Chapter XXII: Book XVI: Switzerland--Catastrophe. 1528-1531 (2)

Thus three men on the banks of the Maggia hoped at that time to reform Italy. They uttered a call to which, for three centuries, the Evangelical world has not replied. Zurich, however, in these days of its strength and of its faith, displayed a holy boldness, and dared extend her heretical arms beyond the Alps. Hence, Uri, Schwytz, Unterwalden, and all the Romanists of Switzerland gave vent to loud and terrible threats, swearing to arrest even in Zurich itself the course of these presumptuous invasions.

[Sidenote: THE MONKS OF WETTINGEN.]

But the Zurichers did not confine themselves to this: they gave the Confederates more serious cause of fear by waging incessant war against the convents,--those centres of Ultramontane fanaticism. The extensive monastery of Wettingen, around which roll the waters of the Limmat, and which, by its proximity to Zurich, was exposed more than any other to the breath of Reform, was in violent commotion. On the 23d August 1529, a great change took place; the ice was broken and the downfall complete. The monks ceased to sing Mass; they cut off each other's beards, not without shedding a few tears; they laid down their frocks and their hoods, and clothed themselves in becoming secular dresses.[1096] Then, in astonishment at this metamorphosis, they listened devoutly to the sermon which Sebastian Benli of Zurich came and preached to them, and erelong employed themselves in propagating the Gospel, and in singing psalms in German. Thus Wettingen fell into the current of that river which seemed to be everywhere reviving the Confederation. The cloister, ceasing to be a house for gaming, gluttony, and drunkenness, was changed into a school. Two monks alone in all the monastery remained faithful to the cowl.

[1096] Bekleitend sich in erbare gemeine Landskleyder. (Bull. Chron.
ii. p. 221.)

The commander of Mulinen, without troubling himself about the threats of the Romish cantons, earnestly pressed the commandery of St. John at Hitzkirch towards the Reformation. The question was put to the vote, and the majority declared in favour of the Word of God. "Ah!" said the commander, "I have been long pushing behind the chariot."[1097] On the 4th September the commandery was reformed. It was the same with that of Wadenswyl, with the convent of Pfeffers, and others besides. Even at Mury the majority declared for the Gospel; but the minority prevailed through the support of the Five Cantons.[1098] A new triumph, and one of greater value, was destined to indemnify the Reform, and to raise the indignation of the Waldstettes to the highest pitch.

[1097] Diu me in hoc curru promovendo laborasse, priusquam tam longe
processit. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 334.)

[1098] Das das minder müst das meer sin. (Bull. ii. p. 241.)

[Sidenote: ABBEY OF ST. GALL.]

The Abbot of St. Gall, by his wealth, by the number of his subjects, and the influence which he exercised in Switzerland, was one of the most formidable adversaries of the Gospel. In 1529, therefore, at the moment when the army of Zurich took the field against the Five Cantons, the Abbot Francis of Geisberg, in alarm and at the brink of death, caused himself to be hastily removed into the strong castle of Rohrschach, not thinking himself secure except within its walls. Four days after this, the illustrious Vadianus, burgomaster of St. Gall, entered the convent, and announced the intention of the people to resume the use of their cathedral-church, and to remove the images. The monks were astonished at such audacity, and having in vain protested and cried for help, put their most precious effects in a place of safety, and fled to Einsideln.

Among these was Kilian Kouffi, head-steward of the abbey, a cunning and active monk, and, like Zwingle, a native of the Tockenburg. Knowing how important it was to find a successor to the abbot, before the news of his death was bruited abroad, he came to an understanding with those who waited on the prelate; and the latter dying on Tuesday in Holy Week, the meals were carried as usual into his chamber, and with downcast eyes and low voice the attendants made every inquiry about his health. While this farce was going on round the dead body, the monks who had assembled at Einsideln repaired in all haste to Rapperswyl, in the territory of St. Gall, and there elected Kilian, who had so skilfully managed the affair. The new abbot went immediately to Rohrschach, and on Good Friday he there proclaimed his own election and the death of his predecessor. Zurich and Glaris declared they would not recognise him, unless he could prove by the Holy Scriptures that a monkish life was in conformity with the Gospel. "We are ready to protect the house of God," said they; "and it is for this reason we require that it be consecrated anew to the Lord. But we do not forget that it is our duty also to protect the people. It is in the bosom of a free people that the free Church of Christ should raise its head." At the same time the ministers of St. Gall published forty-two theses, in which they asserted that convents were not "houses of God, but houses of the devil."[1099] The abbot, supported by Lucerne and Schwytz, which with Zurich and Glaris exercised sovereign power in St. Gall, replied that he would not dispute about rights which he held from kings and emperors. The two natives of the Tockenburg, Zwingle and Kilian, were thus struggling around St. Gall,--the one claiming the people for the abbey, and the other the abbey for the people. The army of Zurich having approached Wyl, Kilian seized upon the treasures and muniments of the convent, and fled precipitately beyond the Rhine. Then when peace was concluded, the crafty monk clothed himself in a secular dress, and crept mysteriously as far as Einsideln, whence on a sudden he made all Switzerland re-echo with his cries. Zurich replied only by publishing in conjunction with Glaris a constitution, by which a governor, "confirmed in the evangelical faith," should preside over the district, with a council of twelve members, while the election of pastors was left to the parishes.[1100] Not long afterwards, the abbot, expelled and a fugitive, while crossing a river near Bregentz, fell from his horse, got entangled in his frock, and was drowned. Of the two combatants from the Tockenburg, it was Zwingle who gained the victory.

[1099] Thesis 8. (Bull. ii. p. 115.)

[1100] Die Pfarer soll den Gmeinden irs gfallens zu erkiessen
Zugestelt syn. (Bull. ii. p. 268.)

[Sidenote: SOLEURE.]

