sounder idea of the Reformation, and prepared the most distant countries to receive the seeds of the Gospel.

[599] Cæsar sibi fecit nostram confessionem reddi Italica et Gallica
lingua. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 155.) The French translation will be found
in _Förstemann's Urkunden_, i. p. 357.--_Articles principaulx de la
foy._

[600] Perrumpet in omnes aulas Principum et Regum. (L. Epp. iv. p.
96.)

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S DOMINANT IDEA.]

Then Luther's voice began to be heard again. He saw that it was a decisive moment, and that he ought now to give the impulse that would gain religious liberty. He boldly demanded this liberty of the Roman-catholic princes of the diet;[601] and at the same time endeavoured to make his friends quit Augsburg. Jesus Christ had been boldly confessed. Instead of that long series of quarrels and discussions which was about to become connected with this courageous act, Luther would have wished for a striking rupture, even should he seal with his blood the testimony rendered to the Gospel. The stake, in his idea, would have been the real catastrophe of this tragedy. "I absolve you from this diet, in the name of the Lord,"[602] wrote he to his friends. "Now home, return home, again I say home! Would to God that I were the sacrifice offered to this new council, as John Huss at Constance!"[603]

[601] Epistle to the Elector of Mentz. (Ibid. p. 74.)

[602] Igitur absolvo vos in nomine Domini ab isto conventu. (L. Epp.
iv. p. 96.)

[603] Vellem ego sacrificium esse hujus novissimi concilii, sicut
Johannes Huss Constantiæ. (Ibid. p. 110.)

But Luther did not expect so glorious a conclusion: he compared the diet to a drama. First, there had been the exposition, then the prologue, afterwards the action, and now he waited for the tragic catastrophe, according to some, but which, in his opinion, would be merely comic.[604] Everything, he thought, would be sacrificed to political peace, and dogmas would be set aside. This proceeding, which, even in our own days, would be in the eyes of the world the height of wisdom, was in Luther's eyes the height of folly.

[604] Sed catastrophen illi tragicam, nos comicam expectamus. (Ibid.
p. 85.)

[Sidenote: SONG OF TRIUMPH.]

It was the intervention of Charles which especially alarmed him. To withdraw the Church from all secular influence, and the governments from all clerical influence, was then one of the dominant ideas of the great Reformer. "You see," wrote he to Melancthon, "that they oppose to our cause the same argument as at Worms, to wit, still and for ever the judgment of the Emperor. Thus Satan is always harping on the same string, and that emaciated strength[605] of the civil power is the only one which this myriad-wiled spirit is able to find against Jesus Christ." But Luther took courage, and boldly raised his head. "Christ is coming," continued he; "he is coming, sitting at the right hand......Of whom? not of the Emperor, or we should long ago have been lost, but of God himself: let us fear nothing. Christ is the King of kings and the Lord of lords. If he loses this title at Augsburg, he must also lose it in all the earth, and in all the heavens."

[605] Sic Satan chorda semper oberrat eadem, et mille-artifex ille non
habet contra Christum, nisi unum illud elumbe robur. (Ibid. p. 100.)

Thus a song of triumph was, on the part of the Confessors of Augsburg, the first movement that followed this courageous act, unique doubtless in the annals of the Church. Some of their adversaries at first shared in their triumph, and the others were silent; but a powerful reaction took place erelong.

On the following morning, Charles having risen in ill-humour and tired for want of sleep, the first of his ministers who appeared in the imperial apartments was the Count-palatine, as wearied and embarrassed as his master. "We must yield something," said he to Charles; "and I would remind your majesty that the Emperor Maximilian was willing to grant the two kinds in the Eucharist, the marriage of priests, and liberty with respect to the fasts." Charles the Fifth eagerly seized at this proposition as a means of safety. But Granvelle and Campeggio soon arrived, who induced him to withdraw it.

[Sidenote: AN INGENUOUS CONFESSION.]

