Chapter VIII: Book XIII (3)

The majority no longer voted as in 1526: the wind had turned against the Gospel. Accordingly this proposition, after having been delayed a few days by the festival of Easter, was laid before the diet on the 6th April, and passed on the 7th.[157]

[157] Sleidan, i. p. 261.

If it became a law, the Reformation could neither be extended into those places where as yet it was unknown, nor be established on solid foundations in those where it already existed. The re-establishment of the Romish hierarchy, stipulated in the proposition, would infallibly bring back the ancient abuses; and the least deviation from so vexatious an ordinance would easily furnish the Romanists with a pretext for completing the destruction of a work already so violently shaken.

The Elector, the Landgrave, the Margrave of Brandenburg, the Prince of Anhalt, and the Chancellor of Luneburg on one side, and the deputies for the cities on the other, consulted together. An entirely new order of things was to proceed from this council. If they had been animated by selfishness, they would perhaps have accepted this decree. In fact they were left free, in appearance at least, to profess their faith: ought they to demand more? could they do so? Were they bound to constitute themselves the champions of liberty of conscience in all the world? Never, perhaps, had there been a more critical situation; but these noble-minded men came victorious out of the trial. What! should they legalize by anticipation the scaffold and the torture! Should they oppose the Holy Ghost in its work of converting souls to Christ! Should they forget their Master's command: "_Go ye into all the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature_?" If one of the states of the empire desired some day to follow their example and be reformed, should they take away its power of doing so? Having themselves entered the kingdom of heaven, should they shut the door after them? No! rather endure everything, sacrifice everything, even their states, their crowns, and their lives!

[Sidenote: DECISION OF THE PRINCES.]

"Let us reject this decree," said the princes. "In matters of conscience the majority has no power."--"It is to the decree of 1526," added the cities, "that we are indebted for the peace that the empire enjoys: to abolish it would be to fill Germany with troubles and divisions. The diet is incompetent to do more than preserve religious liberty until a council meets." Such in fact is the grand attribute of the state, and if in our days the protestant powers should seek to influence the Romish governments, they should strive solely to obtain for the subjects of the latter that religious liberty which the Pope confiscates to his own advantage wherever he reigns alone, and by which he profits greatly in every evangelical state. Some of the deputies proposed refusing all assistance against the Turks, hoping thus to force the Emperor to interfere in this question of religion. But Sturm called upon them not to mingle political matters with the salvation of souls. They resolved therefore to reject the proposition, but without holding out any threats. It was this noble resolution that gained for modern times liberty of thought and independence of faith.

Ferdinand and the priests, who were no less resolute, determined however on vanquishing what they called a daring obstinacy; and they commenced with the weaker states. They began to frighten and divide the cities, which had hitherto pursued a common course. On the 12th April they were summoned before the diet: in vain did they allege the absence of some of their number, and ask for delay. It was refused, and the call was hurried on. Twenty-one free cities accepted the proposition of the diet, and fourteen rejected it. It was a bold act on the part of the latter, and was accomplished in the midst of the most painful sufferings. "This is the first trial," said Pfarrer, second deputy of Strasburg; "now will come the second: we must either deny the Word of God or--be burnt."[158]

[158] Das wort Gottes zu wiederrufen oder aber brennen.--(Jung
Beyträge, p. 37.)

[Sidenote: VIOLENCE OF FERDINAND.]

A violent proceeding of Ferdinand immediately commenced the series of humiliations that were reserved for the evangelical cities. A deputy of Strasburg should, in conformity with the decree of Worms, have been a member of the imperial government from the commencement of April. He was declared excluded from his rights, until the Mass should be re-established in Strasburg. All the cities united in protesting against this arbitrary act.

At the same time, the Elector-palatine and King Ferdinand himself begged the princes to accept the decree, assuring them that the Emperor would be exceedingly pleased with them. "We will obey the Emperor," replied they calmly, "in everything that may contribute to maintain peace and the honour of God."

It was time to put an end to this struggle. On the 18th April it was decreed that the evangelical states should not be heard again; and Ferdinand prepared to inflict the decisive blow on the morrow.

When the day came, the king appeared in the diet, surrounded by the other commissaries of the Empire, and by several bishops. He thanked the Roman catholics for their fidelity, and declared that the resolution having been definitively agreed to, it was about to be drawn up in the form of an imperial decree. He then announced to the Elector and his friends, that nothing more remained to them than to submit to the majority.

[Sidenote: THE SCHISM COMPLETED.]

The evangelical princes, who had not expected so positive a declaration, were excited at this summons, and passed, according to custom, into an adjoining chamber to deliberate. But Ferdinand was not in a humour to wait for their answer. He rose, and all the imperial commissaries with him. Vain were all endeavours to stop him. "I have received an order from his imperial majesty," replied he; "I have executed it. All is over."

Thus Charles's brother notifies an order to the christian princes, and then he retires without caring even if there was any reply to make. To no purpose they sent a deputation entreating the King to return. "It is a settled affair," repeated Ferdinand; "submission is all that remains."[159] This refusal completed the schism: it separated Rome from the Gospel. Perhaps more justice on the part of the Empire and of the Papacy might have prevented the rupture that since then has divided the Western Church.

[159] Die artikel weren beschlossen.--(Jung Beytr. p. 90.)

VI. If the imperial party displayed such contempt, it was not without a cause. They felt that weakness was on the side of the Reformation, and strength on the side of Charles and of the Pope. But the weak have also their strength; and this the evangelical princes were aware of. As Ferdinand paid no attention to their reclamations, it remained for them to pay none to his absence, to appeal from the report of the diet to the Word of God, and from the Emperor Charles to Jesus Christ, the King of kings and Lord of lords.