The convent was put up to sale, and was purchased by the town of St. Gall, "with the exception," says Bullinger, "of a detached building, called _Hell_, where the monks were left who had not embraced the Reform."[1101] The time having arrived when the governor sent by Zurich was to give place to one from Lucerne, the people of St. Gall called upon the latter to swear to their constitution. "A governor has never been known," replied he, "to make an oath to peasants; it is the peasants who should make an oath to the governor!" Upon this he retired: the Zurich governor remained, and the indignation of the Five Cantons against Zurich, which so daringly assisted the people of St. Gall in recovering their liberties, rose to the highest paroxysm of anger.

[1101] Alein was ein gebuw die _Hell_ genampt, das liess man den
Munchen blyten. (Ibid. p. 271.)

A few victories, however, consoled in some degree the partisans of Rome. Soleure was for a long time one of the most contested battle fields. The citizens and the learned were in favour of Reform: the patricians and canons for Popery. Philip Grotz of Zug was preaching the Gospel there, and the council having desired to compel him to say Mass, one hundred Reformed appeared in the hall of assembly on the 13th September 1529, and with energy called for liberty of conscience. Zurich and Berne having supported this demand, it was granted to them.

[Sidenote: A NEW MIRACLE.]

Upon this the most fanatical of the Roman-catholics, exasperated at the concession, closed the gates of the city, pointed the guns, and made a show of expelling the friends of the Reform. The council prepared to punish these agitators, when the Reformed, willing to set an example of christian moderation, declared they would forgive them.[1102] The Great Council then published throughout the canton that the dominion of conscience belonging to God alone, and faith being the free gift of His grace, each one might follow the religion which he thought best. Thirty-four parishes declared for the Reformation, and only two for the Mass. Almost all the rural districts were in favour of the Gospel; but the majority of the city sided with the Pope.[1103] Haller, whom the Reformed of Soleure had sent for, arrived, and it was a day of triumph for them. It was in the middle of winter: "To-day," ironically observed one of the Evangelical Christians, "our patron saint (St. Ours) will sweat!" And in truth---oh! wonderful!--drops of moisture fell from the holy image. It was simply a little holy water that had frozen and then thawed. But the Romanists would listen to no raillery on so illustrious a prodigy, reminding us of the blood of St. Januarius at Naples. All the city resounded with piteous cries,--the bells were tolled,--a general procession moved through the streets,--and high mass was sung in honour of the heavenly prince who had shown in so marvellous a manner the pangs he felt for his dearly beloved. "It is the fat minister of Berne (Haller) who is the cause of the saint's alarm," said the devout old women. One of them declared that she would thrust a knife into his body; and certain Roman-catholics threatened to go to the Cordeliers' church and murder the pastors who preached there. Upon this the Reformed rushed to that church and called for a public discussion: two hundred of their adversaries posted themselves at the same time in the church of St. Ours and refused the discussion. Neither of the two parties was willing to be the first to abandon the camp in which it was entrenched. The senate wishing to clear the two churches thus transformed into citadels, announced that at Martinmas, _i. e._ nine months later, a public discussion should take place. But as the Reformed found the delay too long, both parties remained for a whole week more under arms. Commerce was interrupted,--the public offices were closed--messengers ran to and fro,--arrangements were proposed;--but the people were so stiffnecked,[1104] that no one would give way. The city was in a state of siege. At last all were agreed about the discussion, and the ministers committed four theses to writing, which the canons immediately attempted to refute.

[1102] Ruchat, ii. p. 139.

[1103] Major pars agri abolita superstitione a parte nostra stat.
Major et potior pars urbis a papistis. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 489.)

[1104] Tam duræ cervicis populus est. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 489.)

[Sidenote: POPERY TRIUMPHS.]

Nevertheless they judged it a still better plan to elude them. Nothing alarmed the Romanists so much as discussion. "What need have we of any?" said they. "Do not the writings of the two parties declare their sentiments?" The conference was, therefore, put off until the following year. Many of the Reformed, indignant at these delays, imprudently quitted the city; and the councils, charmed at this result, which they were far from expecting, hastily declared that the people should be free in the canton, but that in the city no one should attack the Mass. From that time the Reformed were compelled every Sunday to leave Soleure and repair to the village of Zuchsweil to hear the Word of God. Thus Popery, defeated in so many places, triumphed in Soleure.

Zurich and the other reformed cantons attentively watched these successes of their adversaries, and lent a fearful ear to the threats of the Roman-catholics, who ceased not from announcing the intervention of the Emperor; when on a sudden a report was heard that nine hundred Spaniards had entered the Grisons; that they were led by the Chatelain of Musso, recently invested with the title of marquis by Charles the Fifth; that the chatelain's brother-in-law, Didier d'Embs, was also marching against the Swiss at the head of three thousand imperial lansquenets; and that the Emperor himself was ready to support them with all his forces. The Grisons uttered a cry of alarm. The Waldstettes remained motionless; but all the reformed cantons assembled their troops, and eleven thousand men began their march.[1105] The Emperor and the Duke of Milan having soon after decreed that they would not support the chatelain, this adventurer beheld his castle rased to the ground, and was compelled to retire to the banks of the Sesia, giving guarantees of future tranquillity; while the Swiss soldiers returned to their homes, fired with indignation against the Five Cantons, who by their inactivity had infringed the federal alliance.[1106] "Our prompt and energetic resistance," said they, "has undoubtedly baffled their perfidious designs; but the reaction is only adjourned. Although the parchment of the Austrian alliance has been torn in pieces, the alliance itself still exists. The truth has freed us, but soon the imperial lansquenets will come and try to place us again under the yoke of slavery."

[1105] Bull. Chron. ii. p. 357.

[1106] Ward ein grosser Unwilt wieder sie. (Ibid. p. 461.)