Rome, bewildered for a moment by the blow that had struck her, rose up again with energy. "I stay with the mother," exclaimed the Bishop of Wartzburg, meaning by it the Church of Rome; "the mother, the mother!" "My lord," wittily replied Brenz, "pray, do not, for the mother, forget either the Father or the Son!"--"Well! I grant it," replied the Archbishop of Salzburg to one of his friends, "I also should desire the communion in both kinds, the marriage of priests, the reformation of the Mass, liberty as regards food and other traditions......But that it should be a monk, a poor monk, who presumes to reform us all, is what we cannot tolerate."[606]--"I should have no objection," said another bishop, "for the Divine worship to be celebrated everywhere as it is at Wittemberg; but we can never consent that this new doctrine should issue from such a corner."[607] And Melancthon insisting with the Archbishop of Salzburg on the necessity of a reform of the clergy: "Well! and how can you wish to reform us?" said the latter abruptly: "we priests have always been good for nothing." This is one of the most ingenuous confessions that the Reformation has torn from the priests. Every day fanatical monks and doctors, brimful of sophisms, were seen arriving at Augsburg, who endeavoured to inflame the hatred of the Emperor and of the princes.[608] "If we formerly had friends," said Melancthon on the morrow of the Confession, "now we possess them no longer. We are here alone, abandoned by all, and contending against measureless dangers."[609]

[606] Sed quod unus monachus debeat nos reformare omnes. (Corp. Ref.
ii. p. 155.)

[607] Aus dem Loch und Winckel. (L. Opp. xx. p. 307.)

[608] Quotidie confluunt huc sophistæ ac monachi. (Corp. Ref. ii. p.
141.)

[609] Nos hic soli ac deserti. (Ibid.)

[Sidenote: FAILURE OF THE POPISH INTRIGUES.]

Charles, impelled by these contrary parties, affected a great indifference. But without permitting it to be seen, he endeavoured, meanwhile, to examine this affair thoroughly. "Let there not be a word wanting," he had said to his secretary, when requiring from him a French translation of the Confession. "He does not allow anything to be observed," whispered the Protestants one to another, convinced that Charles was gained; "for if it were known, he would lose his Spanish states: let us maintain the most profound secresy." But the Emperor's courtiers, who perceived these strange hopes, smiled and shook their heads. "If you have money," said Schepper, one of the secretaries of state, to Jonas and Melancthon, "it will be easy for you to buy from the Italians whatever religion you please;[610] but if your purse is empty, your cause is lost." Then assuming a more serious tone: "It is impossible," said he, "for the Emperor, surrounded as he is by bishops and cardinals, to approve of any other religion than that of the Pope."

[610] Nos, si pecuniam haberemus, facile religionem quam vellemus
emturos ab Italis. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 156.)

This was soon evident. On the day after the confession (Sunday, 26th June), before the breakfast hour,[611] all the deputations from the imperial cities were collected in the Emperor's antechamber. Charles, desirous of bringing back the states of the Empire to unity, began with the weakest. "Some of the cities," said the count palatine, "have not adhered to the last Diet of Spire: the Emperor calls upon them to submit to it."

[611] Heute vor dem morgenessen. (Ibid. p. 143.)

Strasburg, Nuremberg, Constance, Ulm, Reutlingen, Heilbronn, Memmingen, Lindau, Kempten, Windsheim, Isny, and Weissemburg, which were thus summoned to renounce the famous protest, found the moment curiously chosen. They asked for time.

The position was complicated; discord had been thrown in the midst of the cities, and intrigue was labouring daily to increase it.[612] It was not only between the Popish and the Evangelical cities that disagreement existed; but also between the Zwinglian and the Lutheran cities, and even among the latter, those which had not adhered to the Confession of Augsburg manifested great ill-humour towards the deputies of Reutlingen and Nuremberg. This proceeding of Charles the Fifth was therefore skilfully calculated; for it was based on the old axiom, _Divide et impera_.

[612] Es sind unter uns Städten, viel practica und Selt Sames wesens.
(Corp. Ref. ii p. 151.)