They resolved upon this step. A declaration was drawn up to that effect, and this was the famous _Protest_ that henceforward gave the name of _Protestant_ to the renovated Church. The Elector and his allies having returned to the common hall of the diet, thus addressed the assembled states:--[160]

[160] There are two copies of this act; one of them is brief, and the
other, which is longer, was transmitted in writing to the imperial
commissaries. It is from the latter we extract the passages in the
text. They will both be found in Jung Beyträge, p. 91-105. See also
Müller's _Historie der Protestation_, p. 52.

[Sidenote: THE PROTEST.]

"Dear Lords, Cousins, Uncles, and Friends! Having repaired
to this diet on the convocation of his majesty, and for the
common good of the Empire and of Christendom, we have heard
and learnt that the decisions of the last diet concerning
our holy Christian Faith are to be repealed, and that it is
proposed to substitute for them restrictive and onerous
resolutions.

"King Ferdinand and the other imperial commissaries, by
affixing their seals to the last _Recess_ of Spire, had
promised, however, in the name of the Emperor, to carry out
sincerely and inviolably all that it contained, and to
permit nothing that was contrary to it. In like manner,
also, you and we, electors, princes, prelates, lords, and
deputies of the Empire, bound ourselves to maintain always
and with all our might all the articles of this decree.

"We cannot therefore consent to its repeal.

"Firstly, because we believe that his imperial majesty, as
well as you and we, are called to maintain firmly what has
been unanimously and solemnly resolved.

"Secondly, because it concerns the glory of God and the
salvation of our souls, and that in such matters we ought to
have regard, above all, to the commandment of God, who is
King of kings and Lord of lords; each of us rendering him
account for himself, without caring the least in the world
about majority or minority.[161]

"We form no judgment on that which concerns you, most dear
lords; and we are content to pray God daily that he will
bring us all to unity of faith, in truth, charity, and
holiness through Jesus Christ, our Throne of Grace and our
only Mediator.

"But in what concerns us, adhesion to your resolution (and
let every honest man be judge!) would be acting against our
conscience, condemning a doctrine that we maintain to be
christian, and pronouncing that it ought to be abolished in
our states, if we could do so without trouble.

"This would be to deny our Lord Jesus Christ, to reject his
holy Word, and thus give him just reason to deny us in turn
before his Father, as he has threatened.

"What! we ratify this edict! We assert that when Almighty
God calls a man to His knowledge, this man cannot however
receive the knowledge of God! Oh! of what deadly backsliding
should we not thus become the accomplices, not only among
our own subjects, but also among yours!

"For this reason we reject the yoke that is imposed on us.
And although it is universally known that in our states the
holy sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord is
becomingly administered, we cannot adhere to what the edict
proposes against the Sacramentarians, seeing that the
imperial edict did not speak of them, that they have not
been heard, and that we cannot resolve upon such important
points before the next council.

"Moreover"--and this is the essential part of the
protest--"the new edict declaring the ministers shall preach
the Gospel, explaining it according to the writings accepted
by the holy Christian Church; we think that, for this
regulation to have any value, we should first agree on what
is meant by this true and holy Church. Now, seeing that
there is great diversity of opinion in this respect; that
there is no sure doctrine but such as is conformable to the
Word of God; that the Lord forbids the teaching of any other
doctrine; that each text of the Holy Scriptures ought to be
explained by other and clearer texts; that this holy book
is, in all things necessary for the Christian, easy of
understanding, and calculated to scatter the darkness: we
are resolved, with the grace of God, to maintain the pure
and exclusive preaching of his only Word, such as it is
contained in the biblical books of the Old and New
Testament, without adding anything thereto that may be
contrary to it.[162] This Word is the only truth; it is the
sure rule of all doctrine and of all life, and can never
fail or deceive us. He who builds on this foundation shall
stand against all the powers of hell, whilst all the human
vanities that are set up against it shall fall before the
face of God.

[Sidenote: PRINCIPLES OF THE PROTEST.]

"For these reasons, most dear Lords, Uncles, Cousins, and
Friends, we earnestly entreat you to weigh carefully our
grievances and our motives. If you do not yield to our
request, we PROTEST by these presents, before God, our only
Creator, Preserver, Redeemer, and Saviour, and who will one
day be our Judge, as well as before all men and all
creatures, that we, for us and for our people, neither
consent nor adhere in any manner whatsoever to the proposed
decree, in any thing that is contrary to God, to his holy
Word, to our right conscience, to the salvation of our
souls, and to the last decree of Spire.

"At the same time we are in expectation that his imperial
majesty will behave towards us like a christian prince who
loves God above all things; and we declare ourselves ready
to pay unto him, as well as unto you, gracious lords, all
the affection and obedience that are our just and legitimate
duty."

[161] Ein jeglicher fur sich selbt vor Gott stehen.--(Jung Beyträge,
p. 96.)

[162] Allein Gottes wort, lauter und rein, und nichts das dawieder
ist.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 101.)

Thus, in presence of the diet, spoke out those courageous men whom Christendom will henceforward denominate THE PROTESTANTS.

They had barely finished when they announced their intention of quitting Spire on the morrow.[163]

[163] Also zu verritten urlaub genommen.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 52.)

This protest and declaration produced a deep impression. The diet was rudely interrupted and broken into two hostile parties,--thus preluding war. The majority became the prey of the liveliest fears. As for the Protestants relying, _jure humano_, upon the Edict of Spire, and _jure divino_, upon the Bible, they were full of courage and firmness.

[Sidenote: THE SUPREMACY OF THE GOSPEL.]

The principles contained in this celebrated protest of the 19th April 1529, constitute the very essence of Protestantism. Now this protest opposes two abuses of man in matters of faith: the first is the intrusion of the civil magistrate, and the second is the arbitrary authority of the Church. Instead of these two abuses, Protestantism sets up above the magistrate the power of conscience; and above the visible Church the authority of the Word of God. It declines, in the first place, the civil power in divine things, and says with the Prophets and Apostles: _We must obey God rather than man._ In presence of the crown of Charles the Fifth, it uplifts the crown of Jesus Christ. But it goes farther: it lays down the principle, that all human teaching should be subordinate to the oracles of God. Even the primitive Church, by recognising the writings of the Apostles, had performed an act of submission to this supreme authority, and not an act of authority, as Rome maintains; and the establishment of a tribunal charged with the interpretation of the Bible, had terminated only in slavishly subjecting man to man in that which should be the most unfettered--conscience and faith. In this celebrated act of Spire no doctor appears, and the Word of God reigns alone. Never has man exalted himself like the Pope; never have men kept in the back-ground like the Reformers.