[Sidenote: THE MINISTERS' ADDRESS.]

Thus in consequence of so many violent shocks, the two parties that divided Switzerland had attained the highest degree of irritation. The gulf that separated them widened daily. The clouds--the forerunners of the tempest--drove swiftly along the mountains, and gathered threateningly above the valleys. Under these circumstances Zwingle and his friends thought it their duty to raise their voices, and if possible to avert the storm. Thus Nicholas de Flue had in former days thrown himself between the hostile parties.

[Sidenote: AUTONOMY OF THE CHURCH.]

On the 5th September 1530, the principal ministers of Zurich, Berne, Basle, and Strasburg,--Œcolampadius, Capito, Megander, Leo Juda, and Myconius,--were assembled at Zurich in Zwingle's house. Desirous of taking a solemn step with the Five Cantons, they drew up an address that was presented to the Confederates at the meeting of the Diet at Baden. However unfavourable the deputies were, as a body, to these heretical ministers, they nevertheless listened to this epistle, but not without signs of impatience and weariness.[1107] "You are aware, gracious lords, that concord increases the power of states, and that discord overthrows them.[1108] You are yourselves a proof of the first of these truths. Setting out from a small beginning, you have, by a good understanding one with another, arrived at a great end. May God condescend to prevent you also from giving a striking proof of the second! Whence comes disunion, if not from selfishness? and how can we destroy this fatal passion, except by receiving from God the love of the common weal? For this reason we conjure you to allow the Word of God to be freely preached among you, as did your pious ancestors. When has there ever existed a government, even among the heathens, which saw not that the hand of God alone upholds a nation? Do not two drops of quicksilver unite so soon as you remove that which separates them? Away then with that which separates you from our cities, that is, the absence of the Word of God; and immediately the Almighty God will unite us, as our fathers were united. Then placed in your mountains, as in the centre of Christendom, you will be an example to it, its protection and its refuge; and after having passed through this vale of tears, being the terror of the wicked and the consolation of the faithful, you will at last be established in eternal happiness."

[1107] Lecta est epistola nostra in comitiis Badensibus. (Œcol. to
Bucer. 28th December 1530.)

[1108] Wie mit einhalligkeit kleine Ding gross werdend. (Zw. Opp. ii.
p. 78.)

Thus frankly did these men of God address their brothers, the Waldstettes. But their voice was not attended to. "The ministers' sermon is rather long,"[1109] said some of the deputies yawning and stretching their arms, while others pretended to see in it fresh cause of complaint against the cities.

[1109] Libellum supplicem ad quinque pagos breviorum vellent. (Zw.
Epp. ii. p. 511.) Fastidiunt tam sancta. (Œcol.)

This proceeding of the ministers was useless: the Waldstettes rejected the Word of God, which they had been entreated to admit; they rejected the hands that were extended towards them in the name of Jesus Christ. They called for the Pope and not for the Gospel. All hope of reconciliation appeared lost.

Some persons, however, had at that time a glimpse of what might have saved Switzerland and the Reformation,--the _autonomy_ (self-government) of the Church, and its independence of political interests. Had they been wise enough to decline the secular power to secure the triumph of the Gospel, it is probable that harmony might have been gradually established in the Helvetic cantons, and that the Gospel would have conquered by its Divine strength. The power of the Word of God presented chances of success that were not afforded by pikes and muskets. The energy of faith, the influence of charity, would have proved a securer protection to Christians against the burning piles of Waldstettes than diplomatists and men-at-arms. None of the Reformers understood this so clearly as Œcolampadius. His handsome countenance, the serenity of his features, the mild expression of his eyes, his long and venerable beard, the spirituality of his expression, a certain dignity that inspired confidence and respect, gave him rather the air of an apostle than of a reformer. It was the power of the inner word that he particularly extolled; perhaps he even went too far in spiritualism. But, however that may be, if any man could have saved Reform from the misfortunes that were about to befall it--that man was he. In separating from the Papacy, he desired not to set up the magistrate in its stead. "The magistrate who should take away from the churches the authority that belongs to them," wrote he to Zwingle, "would be more intolerable than Antichrist himself (_i. e._ the Pope)."[1110]--"The hand of the magistrate strikes with the sword, but the hand of Christ heals. Christ has not said,--If thy brother will not hear thee, tell it to the magistrate, but--_tell it to the Church_. The functions of the State are distinct from those of the Church. The State is free to do many things which the purity of the Gospel condemns."[1111] Œcolampadius saw how important it was that his convictions should prevail among the Reformed. This man, so mild and so spiritual, feared not to stand forth boldly in defence of doctrines then so novel. He expounded them before a synod assembly, and next developed them before the senate of Basle.[1112] It is a strange circumstance that these ideas, for a moment at least, were acceptable to Zwingle;[1113] but they displeased an assembly of the brethren to whom he communicated them; the politic Bucer above all feared that this independence of the Church would in some measure check the exercise of the civil power.[1114] The exertions of Œcolampadius to constitute the Church, were not, however, entirely unsuccessful. In February 1531, a diet of four reformed cantons (Basle, Zurich, Berne, and St. Galls) was held at Basle, in which it was agreed, that whenever any difficulty should arise with regard to doctrine or worship, an assembly of divines and laymen should be convoked, which should examine what the Word of God said on the matter.[1115] This resolution, by giving greater unity to the renovated Church, gave it also fresh strength.

[1110] Intolerabilior enim Antichristo ipso magistratus, qui Ecclesiis
auctoritatem suam adimit. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 510.)

[1111] Ipsorum functio alia est et ecclesiastica, multaque ferre et
facere potest quæ puritas evangelica non agnoscit. (Ibid.)

[1112] Orationis meæ quam, fratrum nomine, coram senatu habui. (Ibid.)

[1113] Ut mihi magis ac magis arridet. (Ibid. p. 518.)