But the enthusiasm of faith overcame all these stratagems, and on the next day (27th June), the deputies from the cities transmitted a reply to the Emperor, in which they declared that they could not adhere to the _Recess_ of Spire "without disobeying God, and without compromising the salvation of their souls."[613]

[613] Ohne Verletzung der gewissen gegen Gott. (F. Urkunden. ii. P.
6.)

[Sidenote: THE EMPEROR'S COUNCIL.]

Charles, who desired to observe a just medium, more from policy than from equity, wavered between so many contrary convictions. Desirous nevertheless of essaying his mediating influence, he convoked the states faithful to Rome on Sunday, 26th June, shortly after his conference with the cities.

All the princes were present: even the Pope's legate and the most influential Roman divines appeared at this council, to the great scandal of the Protestants. "What reply should be made to the Confession?" was the question set by Charles the Fifth to the senate that surrounded him.[614]

[614] Adversarii nostri jam deliberant quid velint respondere. (Corp.
Ref. ii. 26th June.)

Three different opinions were proposed. "Let us beware," said the men of the Papacy, "of discussing our adversaries' reasons, and let us be content with executing the Edict of Worms against the Lutherans, and with constraining them by arms."[615]--"Let us submit the Confession to the examination of impartial judges," said the men of the Empire, "and refer the final decision to the Emperor. Is not even the reading of the Confession an appeal of the Protestants to the imperial power?" Others, in the last place (and these were the men of tradition and of ecclesiastical doctrine), were desirous of commissioning certain doctors to compose a refutation, which should be read to the Protestants and ratified by Charles.

[615] Rem agendam esse vi, non audiendam causam. (Ibid. p. 154.)

[Sidenote: VIOLENT DISCUSSIONS.]

The debate was very animated: the mild and the violent, the politic and the fanatical, took a decided course in the assembly. George of Saxony and Joachim of Brandenburg showed themselves the most inveterate, and surpassed in this respect even the ecclesiastical princes.[616] "A certain clown, whom you know well, is pushing them all from behind,"[617] wrote Melancthon to Luther; "and certain hypocritical theologians hold the torch and lead the whole band." This clown was doubtless Duke George. Even the Princes of Bavaria, whom the Confession had staggered at first, immediately rallied around the chiefs of the Roman party. The Elector of Mentz, the Bishop of Augsburg, the Duke of Brunswick, showed themselves the least unfavourable to the Evangelical cause. "I can by no means advise his majesty to employ force," said Albert. "If his majesty should constrain their consciences, and should afterwards quit the Empire, the first victims sacrificed would be the priests; and who knows whether, in the midst of these discords, the Turks would not suddenly fall upon us?" But this somewhat interested wisdom of the archbishop did not find many supporters, and the men of war immediately plunged into the discussion with their harsh voices. "If there is any fighting against the Lutherans," said Count Felix of Werdenburg, "I gratuitously offer my sword, and I swear never to return it to its scabbard until it has overthrown the stronghold of Luther." This nobleman died suddenly a few days after, from the consequences of his intemperance. Then the moderate men again interfered: "The Lutherans attack no one article of the faith," said the Bishop of Augsburg; "let us come to an arrangement with them; and to obtain peace, let us concede to them the sacrament in both kinds and the marriage of priests. I would even yield more, if it were necessary." Upon this great cries arose: "He is a Lutheran," they exclaimed, "and you will see that he is fully prepared to sacrifice even the private masses!"--"The masses! we must not even think of it," remarked some with an ironical smile; "Rome will never give them up, for it is they which maintain her cardinals and her courtiers, with their luxury and their kitchens."[618] The Archbishop of Salzburg and the Elector of Brandenburg replied with great violence to the motion of the Bishop of Augsburg. "The Lutherans," said they abruptly, "have laid before us a Confession written with black ink on white paper. Well! If I were Emperor, I would answer them with _red ink_."[619]--"Sirs," quickly replied the Bishop of Augsburg, "take care then that the red letters do not fly in your faces!" The Elector of Mentz was compelled to interfere and calm the speakers.