A Romish historian maintains that the word _Protestant_ signifies _enemy of the Emperor and of the Pope_.[164] If by this it is meant that Protestantism, in matters of faith, rejects the intervention both of the Empire and of the Papacy, it is well. Even this explanation, however, does not exhaust the meaning of the word, for Protestantism rejected the authority of man solely to place Jesus Christ on the throne of the Church, and his Word in the pulpit. There has never been anything more positive, and at the same time more aggressive, than the position of the Protestants at Spire. By maintaining that their faith is alone capable of saving the world, they defended with intrepid courage the rights of Christian Proselytism. We cannot abandon this Proselytism without deserting the Protestant principle.

[164] Perduelles in Pontificem ac Cæsarem.--(Pallavicini, C. T. I. p.
217.)

[Sidenote: FERDINAND REJECTS THE PROTEST.]

The Protestants of Spire were not content to exalt the truth; they defended charity. Faber and the other Papal partizans had endeavoured to separate the princes, who in general walked with Luther, from the cities that ranged themselves rather on the side of Zwingle. Œcolampadius had immediately written to Melancthon, and enlightened him on the doctrines of the Zurich Reformer. He had indignantly rejected the idea that Christ was banished into a corner of heaven, and had energetically declared that, according to the Swiss Christians, Christ was in every place upholding all things by the Word of his power.[165] "With the visible symbols," he added, "we give and we receive the invisible grace, like all the faithful."[166]

[165] Ubique ut et portet omnia verbo vertutis suæ.--(Hospin. Hist.
Sacr. ii. p. 112.)

[166] Χἁριν γἁρ τἡν δὁρατον μετἁ των
συμβὁλων ὁρἁτων.--(Ibid.)

These declarations were not useless. There were at Spire two men who from different motives opposed the efforts of Faber, and seconded those of Œcolampadius. The Landgrave, ever revolving projects of alliance in his mind, felt clearly that if the Christians of Saxony and of Hesse allowed the condemnation of the Churches of Switzerland and of Upper Germany, they would by that very means deprive themselves of powerful auxiliaries.[167] Melancthon, who was far from desiring, as the Landgrave, a diplomatic alliance, for fear that it would hasten on a war, defended the great principles of justice, and exclaimed: "To what just reproaches should we not be exposed, were we to recognise in our adversaries the right of condemning a doctrine without having heard those who defend it!" The union of all evangelical Christians is therefore a principle of primitive Protestantism.

[167] Omni studio laborabat ut illos uniret--(Seck. ii. p. 127.)

As Ferdinand had not heard the protest of the 19th April, a deputation of the evangelical states went the next day to present it to him. The brother of Charles the Fifth received it at first, but immediately after desired to return it. Then was witnessed a strange scene--the king refusing to keep the protest, and the deputies to take it back. At last the latter, from respect, received it from Ferdinand's hands; but they laid it boldly upon a table, and directly quitted the hall.

[Sidenote: JOY OF THE PROTESTANTS.]

The king and the imperial commissaries remained in presence of this formidable writing. It was there--before their eyes--a significant monument of the courage and faith of the Protestants. Irritated against this silent but mighty witness, which accused his tyranny, and left him the responsibility of all the evils that were about to burst upon the Empire, the brother of Charles the Fifth called some of his councillors, and ordered them instantly to carry back this important document to the Protestants.

All this was unavailing; the protest had been enregistered in the annals of the world, and nothing could erase it. Liberty of thought and of conscience had been conquered for ages to come. Thus all evangelical Germany, foreseeing these things, was moved at this courageous act, and adopted it as the expression of its will and of its faith. Men in every quarter beheld in it not a political event, but a christian action, and the youthful electoral prince, John Frederick, in this respect the organ of his age, cried to the Protestants of Spire: "May the Almighty, who has given you grace to confess energetically, freely, and fearlessly, preserve you in that christian firmness until the day of eternity!"[168]

[168] In eo mansuros esse, nec passuros ut ulla hominum machinatione
ab ea sententia divellerentur.--(Seckend. ii. p. 121.)

While the christians were filled with joy, their enemies were frightened at their own work. The very day on which Ferdinand had declined to receive the protest, Tuesday, 20th April, at one in the afternoon, Henry of Brunswick and Philip of Baden presented themselves as mediators, announcing, however, that they were acting solely of their own authority. They proposed that there should be no more mention of the decree of Worms, and that the first decree of Spire should be maintained, but with a few modifications; that the two parties, while remaining free until the next council, should oppose every new sect, and tolerate no doctrine contrary to the sacrament of the Lord's body.[169]

[169] Vergleich artikel.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 55.)

[Sidenote: EXULTATION OF THE PAPISTS.]

On Wednesday, 21st April, the evangelical states did not appear adverse to these propositions; and even those who had embraced the doctrine of Zwingle declared boldly that such a proposal would not compromise their existence. "Only let us call to mind," said they, "that in such difficult matters we must act, not with the sword, but with the sure Word of God.[170] For, as Saint Paul says: _What is not of faith is_ _sin_. If therefore we constrain Christians to do what they believe unjust, instead of leading them by God's Word to acknowledge what is good, we force them to sin, and we incur a terrible responsibility."

[170] In diesen Schweren Sachen, nichts mit Gewalt noch Schwerdt,
sondern mit Gottes gewissem wort.--(Ibid p. 59.) This document is from
the pen of Sturm.

The fanatics of the Roman party trembled as they saw the victory nearly escaping from them; for they rejected all compromise, and desired purely and simply the re-establishment of the Papacy. Their zeal overcame everything, and the negotiations were broken off.

