Chapter IX: Book XIII (4)

[222] In Zwinglio agreste quiddam est et arrogantulum.--(Corp. Ref. i.
p. 1097.)

[Sidenote: ADDRESS OF CORDUE.]

Other sentiments animated those who contemplated this assembly from a distance. The great men who had led the people in their footsteps on the plains of Saxony, on the banks of the Rhine, and in the lofty valleys of Switzerland, were there met face to face: the Chiefs of Christendom, separated from Rome, were come together to see if they could remain one. Accordingly, from all parts of Germany, prayers and anxious looks were directed towards Marburg. "Illustrious princes of the Word,"[223] cried the evangelical Church through the mouth of the poet Cordus, "penetrating Luther, mild Œcolampadius, magnanimous Zwingle, pious Snepf, eloquent Melancthon, courageous Bucer, candid Hedio, excellent Osiander, valiant Brenz, amiable Jonas, fiery Craton, Mænus, whose soul is stronger than his body, great Dionysius, and you Myconius--all you whom Prince Philip, that illustrious hero, has summoned, ministers and bishops, whom the christian cities have sent to terminate the schism, and to show us the way of truth; the suppliant Church falls weeping at your feet, and begs you by the bowels of Jesus Christ to bring this matter to a happy issue, so that the world may acknowledge in your resolution the work of the Holy Ghost himself."[224]

[223] Insignes verbi proceres.--(Bull. ii. p. 236.)

[224] Et cupido supplex vobis Ecclesia voto Vestros cadit flens ad
pedes.--(Bull. ii p. 236.)

The Landgrave's chancellor, John Feige, having reminded them in the prince's name that the object of this colloquy was the re-establishment of union, "I protest," said Luther, "that I differ from my adversaries with regard to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, and that I shall always differ from them. Christ has said, _This is my body_. Let them show me that a body is not a body. I reject reason, common sense, carnal arguments, and mathematical proofs. God is above mathematics.[225] We have the Word of God; we must adore it and perform it!"

[225] Deum esse supra mathematicam.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 175.)

[Sidenote: THE DISCUSSION--FIGURES.]

"It cannot be denied," said Œcolampadius, "that there are figures of speech in the Word of God; as _John is Elias, the rock was Christ, I am the vine_. The expression _This is my body_, is a figure of the same kind." Luther granted that there were figures in the Bible, but he denied that this last expression was figurative.

All the various parties, however, of which the Christian Church is composed see a figure in these words. In fact, the Romanists declare that _This is my body_ signifies not only "my body," but also "my blood," "my soul," and even "my Divinity," and "Christ wholly.[226]" These words, therefore, according to Rome, are a synecdoche, a figure by which a part is taken for the whole. And, as regards the Lutherans, the figure is still more evident.[227] Whether it be synecdoche, metaphor, or metonymy, there is still a figure. In order to prove it, Œcolampadius employed this syllogism:--

[226] If any one denies that the body and blood of our Saviour Jesus
Christ, with his soul and his divinity, and consequently the whole
Jesus Christ (totum Christum), is contained in the sacrament of the
Eucharist, let him be anathema.--(Council of Trent, Sess. 13.)

[227] Tota Christi persona.--(Form. concord. viii.)

"What Christ rejected in the sixth chapter of St. John, he could not admit in the words of the Eucharist.

"Now Christ, who said to the people of Capernaum, _The flesh profiteth nothing_, rejected by those very words the oral manducation of his body.

"Therefore he did not establish it at the institution of his Supper."

LUTHER.--"I deny the minor (the second of these propositions); Christ has not rejected all oral manducation, but only a material manducation, like that of the flesh of oxen or of swine."[228]

[228] Qualis est carnis bovillæ aut suillæ.--(Scult. p. 217.)

ŒCOLAMPADIUS.--"There is danger in attributing too much to mere matter."

[Sidenote: SCRIPTURE EXPLAINED BY SCRIPTURE.]

LUTHER.--"Every thing that God commands becomes spirit and life. If it is by the Lord's order that we lift up a straw, in that very action we perform a spiritual work. We must pay attention to him who speaks, and not to what he says. God speaks: Men, worms, listen!--God commands: let the world obey! and let us all together fall down and humbly kiss the Word."[229]

[229] Quum præcipit quid, pareat mundus; et omnes osculemur
verbum.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 176.)