[616] Hi sunt duces, et quidem acerrimi alterius partis. (Ibid.)

[617] Omnes unus gubernat rusticus. (Corp. Ref. 26th June p. 176.)

[618] Cardinel, Churstusanen, Pracht und Küchen. (Brück Apol. p. 63.)

[619] Wir wokten antvorten mit einer Schrift mit Rubricken
geschrieben. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 147.)

[Sidenote: A REFUTATION PROPOSED.]

The Emperor, desirous of playing the character of an umpire, would have wished the Roman party at least to have placed in his hands an accusation against the Reform: but all was now altered; the majority, becoming daily more compact since the Diet of Spire, no longer sided with Charles. Full of the sentiment of its own strength, it refused to assume the title of a party, and to take the Emperor as a judge. "What are you saying," cried they, "of diversity between the members of the Empire? There is but one legitimate party. It is not a question of deciding between two opinions whose rights are equal, but of crushing rebels, and of aiding those who have remained faithful to the constitution of the Empire."

This haughty language enlightened Charles: he found they had outstripped him, and that, abandoning his lofty position of arbiter, he must submit merely to be the executer of the orders of the majority. It was this majority which henceforward commanded in Augsburg. They excluded the imperial councillors who advocated more equitable views, and the Archbishop of Mentz himself ceased for a time to appear in the diet.[620]

[620] Non venit in senatum. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 175.)

The majority ordered that a refutation of the Evangelical doctrine should be immediately drawn up by Romish theologians. If they had selected for this purpose moderate men like the Bishop of Augsburg, the Reformation would still have had some chance of success with the great principles of Christianity; but it was to the enemies of the Reform, to the old champions of Rome and of Aristotle, exasperated by so many defeats, that they resolved to intrust this task.

[Sidenote: ITS AUTHORS.]

They were numerous at Augsburg, and were not held in great esteem. "The princes," said Jonas, "have brought their learned men with them, and some even their _unlearned_ and their fools."[621] Provost Faber and Doctor Eck led the troop; behind them was drawn up a cohort of monks, and above all of Dominicans, tools of the Inquisition, and impatient to recompense themselves for the opprobrium they had so long endured. There was the provincial of the Dominicans, Paul Hugo, their vicar, John Bourkard, one of their priors, Conrad Koelein, who had written against Luther's marriage; with a large body of Carthusians, Augustines, Franciscans, and vicars of several bishops. Such were the men who, to the number of twenty, were commissioned to refute Melancthon.

[621] Quidam etiam suos ineruditos et ineptos.

One might beforehand have augured of the work by the workmen. Each one understood that it was a question, not of refuting the Confession, but of branding it. Campeggio, who doubtless suggested this ill-omened list to Charles, was well aware that these doctors were incapable of measuring themselves with Melancthon; but their names formed the most decided standard of Popery, and announced to the world clearly and immediately what the diet proposed to do. This was the essential point. Rome would not leave Christendom even hope.

It was, however, requisite to know whether the diet, and the Emperor who was its organ, had the right of pronouncing in this purely religious matter. Charles put the question both to the Evangelicals and to the Romanists.[622]

[622] See the document extracted from the archives of Bavaria in F.
Urkunden. ii. p. 9.

"Your highness," said Luther, who was consulted by the Elector, "may reply with all assurance: Yes, if the Emperor wish it, let him be judge! I will bear everything on his part; but let him decide nothing contrary to the Word of God. Your highness cannot put the Emperor above God himself.[623] Does not the first commandment say, _Thou shalt have no other Gods before me_!"

[623] Konnen den Kaiser nicht uber Gott setzen. (L. Epp. iv. p. 83.)

[Sidenote: ROME AND THE CIVIL POWER.]