On Thursday, 22d April, the diet assembled at seven in the morning, and the _Recess_ was read precisely as it had been drawn up before, without even mentioning the attempt at conciliation which had just failed.

Faber triumphed. Proud of having the ear of kings, he tossed himself furiously about, and one would have said, to see him, relates an eye-witness, that he was a Cyclops forging in his cavern the monstrous chains with which he was about to bind the Reform and the Reformers.[171] The Papist princes, carried away by the tumult, gave the spur, says Melancthon, and flung themselves headlong into a path filled with dangers.[172] Nothing was left for the evangelical Christians but to fall on their knees and cry to the Lord. "All that remains for us to do," repeated Melancthon, "is to call upon the Son of God."[173]

[171] Cyclops ille nunc ferocem se fecit.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1062.)

[172] Ut ingrediantur lubricum isti iter, impingendo stimulis
calces.--(Ibid.)

[173] De quo reliquum est ut invocemus Filium Dei--(Ibid.)

The last sitting of the diet took place on the 24th April. The princes renewed their protest, in which fourteen free and imperial cities joined: and they next thought of giving their appeal a legal form.

[Sidenote: CHRISTIAN UNITY A REALITY.]

On Sunday, 25th April, two notaries, Leonard Stetner of Freysingen and Pangrace Saltzmann of Bamberg, were seated before a small table in a narrow chamber on the ground-floor of a house situated in St. John's Lane, near the church of the same name in Spire, and around them were the chancellors of the princes and of the evangelical cities, assisted by several witnesses.[174]

[174] Unten in einem Kleinen Stüblein.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 78.
Instramentum Appellationis.)

This little house belonged to an humble pastor, Peter Muterstatt, deacon of St. John's, who, taking the place of the Elector or of the Landgrave, had offered a domicile for the important act that was preparing. His name shall in consequence be transmitted to posterity. The document having been definitively drawn up, one of the notaries began reading it. "Since there is a natural communion between all men," said the Protestants, "and since even persons condemned to death are permitted to unite and appeal against their condemnation; how much more are we, who are members of the same spiritual body, the Church of the Son of God, children of the same heavenly Father, and consequently brothers in the Spirit,[175] authorized to unite when our salvation and eternal condemnation are concerned."

[175] Membra unius corporis spiritualis Jesu Christi et filii unius
patris cœlestis, ideoque fratres spirituales.--(Seckend. ii. p. 130.)

After reviewing all that had passed in the diet, and after intercalating in their appeal the principal documents that had reference to it, the Protestants ended by saying: "We therefore appeal for ourselves, for our subjects, and for all who receive or who shall hereafter receive the Word of God, from all past, present, or future vexatious measures, to his Imperial Majesty, and to a free and universal assembly of holy Christendom." This document filled twelve sheets of parchment; the signatures and seals were affixed to the thirteenth.

[Sidenote: ESCAPE OF GRYNÆUS.]

Thus in the obscure dwelling of the chaplain of St. John's was made the first confession of the true Christian union. In presence of the holy mechanical unity of the Pope, these confessors of Jesus raised the banner of the living unity of Christ; and, as in the days of our Saviour, if there were many synagogues in Israel, there was at least but one single temple. The Christians of Electoral Saxony, of Luneburg, of Anhalt, of Hesse and the Margravate, of Strasburg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, Lindau, Memmingen, Kempten, Nordlingen, Heilbron, Reutlingen, Isny, Saint Gall, Weissenburg, and Windsheim, clasped each other's hands on the 25th April, near the church of St. John, in the face of threatening persecutions. Among them might be found those who, like Zwingle, acknowledged in the Lord's Supper the entirely spiritual presence of Jesus Christ, as well as those who, like Luther, admitted his corporeal presence. There existed not at that time in the evangelical body any sects, hatred, or schism; christian unity was a reality. That upper chamber in which, during the early days of Christianity, the apostles with the women and the brethren "continued with one accord in prayer and supplication,"[176] and that lower chamber where, in the first days of the Reformation, the renewed disciples of Jesus Christ presented themselves to the Pope and the Emperor, to the world and to the scaffold, as forming but one body, are the two cradles of the Church; and it is in this its hour of weakness and humiliation that it shines forth with the brightest glory.

[176] Acts i. 14.

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON'S DEJECTION.]

After this appeal each one returned silently to his dwelling. Several tokens excited alarm for the safety of the Protestants. A short time previously Melancthon hastily conducted through the streets of Spire towards the Rhine his friend Simon Grynæus, pressing him to cross the river. The latter was astonished at such precipitation.[177] "An old man of grave and solemn appearance, but who is unknown to me," said Melancthon, "appeared before me and said: In a minute officers of justice will be sent by Ferdinand to arrest Grynæus." As he was intimate with Faber, and had been scandalized at one of his sermons, Grynæus had gone to him, and begged him no longer to make war against the truth. Faber had dissembled his anger, but immediately after repaired to the king, from whom he had obtained an order against the importunate professor of Heidelberg.[178] Melancthon doubted not that God had saved his friend by sending one of His holy angels to forewarn him. Motionless on the banks of the Rhine he waited until the waters of that stream had rescued Grynæus from his persecutors. "At last," cried Melancthon, as he saw him on the opposite side, "he is torn from the cruel teeth of those who drink innocent blood."[179] When he returned to his house, Melancthon was informed that the officers in search of Grynæus had ransacked it from top to bottom.[180]

[177] Miranti quæ esset tantæ festinationis causa.--(Camerarius Vita.
Mel. p. 113.)

[178] Faber qui valde offenderetur orationi tali, dissimulare tamen
omnia.--(Ibid.)

[179] Ereptus quasi e faucibus eorum qui sitiunt sanguinem
innocentium.--(Mel. ad Camer. 23d April, Corp. Ref. i. p. 1062.)

[180] Affluit armata quædam manus ad comprehendum Grynæum
missa.--(Camer. Vit. Mel. p. 113.)