[1114] Ut non impediat alicubi magistratum Christianum. (Bucer to Zw.
p. 836.)

[1115] J. J. Hottinger, iii. p. 554.

[Sidenote: CHRISTIAN STATE.]

IV. But it was too late to tread in this path, which would have prevented so many disasters. The Reformation had already entered with all her sails set upon the stormy ocean of politics, and terrible misfortunes were gathering over her. The impulse communicated to the Reform came from another than Œcolampadius. Zwingle's proud and piercing eyes,--his harsh features,--his bold step,--all proclaimed in him a resolute mind and the man of action. Nurtured in the exploits of the heroes of antiquity, he threw himself, to save Reform, in the footsteps of Demosthenes and Cato, rather than in those of St. John and St. Paul. His prompt and penetrating looks were turned to the right and to the left,--to the cabinets of kings and the councils of the people, whilst they should have been directed solely to God. We have already seen, that as early as 1527, Zwingle, observing how all the powers were rising against the Reformation, had conceived the plan of a _co-burghery_ or Christian State,[1116] which should unite all the friends of the Word of God in one holy and powerful league. This was so much the easier, as Zwingle's reformation had won over Strasburg, Augsburg, Ulm, Reutlingen, Lindau, Memmingen, and other towns of Upper Germany. Constance in December 1527, Berne in June 1528, St. Gall in November of the same year, Bienne in 1529, Mulhausen in February, Basle in March, Schaffhausen in September, and Strasburg in December, entered into this alliance. This political phase of Zwingle's character is in the eyes of some persons his highest claim to glory: we do not hesitate to acknowledge it as his greatest fault. The Reformer, deserting the paths of the Apostles, allowed himself to be led astray by the perverse example of Popery. The primitive Church never opposed their persecutors but by the dispositions of the Gospel of peace. Faith was the only sword by which it vanquished the mighty ones of the earth. Zwingle felt clearly that by entering into the ways of worldly politicians, he was leaving those of a minister of Christ: he therefore sought to justify himself. "No doubt, it is not by human strength," said he, "it is by the strength of God alone that the Word of the Lord should be upheld. But God often makes use of men as instruments to succour men. Let us therefore unite, and from the sources of the Rhine to Strasburg let us form but one people and one alliance."[1117]

[1116] Civitas Christiana.

[1117] Dass von oben hinab hie dises Rhyns, bis gen Strasbourg ein
Volk und Bundniss würde. (Zw. Opp. ii. p. 28.)

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE'S DOUBLE PART.]

Zwingle played two parts at once--he was a reformer and a magistrate. But these are two characters that ought not more to be united than those of a minister and of a soldier. We will not blame the soldiers, we will not blame the magistrates; in forming leagues and drawing the sword, they act according to their point of view, although it is not the same as ours; but we will decidedly blame the christian minister, who becomes a diplomatist or a general.

In October 1529, as we have already observed, Zwingle repaired to Marburg, whither he had been invited by Philip of Hesse; and while neither of them had been able to come to an understanding with Luther, the Landgrave and the Swiss Reformer, animated by the same bold and enterprising spirit, soon agreed together.

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE AND LUTHER.]

The two reformers differed not less in their political than in their religious system. Luther, brought up in the cloister and in monastic submission, was imbued in youth with the writings of the fathers of the Church; Zwingle, on the other hand, reared in the midst of Swiss liberty, had, during those early years which decide the course of all the others, imbibed the history of the ancient republics. Thus, while Luther was in favour of a passive obedience, Zwingle demanded that the tyrants should be opposed.

These two men were the faithful representatives of their respective nations. In the north of Germany, the princes and nobility were the essential part of the nation, and the people--strangers to all political liberty--had only to obey. Thus, at the epoch of the Reformation, they were contented to follow the voice of their doctors and chiefs. In Switzerland, in the south of Germany, and on the Rhine, on the contrary, many cities, after long and violent struggles, had won their civil liberty; and hence we see in almost every place the people taking a decided part in the Reform of the Church. There was good in this; but evil was close at hand. The Reformers, themselves men of the people, who dared not act upon princes, might be tempted to hurry away the people. It was easier for the Reformation to unite with republics than with kings. This facility nearly proved its ruin. The Gospel was thus to learn that its alliance is in heaven.

[Sidenote: UNION OF THE STATES.]

There was, however, one prince with whom the reformed party of the free states desired to be in union: this was Philip of Hesse. It was he who in great measure prompted Zwingle's warlike projects. Zwingle desired to make him some return, and to introduce his new friend into the evangelical league. But Berne, watchful to avert anything that might irritate the Emperor and its ancient confederates, rejected this proposal, and thus excited a lively discontent in the "Christian City."--"What!" cried they, "do the Bernese refuse an alliance that would be honourable for us, acceptable to Jesus Christ, and terrible to our adversaries?"[1118]--"The Bear," said the high-spirited Zwingle, "is jealous of the Lion (Zurich); but there will be an end to all these artifices, and victory will remain with the bold." It would appear, indeed, according to a letter in cipher, that the Bernese at last sided with Zwingle, requiring only that this alliance with a prince of the Empire should not be made public.[1119]

[1118] Ipsis et nobis honestius, ob religionis et caritatis causam,
Christo gratius, ob conjunctas vires utilius, hostibusque terribilius.
(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 481.)

[1119] Tantum recusaverunt aperte agere. (Ibid. p. 487.) The cipher 3
appears to indicate the Bernese.