The reply of the Papal adherents was quite as positive in a contrary sense. "We think," said they, "that his majesty, in accord with the electors, princes, and states of the Empire, has the right to proceed in this affair, as Roman Emperor, guardian, advocate, and sovereign protector of the Church and of our most holy faith."[624] Thus, in the first days of the Reformation, the Evangelical Church frankly ranged itself under the throne of Jesus Christ, and the Roman Church under the sceptre of kings. Enlightened men, even among Protestants, have misunderstood this double nature of Protestantism and Popery.

[624] Romischen Kaiser, Vogt, Advocaten und Obristen Beschirmer der
kirken. (F. Urkunden. ii. p. 10.)

The philosophy of Aristotle and the hierarchy of Rome, thanks to this alliance with the civil power, were at length about to see the day of their long-expected triumph arrive. So long as the schoolmen had been left to the force of their syllogisms and of their abuse, they had been defeated; but now Charles the Fifth and the diet held out their hands to them; the reasonings of Faber, Eck, and Wimpina were about to be countersigned by the German chancellor, and confirmed by the great seals of the Empire. Who could resist them? The Romish error has never had any strength except by its union with the secular arm; and its victories in the Old and in the New World are owing, even in our days, to state patronage.[625]

[625] Tahiti for instance.

[Sidenote: PERILS OF THE CONFESSORS.]

These things did not escape the piercing eye of Luther. He saw at once the weakness of the argument of the Papist doctors and the power of Charles's arm. "You are waiting for your adversaries' answer," wrote he to his friends in Augsburg; "it is already written, and here it is: The Fathers, the Fathers, the Fathers; the Church, the Church, the Church; usage, custom; but of the Scriptures----nothing!"[626]--"Then the Emperor, supported by the testimony of these arbiters, will pronounce against you;[627] and then will you hear boastings from all sides that wilt ascend up to heaven, and threats that will descend even to hell."

[626] Patres, Patres, Patres; Ecclesia, Ecclesia; usus, consuetudo,
præterea e Scriptura nihil. (L. Epp. iv. p. 96.)

[627] Pronuntiabit Cæsar contra vos. (Ibid.)

Thus changed the situation of the Reform. Charles was obliged to acknowledge his weakness; and, to save the appearance of his power, he took a decisive part with the enemies of Luther. The Emperor's impartiality disappeared: the state turned against the Gospel, and there remained for it no other saviour than God.

At first many gave way to extreme dejection: above all, Melancthon, who had a nearer view of the cabals of the adversaries, exhausted moreover by long vigils, fell almost into despair.[628] "In the presence of these formidable evils," cried he, "I see no more hope."[629] And then, however, he added--"Except the help of God."

[628] Quadam tristitia et quasi desesperatione vexatur. (Corp. Ref.
ii. p. 163.)

[629] Quid nobis sit sperandum in tantis odiis inimicorum. (Ibid. p.
146.)

The legate immediately set all his batteries to work. Already had Charles several times sent for the Elector and the Landgrave, and had used every exertion to detach them from the Evangelical Confession.[630] Melancthon, uneasy at these secret conferences, reduced the Confession to its _minimum_, and entreated the Elector to demand only the two kinds in the Eucharist and the marriage of priests. "To interdict the former of these points," said he, "would be to alienate a great number of Christians from the communion; and to interdict the second would be depriving the Church of all the pastors capable of edifying it. Will they destroy religion and kindle civil war, rather than apply to these purely ecclesiastical constitutions a mitigation that is neither contrary to sound morals nor to faith?"[631] The Protestant princes begged Melancthon to go himself and make these proposals to the legate.[632]

[630] Legati Norinberg ad Senatum. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 161.)

[631] Melancthon ad Duc. Sax. Elect. (Ibid. p. 162.)

[632] Principes nostri miserunt nos ad R. D. V. (Ibid. p. 171.)

[Sidenote: THE EMPEROR'S SISTER.]