Nothing could detain the Protestants longer in Spire. Accordingly, on the morning after their appeal (Monday, 26th April), the Elector, the Landgrave, and the Dukes of Luneburg, quitted the city, reached Worms, and then returned by Hesse into their own states. The appeal of Spire was published by the Landgrave on the 5th, and by the Elector on the 13th May.

Melancthon had returned to Wittemberg on the 6th May, persuaded that the two parties were about to draw the sword. His friends were alarmed at seeing him agitated, exhausted, and like one dead.[181] "It is a great event that has just taken place at Spire," said he. "It is big with dangers, not only to the Empire, but also to Religion itself.[182] All the pains of hell oppress me."[183]

[181] Ita fuit perturbatus ut primis diebus pene extinctus
sit.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1067)

[182] Non enim tantum imperium, sed religio etiam
periclitantur.--(Ibid.)

[183] Omnes dolores inferni oppresserant me.--(Ibid, and p. 1069.)

[Sidenote: THE PRINCES, THE TRUE REFORMERS.]

It was Melancthon's greatest affliction, that all these evils were attributed to him, as indeed he ascribed them himself. "One single thing has injured us," said he; "our not having approved, as was required of us, the edict against the Zwinglians." Luther did not take this gloomy view of affairs; but he was far from comprehending the force of the protest. "The diet," said he, "has come to an end almost without results, except that those who scourge Jesus Christ have not been able to satisfy their fury."[184]

[184] Christo mastiges et Psycho-tyranni suum furorem non potuerunt
explere.--(L. Epp. Linco, 6th May 1529.)

Posterity has not ratified this decision, and, on the contrary, dating from this epoch the definitive formation of Protestantism, it has hailed in the Protest of Spire one of the greatest movements recorded in history.

Let us see to whom the chief glory of this act belongs. The part taken by the princes, and especially by the Elector of Saxony, in the German Reformation, must strike every impartial observer. These are the true Reformers--the true Martyrs. The Holy Ghost, that bloweth where it listeth, had inspired them with the courage of the ancient confessors of the Church; and the God of Election was glorified in them. A little later perhaps this great part played by the princes might have produced deplorable consequences: there is no grace of God that man may not pervert. But nothing should prevent us from rendering honour to whom honour is due, and from adoring the work of the eternal Spirit in these eminent men who, under God, were in the sixteenth century the saviours of Christendom.

The Reformation had taken a bodily form. It was Luther alone who had said No at the Diet of Worms: but Churches and ministers, princes and people, said No at the Diet of Spire.

In no country had superstition, scholasticism, hierarchy, and popery, been so powerful as among the Germanic nations. These simple and candid people had humbly bent their neck to the yoke that came from the banks of the Tiber. But, there was in them a depth, a life, a need of interior liberty, which, sanctified by the Word of God, might render them the most energetic organs of christian truth. It was from them that was destined to emanate the reaction against that material, external, and legal system, which had taken the place of Christianity; it was they who were called to shatter in pieces the skeleton which had been substituted for the spirit and the life, and restore to the heart of Christendom, ossified by the hierarchy, the generous beatings of which it had been deprived for so many ages. The Universal Church will never forget the debt it owes to the Princes of Spire and to Luther.

[Sidenote: GERMANY AND REFORM.]

VII. The protest of Spire had still further increased the indignation of the Papal adherents; and Charles the Fifth, according to the oath he had made at Barcelona, set about preparing "a suitable antidote for the pestilential disease with which the Germans were attacked, and to avenge in a striking manner the insult offered to Jesus Christ."[185] The Pope, on his part, endeavoured to combine all the other princes of Christendom in this crusade; and the peace of Cambray, concluded on the 5th August, tended to the accomplishment of his cruel designs. It left the Emperor's hands free against the heretics. After having entered their protest at Spire, it was necessary for the Evangelicals to think of maintaining it.

[185] Illatamque Christo injuriam pro viribus ulciscentur.--(Dumont,
Corp. Univ. Diplomatique, iv. p. 1, 5.)

The Protestant states that had already laid the foundations of an evangelical alliance at Spire, had agreed to send deputies to Rothach; but the Elector, staggered by the representations of Luther, who was continually saying to him, "It is by keeping yourselves tranquil and in quietness that you will be saved,"[186] ordered his deputies to listen to the propositions of his allies, but to decide upon nothing. They adjourned to a new conference, which never took place. Luther triumphed; for human alliances failed. "Christ the Lord will know how to deliver us without the Landgrave, and even against the Landgrave," said he to his friends.[187]

[186] Isaiah xxx. 15. L. Epp. iii. p. 454.

[187] Unser Her. Christus, &c.--(Ibid.) This confidence of Luther
shocks a Lutheran historian--Plank, ii. p. 454.

[Sidenote: DIFFICULTY OF UNION.]

Philip of Hesse, who was vexed at Luther's obstinacy, was convinced that it arose from a dispute about words. "They will hear no mention of alliances because of the Zwinglians," said he; "well then, let us put an end to the contradictions that separate them from Luther."

The union of all the disciples of the Word of God seemed in fact a necessary condition to the success of the Reform. How could the Protestants resist the power of Rome and of the Empire, if they were divided? The Landgrave no doubt wished to unite their minds, that he might afterwards be able to unite their arms; but the cause of Christ was not to triumph by the sword. If they should succeed in uniting their hearts and prayers, the Reform would then find such strength in the faith of its children, that Philip's spearmen would no longer be necessary.

Unfortunately this union of minds, that was now to be sought after above all things, was a very difficult task. Luther in 1519 had at first appeared not only to reform, but entirely renovate the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, as the Swiss did somewhat later. "I go to the sacrament of the Lord's Supper," he had said, "and I there receive a sign from God that Christ's righteousness and passion justify me; such is the use of the Sacrament."[188] This discourse, which had gone through several impressions in the cities of Upper Germany, had prepared men's minds for the doctrine of Zwingle. Accordingly Luther, astonished at the reputation he had gained, published this solemn declaration in 1527: "I protest before God and before the whole world that I have never walked with the Sacramentarians."