Still Œcolampadius had not given way, and his meekness contended, although modestly, with the boldness of his impetuous friend. He was convinced that faith was destined to triumph only by the cordial union of all believers. A valuable relief came to reanimate his exertions. The deputies of the Christian co-burghery, being assembled at Basle in 1530, the envoys from Strasburg endeavoured to reconcile Luther and Zwingle. Œcolampadius wrote to Zwingle on the subject, begging him to hasten to Basle,[1120] and not show himself too unyielding. "To say that the body and blood of Christ are really in the Lord's Supper, may appear to many too hard an expression," said he, "but is it not softened, when it is added--spiritually and not bodily?"[1121]

[1120] Si potes, mox advola. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 547.)

[1121] Christi corpus et sanguinem adesse vero in cœna fortasse
cuipiam durius sonat, sed mitigatur dum adjungitur animo non corpore.
(Ibid.)

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE'S POLITICS.]

Zwingle was immovable. "It is to flatter Luther that you hold such language, and not to defend the truth.[1122] _Edere est credere._"[1123] Nevertheless there were men present at the meeting, who were resolved upon energetic measures. Brotherly love was on the eve of triumphing: peace was to be obtained by union. The Elector of Saxony himself proposed a concord of all Evangelical Christians: the Landgrave invited the Swiss cities to accede to it. A report spread that Luther and Zwingle were about to make the same confession of faith. Zwingle, calling to mind the early professions of the Saxon Reformer, said one day at table before many witnesses, that Luther would not think so erroneously about the Eucharist, if he were not misled by Melancthon.[1124] The union of the whole Reform seemed about to be concluded: it would have vanquished by its own weapons. But Luther soon showed that Zwingle was mistaken in his expectation. He required a written engagement by which Zwingle and Œcolampadius should adhere to his sentiments, and the negotiations were broken off in consequence. Concord having failed, there remained nothing but war. Œcolampadius must be silent, and Zwingle must act.

[1122] Hæc omnia fieri pro Luthero neque pro veritate propugnandi
causa. (Ibid. p. 550.)

[1123] To eat is to believe. (Ibid.)

[1124] Memini dudum Tiguri te dicentem cum convivio me exciperes,
Lutherum non adeo perperam de Eucharistia sentire, nisi quod
Melancthon ex alio eum cogeret. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 562.)

[Sidenote: HIS FORESIGHT.]

And in truth from that hour Zwingle advanced more and more along that fatal path into which he was led by his character, his patriotism, and his early habits. Stunned by so many violent shocks, attacked by his enemies and by his brethren, he staggered and his head grew dizzy. From this period the reformer almost entirely disappears, and we see in his place the politician, the great citizen, who, beholding a formidable coalition preparing its chains for every nation, stands up energetically against it. The Emperor had just formed a close alliance with the Pope. If his deadly schemes were not opposed, it would be all over, in Zwingle's opinion, with the Reformation, with religious and political liberty, and even with the Confederation itself. "The Emperor," said he, "is stirring up friend against friend, enemy against enemy: and then he endeavours to raise out of this confusion the glory of the Papacy, and above all his own power. He excites the Chatelain of Musso against the Grisons--Duke George of Saxony against Duke John--the Bishop of Constance against the city--the Duke of Savoy against Berne--the Five Cantons against Zurich--and the Bishops of the Rhine against the Landgrave; then, when the confusion shall have become general, he will fall upon Germany, will offer himself as a mediator, and ensnare princes and cities by fine speeches, until he has them all under his feet. Alas! what discord, what disasters, under the pretence of re-establishing the Empire and restoring religion!"[1125] Zwingle went farther. The reformer of a small town in Switzerland, rising to the most astonishing political conceptions, called for a European alliance against such fatal designs. The son of a peasant of the Tockenburg held up his head against the heir of so many crowns. "That man must either be a traitor or a coward," wrote he to a senator of Constance, "who is content to stretch and yawn, when he ought to be collecting men and arms on every side, to show the Emperor that in vain he strives to re-establish the Romish faith, to enslave the free cities, and to subdue the Helvetians.[1126] He showed us only six months ago how he would proceed. To-day he will take one city in hand, to-morrow another; and so, step by step, until they are all reduced. Then their arms will be taken away, their treasures, their machines of war, and all their power......Arouse Lindau, and all your neighbours; if they do not awake, public liberty will perish under the pretext of religion. We must place no confidence in the friendship of tyrants. Demosthenes teaches us that there is nothing so hateful in their eyes as την των πολεων ελευθεριαν.[1127] The Emperor with one hand offers us bread, but in the other he conceals a stone."[1128] And a few months later Zwingle wrote to his friends in Constance: "Be bold; fear not the schemes of Charles. The razor will cut him who is sharpening it."[1129]

[1125] Quæ dissidia, quas turbas, quæ mala, quas clades! (Zw. Epp. ii.
p. 429.)

[1126] Romanam fidem restituere, urbes liberas capere, Helvetios in
ordinem cogere. (Ibid. March 1530.)

[1127] "The freedom of cities." These words are in Greek in the
original.

[1128] Cæsar altera manu panem ostentat, altera lapidem celat. (Zw.
Epp. March 1530.)

[1129] Incidet in cotem aliquando novacula. (Ibid. p. 544.)

[Sidenote: ADVOCATES RESISTANCE.]

Away, then, with delay! Should they wait until Charles the Fifth claimed the ancient castle of Hapsburg? The Papacy and the Empire, it was said at Zurich, are so confounded together,[1130] that one cannot exist or perish without the other. Whoever rejects Popery should reject the Empire, and whoever rejects the Emperor should reject the Pope.

[1130] Bapst und Keyserthumen habend sich dermassen in einandern
geflickt. (Bull. ii. p. 343.)

It appears that Zwingle's thoughts even went beyond a simple resistance. When once the Gospel had ceased to be his principal study, there was nothing that could arrest him. "A single individual," said he, "must not take it into his head to dethrone a tyrant; this would be a revolt, and the kingdom of God commands peace, righteousness, and joy. But if a whole people with common accord, or if the majority at least, rejects him, without committing any excess, it is God himself who acts."[1131] Charles V. was at that time a tyrant in Zwingle's eyes; and the reformer hoped that Europe, awakening at length from its long slumber, would be the hand of God to hurl him from his throne.