Melancthon agreed: he began to flatter himself with success; and, in truth, there were, even among the Papists, individuals who were favourable to the Reformation. There had recently arrived at Augsburg, from beyond the Alps, certain propositions tolerably Lutheran;[633] and one of the Emperor's confessors boldly professed the doctrine of justification by faith, cursing "those asses of Germans, who cease not," said he, "from braying against this truth."[634] One of Charles's chaplains approved even the whole of the Confession. There was something farther still; Charles the Fifth having consulted the grandees of Spain, who were famous for their orthodoxy: "If the opinions of the Protestants are contrary to the articles of the faith," they had replied, "let your majesty employ all his power to destroy this faction; but if it is a question merely of certain changes in human ordinances and external usages, let all violence be avoided."[635] "Admirable reply!" exclaimed Melancthon, who persuaded himself that the Romish doctrine was at the bottom in accordance with the Gospel.

[633] Pervenerunt ad nos propositiones quædam Italicæ satis Lutheranæ.
(Ibid. p. 163.)

[634] Istis Germanis asinis, nobis in hac parte obgannientibus.
(Ibid.)

[635] Hispanici proceres præclare et sapienter responderunt Cæsari.
(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 179.)

The Reformation found defenders in even still higher stations. Mary, sister of Charles the Fifth, and widow of King Louis of Hungary, arriving at Augsburg three days after the reading of the Confession, with her sister-in-law the Queen of Bohemia, Ferdinand's wife, assiduously studied the Holy Scriptures; she carried them with her in the hunting parties, in which she found little pleasure, and had discovered therein the jewel of the Reform,--the doctrine of gratuitous salvation. This pious princess made her chaplain read evangelical sermons to her, and often endeavoured, although with prudence, to appease her brother Charles with regard to the Protestants.[636]

[636] Ἡ ἁδελφἡ ἁυτοκρατορος studet nobis placare
fratrem. (Ibid. p. 178.)

[Sidenote: VACILLATION OF MELANCTHON.]

Melancthon, encouraged by these demonstrations, and at the same time alarmed by the threats of war that the adversaries did not cease from uttering, thought it his duty to purchase peace at any cost, and resolved in consequence to descend in his propositions as low as possible. He therefore demanded an interview with the legate in a letter whose authenticity has been unreasonably doubted.[637] At the decisive moment the heart of the Reform champion fails--his head turns--he staggers--he falls; and in his fall he runs the risk of dragging with him the cause which martyrs have already watered with their blood.

[637] See the Corp. Ref. ii. p. 168

Thus speaks the representative of the Reformation to the representative of the Papacy:--

"There is no doctrine in which we differ from the Roman Church;[638] we venerate the universal authority of the Roman Pontiff, and we are ready to obey him, provided he does not reject us, and that of his clemency, which he is accustomed to show towards all nations, he will kindly pardon or approve certain little things that it is no longer possible for us to change......Now then, will you reject those who appear as suppliants before you? Will you pursue them with fire and sword?......Alas! nothing draws upon us in Germany so much hatred, as the unshaken firmness with which we maintain the doctrines of the Roman Church.[639] But with the aid of God, we will remain faithful, even unto death, to Christ and to the Roman Church, although you should reject us."[640]

[638] Dogma nullum habemus diversum ab Ecclesia Romana. (Ibid. p.
170.)

[639] Quam quia Ecclesiæ Romanæ dogmata summa constantia defendimus.
(Ibid.)

[640] Vel si recusabitis nos in gratiam recipere. (Ibid.)

[Sidenote: LUTHER OPPOSES CONCESSION.]

Thus did Melancthon humble himself. God permitted this fall, that future ages might clearly see how low the Reform was willing to descend in order to maintain unity, and that no one might doubt that the schism had come from Rome; but also assuredly that they might learn how great in every important work is the weakness of the noblest instruments.