[188] In the writing entitled, _Dass diese Worte noch feste
Stehen_.--(L. Opp. xix.)

[Sidenote: A LUTHERAN WARNING.]

Luther in fact was never Zwinglian as regards the Communion. Far from that, in 1519, he still believed in Transubstantiation. Why then should he speak of a sign? It was for this reason. While, according to Zwingle, the bread and wine are signs of the body and blood of Christ, according to Luther, the very body and blood of Jesus Christ are signs of God's grace. These opinions are widely different from one another.

Erelong this disagreement declared itself. In 1527 Zwingle in his _Friendly Exposition_[189] repeated Luther's opinion with mildness and respect. Unfortunately the pamphlet of the Saxon Reformer "against the enthusiasts" was then issuing from the press, and in it Luther expressed his indignation that his adversaries should dare to speak of christian unity and peace. "Well!" exclaimed he, "since they thus insult all reason, I will give them a Lutheran warning.[190] Cursed be this concord! cursed be this charity! down, down with it, to the bottomless pit of hell! If I should murder your father, your mother, your wife, your child, and then, wishing to murder you, I should say to you, Let us be at peace, my dear friend! what answer would you make?--It is thus that the enthusiasts who murder Jesus Christ my Lord, God the Father, and Christendom my mother, wish to murder me also; and then they say, Let us be friends!"

[189] _Amica exegesis_, id est, Expositio Eucharistæ negotii ad M.
Lutherum.--(Zw. Opp.)

[190] Eine Lutherische Warnung.--(L. Opp. xix. p. 391. Wider die
Schwärmgeister.)

Zwingle wrote two replies "to the excellent Martin Luther," in a cold tone and with a haughty calmness more difficult to pardon than the invectives of the Saxon doctor. "We ought to esteem you a vessel of honour, and we do so with joy," said he, "notwithstanding your faults." Pamphlet followed pamphlet, Luther always writing with the same impetuosity, and Zwingle with the same coolness and irony.

[Sidenote: PROPOSED CONFERENCE AT MARBURG.]

Such were the doctors whom the Landgrave undertook to reconcile. Already, during the sitting of the Diet of Spire, Philip of Hesse, who was afflicted at hearing the Papists continually repeating, "You boast of your attachment to the pure Word of God, and yet you are nevertheless disunited,"[191] had made overtures to Zwingle in writing. He now went farther, and invited the theologians of the different parties to meet at Marburg. These invitations met with various receptions. Zwingle, whose heart was large and fraternal, answered the Landgrave's call; but Luther, who discovered leagues and battles behind this pretended concord, rejected it.

[191] Inter nos ipsos de religionis doctrina non consentire.--(Zw.
Epp. ii. p. 287.)

It seemed, however, that great difficulties would detain Zwingle. To travel from Zurich to Marburg, it was necessary to pass through the territories of the Emperor and of other enemies to the Reformation; the Landgrave himself did not conceal the dangers of the journey;[192] but in order to obviate these difficulties, he promised an escort from Strasburg to Hesse, and for the rest "the protection of God."[193] These precautions were not of a nature to reassure the Zurichers.

[192] Viam Francofurdi capias, quam autem hac periculosiorem esse
putamus.--(Ibid. p. 312.)

[193] Juvante Deo tuti.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 329.)

Reasons of another kind detained Luther and Melancthon. "It is not right," said they, "that the Landgrave has so much to do with the Zwinglians. Their error is of such a nature that people of acute minds are easily tainted by it. Reason loves what it understands, particularly when learned men clothe their ideas in a scriptural dress."

Melancthon did not stop here, but put forth the very extraordinary notion of selecting Papists as judges of the discussion. "If there were no impartial judges," said he, "the Zwinglians would have a good chance of boasting of victory."[194] Thus, according to Melancthon, Papists would be impartial judges when the real presence was the subject of discussion! He went still farther. "Let the Elector," he wrote on the 14th May to the Prince Electoral, "refuse to permit our journey to Marburg, so that we may allege this excuse." The Elector would not lend himself to so disgraceful a proceeding; and the Reformers of Wittemberg found themselves compelled to accede to the request of Philip of Hesse. But they did so with these words: "If the Swiss do not yield to us, all your trouble will be lost;" and they wrote to the theologians among their friends who were convoked by the Prince: "Stay away if you can; your absence will be very useful to us."[195]

[194] Papistische als unparteische.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1066.)

[195] Si potes, noli adesse.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 501.)

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE'S DEPARTURE.]

Zwingle, on the contrary, who would have gone to the end of the world, made every exertion to obtain from the magistrates of Zurich permission to visit Marburg. "I am convinced," said he to the secret council, "that if we doctors meet face to face, the splendour of truth will illuminate our eyes."[196] But the council that had only just signed the first religious peace,[197] and who feared to see war burst out afresh, positively refused to allow the departure of the Reformer.

[196] Ut veritatis splendor oculos nostros feriat.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p.
321.)

[197] See below, Book xvi. chap. ii. anno 1529.

Upon this Zwingle decided for himself. He felt that his presence was necessary for the maintenance of peace in Zurich; but it was the welfare of all Christendom that summoned him to Marburg. Accordingly, raising his eyes towards heaven, he resolved to depart, exclaiming, "O God! Thou hast never abandoned us; Thou wilt perform thy will for thine own glory."[198] During the night of the 31st August, Zwingle, who was unwilling to wait for the Landgrave's safe-conduct, prepared for his journey. Rodolph Collin, the Greek professor, was alone to accompany him. The Reformer wrote to the Smaller and to the Great Council: "If I leave without informing you, it is not because I despise your authority, most wise lords; but because, knowing the love you bear towards me, I foresee that your anxiety will oppose my going."

[198] Dei nunquam fallentis, qui nos nunquam deseruit, gratiam
reputavi.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 356.)