[1131] So ist es mit Gott. (Zw. Opp.)

[Sidenote: EMBASSY TO VENICE.]

Never since the time of Demosthenes and of the two Catos had the world seen a more energetic resistance to the power of its oppressors. Zwingle in a political point of view is one of the greatest characters of modern times: we must pay him this honour, which is, perhaps, for a minister of God, the greatest reproach. Everything was prepared in his mind to bring about a revolution that would have changed the history of Europe. He knew what he desired to substitute in place of the power he wished to overthrow. He had already cast his eyes upon the prince who was to wear the imperial crown instead of Charles. It was his friend the Landgrave. "Most gracious prince," he wrote on the 2d November 1529, "I write to you as a child to a father; it is because I hope that God has chosen you for great events......I dare think, but I dare not speak of them[1132]......However, we must bell the cat at last.[1133]......All that I can do with my feeble means to manifest the truth, to save the Universal Church, to augment your power and the power of those who love God--with God's help, I will do." Thus was this great man led astray. It is the will of God that there be spots even in those who shine brightest in the eyes of the world, and that only one upon earth shall say--"Which of you convinceth me of sin?" We are now viewing the faults of the Reformation: they arise from the union of religion with politics. I could not take upon myself to pass them by; the recollection of the errors of our predecessors is perhaps the most useful legacy they have bequeathed to us.

[1132] Spero Deum te ad magnas res......quasquidem cogitare sed non
dicere licet. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 666.)

[1133] Sed fieri non potest quin tintinnabulum aliquando feli
adnectatur. (Zw. Epp. ii.)

It appears already that at Marburg Zwingle and the Landgrave had drawn out the first sketch of a general alliance Against Charles V. The Landgrave had undertaken to bring over the princes, Zwingle the free cities of Southern Germany and Switzerland. He went still further, and formed a plan of gaining over to this league the republics of Italy--the powerful Venice at least--that she might detain the Emperor beyond the Alps, and prevent him from leading all his forces into Germany. Zwingle, who had earnestly pleaded against all foreign alliances, and proclaimed on so many occasions that the only ally of the Swiss should be the arm of the Almighty, began now to look around for what he had condemned, and thus prepared the way for the terrible judgment that was about to strike his family, his country, and his Church.

He had hardly returned from Marburg, and had made no official communication to the great council, when he obtained from the senate the nomination of an ambassador to Venice. Great men, after their first success, easily imagine that they can do everything. It was not a statesman who was charged with this mission, but one of Zwingle's friends, who had accompanied him into Germany, to the court of the future chief of the Empire--the Greek professor, Rodolph Collin, a bold and skilful man, and who knew Italian. Thus the Reform stretched its hands to the Doge and the Procurator of St. Marc. The Bible was not enough for it--it must have the _Golden Book_: never did a greater humiliation befall God's work. The opinion which Protestants then entertained of Venice may, however, partly excuse Zwingle. There was in that city more independence of the Pope, more freedom of thought, than in all the rest of Italy. Luther himself about this time wrote to Gabriel Zwilling, pastor at Torgau: "With what joy do I learn what you write to me concerning the Venetians. God be praised and glorified, for that they have received his Word!"[1134]

[1134] Lætus audio de Venetis quæ scribis, quod verbum Dei receperint,
Deo gratia ac gloria. (7th March 1528. L. Epp. iii. p. 289.)

[Sidenote: PROJECTED ALLIANCE.]

Collin was admitted, on the 26th December, to an audience with the Doge and senate, who looked with an air of astonishment at this schoolmaster, this strange ambassador, without attendants, and without parade. They could not even understand his credentials, in so singular a style were they drawn up, and Collin was forced to explain their meaning. "I am come to you," said he, "in the name of the council of Zurich and of the cities of the Christian co-burghery--free cities like Venice, and to which common interests should unite you. The power of the Emperor is formidable to the Republics; he is aiming at a universal monarchy in Europe; if he succeeds, all the free states will perish. We must therefore check him."[1135] The Doge replied that the Republic had just concluded an alliance with the Emperor, and betrayed the distrust that so mysterious a mission excited in the Venetian senate. But afterwards, in a private conference,[1136] the Doge, wishing to preserve a retreat on both sides, added, that Venice gratefully received the message from Zurich, and that a Venetian regiment, armed and paid by the Republic itself, should be always ready to support the Evangelical Swiss. The chancellor, covered with his purple robe, attended Collin to the door, and, at the very gates of the ducal palace, confirmed the promise of support. The moment the Reformation passed the magnificent porticos of St. Marc it was seized with giddiness; it could but stagger onwards to the abyss. They dismissed poor Collin by placing in his hands a present of twenty crowns. The rumour of these negotiations soon spread abroad, and the less suspicious, Capito for example, shook their heads, and could see in this pretended agreement nothing but the accustomed perfidy of Venice.[1137]

[1135] Formidandam rebus-publicis potentiam Cæsaris, quæ omnino ad
Europæ monarchiam vergit (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 445.)

[1136] Postea privatim alia respondisse. (Ibid.)

[1137] Perfidiam adversus Cæsarem, fidem videri volunt. (Capito, Zw.
Epp. ii. p. 445.)

This was not enough. The cause of the Reform was fated to drink the cup of degradation to the very dregs. Zwingle, seeing that his adversaries in the Empire increased daily in numbers and in power, gradually lost his ancient aversion for France; and, although there was now a greater obstacle than before between him and Francis I.,--the blood of his brethren shed by that monarch,--he showed himself favourably disposed to a union that he had once so forcibly condemned.