Fortunately there was then another man who upheld the honour of the Reformation. At this very time Luther wrote to Melancthon: "There can be no concord between Christ and Belial. As far as regards me, I will not yield a hair's breadth.[641] Sooner than yield, I should prefer suffering everything, even the most terrible evils. Concede so much the less, as your adversaries require the more. God will not aid us until we are abandoned by all."[642] And fearing some weakness on the part of his friends, Luther added: "If it were not tempting God, you would long ago have seen me at your side!"[643]

[641] At certe pro mea persona, ne pilum quidem cedam. (L. Epp. iv. p.
88.)

[642] Neque enim juvabimur ni deserti prius simus. (Ibid. p. 91.)

[643] Certe jamdudum coram vidissetis me. (Ibid. p. 98.)

Never, in fact, had Luther's presence been so necessary, for the legate had consented to an interview, and Melancthon was about to pay court to Campeggio.[644]

[644] Ego multos prehensare soleo et Campegium etiam. (Corp. Ref. ii.
p. 193.)

The 8th July was the day appointed by the legate. His letter inspired Philip with the most sanguine hopes. "The cardinal assures me that he will accede the usage of the two kinds, and the marriage of priests," said he; "I am eager to visit him!"[645]

[645] Propero enim ad Campegium. (Ibid. p. 174.)

[Sidenote: SCHEME OF THE ROMISH DOCTORS.]

This visit might decide the destiny of the Church. If the legate accepted Philip's _ultimatum_, the Evangelical countries would be replaced under the power of the Romish bishops, and all would have been over with the Reformation; but it was saved through the pride and blindness of Rome. The Papists, believing it on the brink of the abyss, thought that a last blow would settle it, and resolved, like Luther, to concede nothing, "not even a hair's breadth." The legate, however, even while refusing, assumed an air of kindness, and of yielding to foreign influence. "I might have the power of making certain concessions, but it would not be prudent to use it without the consent of the German princes;[646] their will must be done; one of them in particular conjures the Emperor to prevent us from yielding the least thing. I can grant nothing." The Roman prince, with the most amiable smile, then did all he could to gain the chief of the Protestant teachers. Melancthon retired filled with shame at the advances he had made, but still deceived by Campeggio. "No doubt," said he, "Eck and Cochlœus have been beforehand with me at the legate's."[647] Luther entertained a different opinion. "I do not trust to any of these Italians," said he; "they are scoundrels. When an Italian is good, he is very good; but then he is a black swan."

[646] Se nihil posse decernere, nisi de voluntate principum Germaniæ.
(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 174.)

[647] Forte ad legatum veniebant Eccius et Cochlœus. (Ibid. p. 175)

It was truly the Italians who were concerned. Shortly after the 12th of July arrived the Pope's instructions. He had received the confession by express[648] and sixteen days had sufficed for the transmission, the deliberation, and the return. Clement would hear no mention either of discussions or of council. Charles was to march straight to the mark, to send an army into Germany, and stifle the Reformation by force. At Augsburg, however, it was thought best not to go so quickly to work, and recourse was had to other means.

[648] Nostra Confessio ad Romam per veredarios missa est. (Corp. Ref.
ii. pp. 186, 219.)

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON'S EXPLANATION.]

"Be quiet; we have them," said the Romish doctors. Sensible of the reproach that had been made against them, of having misrepresented the Reformation, they accused the Protestants themselves as being the cause. "These it is," they said, "who, to give themselves an air of being in accord with us, now dissemble their heresy; but we will now catch them in their own nets. If they confess to not having inserted in their Confession all that they reject, it will be proved that they are trifling with us. If, on the contrary, they pretend to have said everything, they will by that very circumstance be compelled to admit all that they have not condemned." The Protestant princes were therefore called together, and they were asked if the Reformation was confined to the doctrines indicated in the Apology, or if there was something more.[649]

[649] An plura velimus Cæsari præponere controversa quam fecerimus.
(Ibid. p. 188.)

The snare was skilfully laid. The Papacy had not even been mentioned in Melancthon's paper; other errors besides had been omitted, and Luther himself complained of it aloud. "Satan sees clearly," said he, "that your Apology has passed lightly over the articles of purgatory, the worship of saints, and, above all, of the Pope and of Antichrist." The princes requested to confer with their allies of the towns; and all the Protestants assembled to deliberate on this momentous incident.