[Sidenote: RUMOURS IN ZURICH.]

As he was writing these words, a fourth message arrived from the Landgrave, more pressing still than the preceding ones. The Reformer sent the prince's letter to the burgomaster with his own; he then quitted his house privily by night,[199] concealing his departure both from his friends, whose importunity he feared, and from his enemies, whose snares he had good cause to dread. He did not even tell his wife where he was going, lest it should distress her. He and Collin then mounted two horses that had been hired for the purpose,[200] and rode off rapidly in the direction of Basle.

[199] Sabbati die, mane ante lucem, 1 Septembris.--(Ibid.)

[200] Equis conductoriis.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 361.)

During the day the rumour of Zwingle's absence spread through Zurich, and his enemies were elated. "He has fled the country," said they; "he has run away with a pack of scoundrels!" "As he was crossing the river at Bruck," said others, "the boat upset and he was drowned." "The devil," affirmed many with a malicious smile, "appeared to him bodily and carried him off."[201]--"There was no end to their stories," says Bullinger. But the council immediately resolved on acceding to the wish of the Reformer. On the very day of his departure they appointed one of the councillors, Ulric Funck, to accompany him to Marburg, who forthwith set out with a domestic and one arquebusier. Strasburg and Basle in like manner sent statesmen in company with their theologians, under the idea that this conference would doubtless have also a political object.

[201] Der Tufel vere by imm gesin.--(Bulling. ii. p. 224.)

Zwingle arrived safe and sound at Basle,[202] and embarked on the river on the 6th September with Œcolampadius and several merchants.[203] In thirteen hours they reached Strasburg, where the two Reformers lodged in the house of Matthew Zell, the cathedral preacher. Catherine, the pastor's wife, prepared the dishes in the kitchen, waited at table, according to the ancient German manners,[204] and then sitting down near Zwingle, listened attentively, and spoke with so much piety and knowledge, that the latter soon ranked her above many doctors.

[202] Integer et sanus Basiliam pervenit.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 361.)

[203] Aliquos mercatorum fide dignos, comites.--(Ibid.)

[204] Ich bin 14 Tag magd und Köchin gewesen.--(Fussl. Beytr. v. p.
313.) See her remarkable correspondence with the superintendent
Rabus.--(Ibid. p. 191-354.)

[Sidenote: THE REFORMERS AT MARBURG.]

Zwingle, after discussing with the Strasburg magistrates the means of resisting the Romish league, and the organization to be given to the christian confederacy,[205] quitted Strasburg; and he and his friends, conducted along by-roads, through forests, over mountains and valleys, by secret but sure paths, at last arrived at Marburg, escorted by forty Hessian cavaliers.[206]

[205] De jure præsidendi conciliis civitatum christianarum.--(Ibid. v.
p. 364.) See book xvi. of this History.

[206] Per devia et sylvas, montes et valles, tutissimos et
occultos.--(Ibid. p. 368.)

Luther, on his side, accompanied by Melancthon, Cruciger, and Jonas, had stopped on the Hessian frontier, declaring that nothing should induce him to cross it until he had a safe-conduct from the Landgrave. This document being obtained, Luther arrived at Alsfeld, where the scholars, kneeling under the Reformer's windows, chanted their pious hymns. He entered Marburg on the 30th September, a day after the arrival of the Swiss. Both parties went to inns; but they had scarcely alighted, before the Landgrave invited them to come and lodge in the castle, thinking by this means to bring the opposing parties closer together. Philip entertained them in a manner truly royal.[207] "Ah!" said the pious Jonas, as he wandered through the halls of the palace, "it is not in honour of the Muses, but in honour of God and of his Christ, that we are so munificently treated in these forests of Hesse!" After dinner, on the first day, Œcolampadius, Hedio, and Bucer, desirous of entering into the prince's views, went and saluted Luther. The latter conversed affectionately with Œcolampadius in the castle-court; but Bucer, with whom he had once been very intimate, and who was now on Zwingle's side, having approached him, Luther said to him, smiling, and making a sign with his hand: "As for you, you are a good-for-nothing fellow and a knave!"[208]

[207] Excepit in arce hospitio et mensa regali.--(Corp. Ref. i. p.
1096.)

[208] Subridens aliquantulum respondit: _tu es nequam et
nebulo_.--(Sculteti Annal. ad 1529.)

[Sidenote: PRELIMINARY DISCUSSIONS.]

The unhappy Carlstadt, who had begun all this dispute, was at that time in Friesland, preaching the spiritual presence of Christ, and living in such destitution that he had been forced to sell his Hebrew Bible to procure bread. The trial had crushed his pride, and he wrote to the Landgrave: "We are but one body, one house, one people, one sacerdotal race; we live and die by one and the same Saviour.[209] For this reason, I, poor and in exile, humbly pray your highness, by the blood of Jesus Christ, to allow me to be present at this disputation."

[209] State Papers of Cassel.

But how bring Luther and Carlstadt face to face? and yet how repel the unhappy man? The Landgrave, to extricate himself from this difficulty, referred him to the Saxon Reformer. Carlstadt did not appear.

Philip of Hesse desired that, previously to the public conference, the theologians should have a private interview. It was however considered dangerous, says a contemporary, for Zwingle and Luther, who were both naturally violent, to contend with one another at the very beginning; and as Œcolampadius and Melancthon were the mildest, they were apportioned to the roughest.[210] On Friday the 1st October, after divine service, Luther and Œcolampadius were conducted into one chamber, and Zwingle and Melancthon into another. The combatants were then left to struggle two and two.

[210] Abgetheilt zu den rühren.--(Bull. ii. p. 225.)

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON AND ZWINGLE.]