Lambert Maigret, a French general, who appears to have had some leaning to the Gospel--which is a slight excuse for Zwingle--entered into correspondence with the reformer, giving him to understand that the secret designs of Charles V. called for an alliance between the King of France and the Swiss Republics. "Apply yourself," said this diplomatist to him in 1530, "to a work so agreeable to our Creator, and which, by God's grace, will be very easy to your Mightiness."[1138] Zwingle was at first astonished at these overtures. "The King of France," thought he, "cannot know which way to turn."[1139] Twice he took no heed of this prayer; but the envoy of Francis I. insisted that the reformer should communicate to him a plan of alliance. At the third attempt of the ambassador, the simple child of the Tockenburg mountains could no longer resist his advances. If Charles V. must fall, it cannot be without French assistance; and why should not the Reformation contract an alliance with Francis I., the object of which would be to establish a power in the Empire that should in its turn oblige the King to tolerate the Reform in his own dominions? Everything seemed to meet the wishes of Zwingle; the fall of the tyrant was at hand, and he would drag the Pope along with him. He communicated the general's overtures to the secret council, and Collin set out, commissioned to bear the required project to the French ambassador.[1140] "In ancient times," it ran, "no kings or people ever resisted the Roman Empire with such firmness as those of France and Switzerland. Let us not degenerate from the virtues of our ancestors. His most Christian Majesty--all whose wishes are, that the purity of the Gospel may remain undefiled[1141]--engages therefore to conclude an alliance with the Christian co-burghery that shall be in accordance with the Divine law, and that shall be submitted to the censure of the evangelical theologians of Switzerland." Then followed an outline of the different articles of the treaty.

[1138] Operi Creatori nostro acceptissimo, Dominationi tuæ facillimo,
media gratia Dei. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 413.)

[1139] Regem admodum desesperare et inopem concilii esse, ut nesciat
quo se vertat (Ibid. p. 414.)

[1140] Bis negavi, at tertio misi, non sine conscientia Probulatarum.
(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 422.)

[1141] Nihil enim æqui esse in votis Christianissimi Regis, atque ut
Evangelii puritas illibata permaneat. (Ibid. p. 417.)

[Sidenote: APPROACHING RUIN.]

Lanzerant, another of the king's envoys, replied the same day (27th February) to this astonishing project of alliance about to be concluded between the reformed Swiss and the persecutor of the French Reformed, _under reserve of the censure of the theologians_......This was not what France desired: it was Lombardy, and not the Gospel that the king wanted. For that purpose, he needed the support of all the Swiss. But an alliance which ranged the Roman-catholic cantons against him, would not suit him. Being satisfied, therefore, for the present with knowing the sentiments of Zurich, the French envoys began to look coolly upon the Reformer's scheme. "The matters you have submitted to us are admirably drawn up," said Lanzerant to the Swiss commissioner, "but I can scarcely understand them, no doubt because of the weakness of my mind......We must not put any seed into the ground, unless the soil be properly prepared for it."

Thus, the Reform acquired nothing but shame from these propositions. Since it had forgotten these precepts of the Word of God: "Be ye not unequally yoked together with unbelievers!"[1142] how could it fail to meet with striking reverses? Already Zwingle's friends began to abandon him. The Landgrave, who had pushed him into this diplomatic career, drew towards Luther, and sought to check the Swiss Reformer, particularly after this saying of Erasmus had sounded in the ears of the great: "They ask us to open our gates, crying aloud--the Gospel! the Gospel!......Raise the cloak, and under its mysterious folds you will find--democracy."

[1142] 2 Cor. vi. 13.

[Sidenote: LANDERS.]

While the Reform, by its culpable proceedings, was calling down the chastisement of Heaven, the Five Cantons, that were to be the instruments of its punishment, accelerated with all their might those fatal days of anger and of vengeance. They were irritated at the progress of the Gospel throughout the Confederation, while the peace they had signed became every day more irksome to them. "We shall have no repose," said they, "until we have broken these bonds and regained our former liberty."[1143] A general diet was convoked at Baden for the 8th January, 1531. The Five Cantons then declared that if justice was not done to their grievances, particularly with respect to the abbey of St. Gall, they would no more appear in diet. "Confederates of Glaris, Schaffhausen, Friburg, Soleure, and Appenzell," cried they, "aid us in making our ancient alliances respected, or we will ourselves contrive the means of checking this guilty violence; and may the Holy Trinity assist us in this work!"[1144]

[1143] Nitt ruwen biss sy der banden ledig. (Bull. ii. p. 394.)

[1144] Darzu helfe uns die helig dryfaltikeit (Bull. ii. p. 330.)

[Sidenote: VIOLENCE.]

But they did not confine themselves to threats. The treaty of peace had expressly forbidden all insulting language--"for fear," it is said, "that by insults and calumnies, discord should again be excited, and greater troubles than the former should arise." Thus was concealed in the treaty itself the spark whence the conflagration was to proceed. In fact, to restrain the rude tongues of the Waldstettes was impossible. Two Zurichers, the aged prior Ravensbühler, and the pensioner Gaspard Gödli, who had been compelled to renounce, the one his convent, and the other his pension, especially aroused the anger of the people against their native city. They used to say everywhere in these valleys, and with impunity, that the Zurichers were heretics; that there was not one of them who did not indulge in unnatural sins, and who was not a robber at the very least;[1145]--that Zwingle was a thief, a murderer, and an arch-heretic; and that, on one occasion at Paris (where he had never been,) he had committed a horrible offence, in which Leo Juda had been his pander.[1146] "I shall have no rest," said a pensioner, "until I have thrust my sword up to the hilt in the heart of this impious wretch." Old commanders of troops, who were feared by all on account of their unruly character; the satellites who followed in their train; insolent young people, sons of the first persons in the state, who thought everything was lawful against miserable preachers, and their stupid flocks; priests inflamed with hatred, and treading in the footsteps of these old captains and giddy young men, who seemed to take the pulpit of a church for the bench of a pot-house: all poured torrents of insults on the Reform and its adherents. "The townspeople," exclaimed with one accord these drunken soldiers and these fanatic priests, "are heretics, soul-stealers, conscience-slayers, and Zwingle--that horrible man, who commits infamous sins--is the _Lutheran God_."[1147]

[1145] Es were kein Zurycher er hatte chuy und merchen gehygt. (Bull.
p. 336.)