They, looked for Melancthon's explanation, who did not decline the responsibility of the affair. Easily dejected through his own anxiety, he became bold whenever he was directly attacked. "All the essential doctrines," said he, "have been set forth in the Confession, and every error and abuse that is opposed to them has been pointed out. But was it necessary to plunge into all those questions so full of contention and animosity, that are discussed in our universities? Was it necessary to ask if all Christians are priests, if the primacy of the Pope is of right divine, if there can be indulgences, if every good work is a deadly sin, if there are more than seven sacraments, if they may be administered by a layman, if divine election has any foundation in our own merits, if sacerdotal consecration impresses an indelible character, if auricular confession is necessary to salvation?......No, no! all these things are in the province of the schools, and by no means essential to faith."[650]

[650] Melancthonis Judicium. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 182.)

[Sidenote: THE REFUTATION.]

It cannot be denied that in the questions thus pointed out by Melancthon there were important points. However that may be, the Evangelical committee were soon agreed, and on the morrow they gave an answer to Charles's ministers, drawn up with as much frankness as firmness, in which they said "that the Protestants, desirous of arriving at a cordial understanding, had not wished to complicate their situation, and had proposed not to specify all the errors that had been introduced into the Church, but to confess all the doctrines that were essential to salvation; that if, nevertheless, the adverse party felt itself urged to maintain certain abuses, or to put forward any point not mentioned in the Confession, the Protestants declared themselves ready to reply in conformity with the Word of God."[651] The tone of this answer showed pretty clearly that the Evangelical Christians did not fear to follow their adversaries wherever the latter should call them. Accordingly the Roman party said no more on this business.

[651] Aus Gottes Wort, weiter bericht zu thun. (F. Urkundenbuch, ii.
p. 19.)

IX. The commission charged to refute the Confession met twice a day,[652] and each of the theologians who composed it added to it his refutation and his hatred.

[652] Bis die convenire dicuntur. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 472.)

On the 13th July the work was finished. "Eck with his band,"[653] said Melancthon, "transmitted it to the Emperor." Great was the astonishment of this prince and of his ministers at seeing a work of two hundred and eighty pages filled with abuse.[654] "Bad workmen lose much wood," said Luther, "and impious writers soil much paper." This was not all: to the Refutation were subjoined eight appendices on the heresies that Melancthon had dissembled (as they said), and wherein they exposed the contradictions and "the horrible sects" to which Lutheranism had given birth. Lastly, not confining themselves to this official answer, the Romish theologians, who saw the sun of power shining upon them, filled Augsburg with insolent and abusive pamphlets.

[653] Eccius cum sua commanipulatione. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 193.)

[654] Longum et plenum conviciis scriptum. (Ibid.)

[Sidenote: CHARLES'S DISSATISFACTION.]

There was but one opinion on the Papist Refutation; it was found confused, violent, thirsting for blood.[655] Charles the Fifth had too much good taste not to perceive the difference that existed between this coarse work and the noble dignity of Melancthon's Confession. He rolled, handled, crushed, and so damaged the 280 pages of his doctors, that when he returned them two days after, says Spalatin, there were not more than twelve entire. Charles would have been ashamed to have such a pamphlet read in the diet, and he required, in consequence, that it should be drawn up anew, shorter and more moderate.[656] That was not easy, "for the adversaries, confused and stupified," says Brenz, "by the noble simplicity of the Evangelical Confession, neither knew where to begin nor where to end; they accordingly took nearly three weeks to do their work over again."[657]

[655] Adeo confusa, incondita, violenta, sanguinolenta et crudelis ut
puduerint (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 198.)

[656] Hodie auctoribus ipsis Sophistis, a Cæsare rursus esse redditam
ut emendetur et civilius componatur. (Ibid.)

[657] Nostra confessione ita stupidos, attonitos, et confusos. (Ibid.)