The principal contest took place in the room of Zwingle and Melancthon. "It is affirmed," said Melancthon to Zwingle, "that some among you speak of God after the manner of the Jews, as if Christ was not essentially God." "I think on the Holy Trinity," replied Zwingle, "with the Council of Nice and the Athanasian creed." "Councils! creeds! What does that mean?" asked Melancthon. "Have you not continually repeated that you recognise no other authority than that of Scripture?" "We have never rejected the councils," replied the Swiss Reformer, "when they are based on the authority of the Word of God.[211] The four first councils are truly sacred as regards doctrine, and none of the faithful have ever rejected them." This important declaration, handed down to us by Œcolampadius, characterizes the Reformed theology.[212]

[211] Ubi unquam concilia rejicimus, verbi divini auctoritati
suffulta?--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 191.)

[212] The word _Reformed_ is used to distinguish the doctrine and the
church of Zwingle and Calvin from those of Luther.

"But you teach," resumed Melancthon, "like Thomas Munster, that the Holy Ghost acts quite alone, independently of the sacraments and of the Word of God." "The Holy Ghost," replied Zwingle, "works in us justification by the Word, but by the Word preached and understood, by the soul and the marrow of the Word, by the mind and will of God clothed in human language."[213]

[213] Mens et medulla verbi, mens et voluntas Dei amicta tamen humanis
verbis.--(Zw. Epp. iv. p. 173.)

"At least," continued Melancthon, "you deny original sin, and make sin to consist only in actual and external works, like the Pelagians, the philosophers, and the Papists."

This was the principal difficulty. "Since man naturally loves himself," replied Zwingle, "instead of loving God; in that there is a crime, a sin that condemns him."[214] He had more than once before expressed the same opinion;[215] and yet Melancthon exulted on hearing him: "Our adversaries," said he afterwards, "have given way on all these points!"

[214] Malum, peccatum.--(Ibid. p. 172.)

[215] De peccato originali ad Urb. Rhegium.--(Ibid. iii. p. 632.)

Luther had pursued the same method with Œcolampadius as Melancthon with Zwingle. The discussion had in particular turned on baptism. Luther complained that they would not acknowledge that by this simple sign a man became a member of the Church. "It is true," said Œcolampadius, "that we require faith--either an actual or a future faith. Why should we deny it? Who is a Christian, if it be not he who believes in Christ? However, I should be unwilling to deny that the water of baptism is in a certain sense a water of regeneration; for by it he whom the Church knew not becomes its child."[216]

[216] Atque adeo ipse non negarim, aquam baptismi esse aquam
regenerantem: fit enim puer ecclesiæ, qui dudum ab ecclesia non
agnoscebatur.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 193.)

These four theologians were in the very heat of their discussions, when domestics came to inform them that the prince's dinner was on the table. They immediately rose, and Zwingle and Melancthon meeting Luther and Œcolampadius, who were also quitting their chamber, the latter approached Zwingle, and whispered mournfully in his ear: "I have fallen a second time into the hands of Dr. Eck."[217] In the language of the Reformers nothing stronger could be said.

[217] Lutherum Œcolampadem ita excepit, ut ad me veniens clam
queratur, se denuo in Eccium incidisse.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 369.)

It does not appear that the conference between Luther and Œcolampadius was resumed after dinner. Luther's manner held out little hope; but Melancthon and Zwingle returned to the discussion, and the Zurich doctor finding the Wittemberg professor escape him like an eel, as he said, and take "like Proteus a thousand different forms," seized a pen in order to fix his antagonist. Zwingle committed to writing whatever Melancthon dictated, and then wrote his reply, giving it to the other to read.[218] In this manner they spent six hours, three in the morning and three in the afternoon.[219] They prepared for the general conference.

[218] At Melancthon, cum nimis lubricus esset et Protei in morem se in
omnia transformaret, me compulit, ut sumpto calamo manu
armarem.--(Ibid.)

[219] Istud colloquium sex in horas traximus.--(Ibid. 370.)

Zwingle requested that it should be an open one; Luther opposed this. It was resolved that the princes, nobles, deputies, and theologians should be admitted; but a great crowd of citizens, and even many scholars and gentlemen, who had come from Frankfort, from the Rhine districts, from Strasburg, from Basle and other Swiss towns, were excluded. Brenz speaks of fifty or sixty hearers; Zwingle of twenty-four only.[220]

[220] Quinquaginta aut sexaginta colloquio præsentes.--(Zw. Opp. iv.
p. 201.) Pauci arbitrii ad summum quatuor et viginti.--(Epp. ii. p.
370.)

[Sidenote: OPENING OF THE CONFERENCE.]

On a gentle elevation, watered by the Lahn, is situated an old castle, overlooking the city of Marburg; in the distance is seen the beautiful valley of the Lahn, and beyond, the mountain-tops rising one above another, until they are lost in the horizon. It was beneath the vaults and Gothic arches of an ancient hall in this castle, called the Knights' Hall, that the conference was to take place.

On Saturday morning (2d October) the Landgrave took his seat in the hall, surrounded by his court, but so plainly dressed that no one would have taken him for a prince. He wished to avoid the appearance of playing the part of a Constantine in the affairs of the Church. Before him was a table which Luther, Zwingle, Melancthon, and Œcolampadius approached. Luther, taking a piece of chalk, bent over the velvet cloth which covered it, and steadily wrote four words in large characters. All eyes followed the movement of his hand, and soon they read HOC EST CORPUS MEUM.[221] Luther wished to have this declaration continually before him, that it might strengthen his faith, and be a sign to his adversaries.

[221] This is my body.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 175.)

Behind these four theologians were seated their friends,--Hedio, Sturm, Funck, Frey, Eberard, Than, Jonas, Cruigerc, and others besides. Jonas cast an inquiring glance upon the Swiss: "Zwingle," said he, "has a certain rusticity and arrogance;[222] if he is well versed in letters, it is in spite of Minerva and of the Muses. In Œcolampadius there is a natural goodness and admirable meekness. Hedio seems to have as much liberality as kindness; but I find in Bucer the cunning of a fox, that knows how to give himself an air of sense and prudence." Men of moderate sentiments often meet with worse treatment than those of the extreme parties.