[1146] Alls der zu Parys ein Esel gehygt; und habe imm Leo Jud
denselben geliept (Bull. ii. p. 336.)

[1147] Der lutherischen Gott. (Bull. ii. p. 337.)

They went still further. Passing from words to deeds, the Five Cantons persecuted the poor people among them who loved the Word of God, flung them into prison, imposed fines upon them, brutally tormented them, and mercilessly expelled them from their country. The people of Schwytz did even worse. Not fearing to announce their sinister designs, they appeared at a Landsgemeinde wearing pine-branches in their hats, in sign of war, and no one opposed them. "The Abbot of St. Gall," said they, "is a prince of the Empire, and holds his investiture from the Emperor. Do they imagine that Charles V. will not avenge him?"--"Have not these heretics," said others, "dared to form a _Christian Fraternity_, as if old Switzerland was a heathen country?" Secret councils were continually held in one place or another.[1148] New alliances were sought with the Valais, the Pope, and the Emperor[1149]--blamable alliances, no doubt, but such as they might at least justify by the proverb: "Birds of a feather go together;" which Zurich and Venice could not say.

[1148] Radt schlagtend und tagentend heymlich v. c. (Bull. ii. p.
336.)

[1149] Nüwe fründschaften, by den Walliseren, dem Bapst, und den
Keysserischen, (Bull, ii.)

[Sidenote: FOREBODINGS OF BERKS.]

The Valaisans at first refused their support: they preferred remaining neuter; but on a sudden their fanaticism was inflamed. A sheet of paper was found on an altar--such at least was the report circulated in their valleys,--in which Zurich and Berne were accused of preaching that to commit an offence against nature is a smaller crime than to hear Mass![1150] Who had placed this mysterious paper on the altar? Came it from man? Did it fall from heaven?......They knew not; but however that might be, it was copied, circulated, and read everywhere; and the effects of this fable, invented by some villain, says Zwingle,[1151] was such that Valais immediately granted the support it had at first refused! The Waldstettes, proud of their strength, then closed their ranks; their fierce eyes menaced the heretical cantons; and the winds bore from their mountains to their neighbours of the towns a formidable clang of arms.

[1150] Ut si quis rem obscænam cum jumento sive bove habeat, minus
peccare quam si missam inaudiat (Zw. Epp. p. 610.)

[1151] Perfidorum ac sceleratorum hominum commentum. (Zw. Epp.)

At the sight of these alarming manifestations the evangelical cities were in commotion. They first assembled at Basle in February 1531, then at Zurich in March. "What is to be done?" said the deputies from Zurich, after setting forth their grievances; "how can we punish these infamous calumnies, and force these threatening arms to fall?"--"We understand," replied Berne "that you would have recourse to violence; but think of these secret and formidable alliances that are forming with the Pope, the Emperor, the King of France, with so many princes, in a word with all the priests' party, to accelerate our ruin;--think on the innocence of so many pious souls in the Five Cantons, who deplore these perfidious machinations;--think how easy it is to begin a war, but that no one can tell when it will end."[1152] Sad foreboding! which a catastrophe, beyond all human foresight, accomplished but too soon. "Let us therefore send a deputation to the Five Cantons," continued Berne; "let us call upon them to punish these infamous calumnies in accordance with the treaty; and if they refuse, let us break off all intercourse with them."--"What will be the use of this mission?" asked Basle. "Do we not know the brutality of this people? And is it not to be feared that the rough treatment to which our deputies will be exposed, may make the matter worse? Let us rather convoke a general diet." Schaffhausen and St. Gall having concurred in this opinion, Berne summoned a diet at Baden for the 10th April, at which deputies from all the cantons were assembled.

[1152] Aber sin end und ussgang möchte nieman bald wüssen. (Bull. ii.
p. 346.)

[Sidenote: MUTUAL ERRORS.]

Many of the principal men among the Waldstettes disapproved of the violence of the retired soldiers and of the monks. They saw that these continually repeated insults would injure their cause. "The insults of which you complain," said they to the diet, "afflict us no less than you. We shall know how to punish them, and we have already done so. But there are violent men on both sides. The other day a man of Basle having met on the highroad a person who was coming from Berne, and having learnt that he was going to Lucerne:--'To go from Berne to Lucerne,' exclaimed he, 'is passing from a father to an arrant knave!'" The mediating cantons invited the two parties to banish every cause of discord.

But the war of the Chatelain of Musso having then broken out, Zwingle and Zurich, who saw in it the first act of a vast conspiracy, destined to stifle the Reform in every place, called their allies together. "We must waver no longer," said Zwingle; "the rupture of the alliance on the part of the Five Cantons, and the unheard of insults with which they load us, impose upon us the obligation of marching against our enemies,[1153] before the Emperor, who is still detained by the Turks, shall have expelled the Landgrave, seized upon Strasburg, and subjugated even ourselves." All the blood of the ancient Swiss seemed to boil in this man's veins; and while Uri, Schwytz, and Unterwalden basely kissed the hand of Austria, this Zuricher--the greatest Helvetian of the age--faithful to the memory of old Switzerland, but not so to still holier traditions, followed in the glorious steps of Stauffacher and Winkelried.

[1153] Sy gwaltig ze überziehen. (Bull. ii. p. 366.)

[Sidenote: FAILURE OF THE DIET.]