ŒCOLAMPADIUS.--"But since we have the spiritual eating, what need of the bodily one?"

LUTHER.--"I do not ask what need we have of it; but I see it written, _Eat, this is my body_. We must therefore believe and do. We must do--we must do![230]--If God should order me to eat dung, I would do it, with the assurance that it would be salutary."[231]

[230] _Man mus es thun_ sæpe inculcabat.--(Ibid.)

[231] Si juberet fimum comedere, facerem.--(Ibid.)

At this point Zwingle interfered in the discussion. "We must explain Scripture by Scripture," said he. "We cannot admit two kinds of corporeal manducation, as if Jesus had spoken of eating, and the Capernaites of tearing in pieces, for the same word is employed in both cases. Jesus says that to eat his flesh corporeally profiteth nothing (John vi. 63); whence it would result that he had given us in the Supper a thing that would be useless to us.--Besides there are certain words that seem to me rather childish,--the dung, for instance. The oracles of the demons were obscure, not so are those of Jesus Christ."

LUTHER.--"When Christ says the flesh profiteth nothing, he speaks not of his own flesh, but of ours."

* * * * *

ZWINGLE.--"The soul is fed with the Spirit and not with the flesh."

LUTHER.--"It is with the mouth that we eat the body; the soul does not eat it."[232]

[232] Anima non edit ipsum (corpus) corporaliter.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p.
370.)

ZWINGLE.--"Christ's body is therefore a corporeal nourishment, and not a spiritual."

LUTHER.--"You are captious."

ZWINGLE.--"Not so; but you utter contradictory things."

LUTHER.--"If God should present me wild apples, I should eat them spiritually. In the Eucharist, the mouth receives the body of Christ, and the soul believes in his words."

[Sidenote: THE SPIRITUAL EATING.]

Zwingle then quoted a great number of passages from the Holy Scripture, in which the sign is described by the very thing signified; and thence concluded that, considering our Lord's declaration in St. John, _The flesh profiteth nothing_, we must explain the words of the Eucharist in a similar manner.

Many hearers were struck by these arguments. Among the Marburg professors sat the Frenchman Lambert; his tall and spare frame was violently agitated. He had been at first of Luther's opinion,[233] and was then hesitating between the two Reformers. As he went to the conference, he said: "I desire to be a sheet of blank paper, on which the finger of God may write his truth." Ere long he exclaimed, after hearing Zwingle and Œcolampadius: "Yes! the Spirit, that is what vivifies!"[234] When this conversion was known, the Wittembergers, shrugging their shoulders, said, "Gallic fickleness!" "What!" replied Lambert, "was St. Paul fickle because he was converted from Pharisaism? And have we ourselves been fickle in abandoning the lost sects of Popery?"

[233] See his Commentary on St. Luke (xxii. 19, 20.)

[234] He added, that the body of Christ was in the Eucharist neither
mathematically or commensurably, nor really (neque mathematice seu
commensurative, neque re ipsa).--(Epist. Lamb. de Marb. col.)

Luther was, however, by no means shaken. "_This is my body_," repeated he, pointing with his finger to the words written before him. "_This is my body._ The devil himself shall not drive me from that. To seek to understand it, is to fall away from the faith."[235]

[235] Si interrogo, excido a fide.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 177.)

"But, doctor," said Zwingle, "St. John explains how Christ's body is eaten, and you will be obliged at last to leave off singing always the same song."

[Sidenote: AGITATION IN THE CONFERENCE.]

"You make use of unmannerly expressions," replied Luther[236]. The Wittembergers themselves called Zwingle's argument "his old song."[237] Zwingle continued without being disconcerted: "I ask you, doctor, whether Christ in the sixth chapter of St. John did not wish to reply to the question that had been put to him?"

[236] Invidiose loqueris.--(Bull. ii. p. 228.)

[237] Veterem suam cantilenam.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 221.)

LUTHER.--"Mr. Zwingle, you wish to stop my mouth by the arrogancy of your language. That passage has nothing to do here."

ZWINGLE, hastily.--"Pardon me, doctor, that passage breaks your neck."

LUTHER.--"Do not boast so much! You are in Hesse, and not in Switzerland. In this country we do not break people's necks."

Then turning towards his friends, Luther complained bitterly of Zwingle; as if the latter had really wished to break his neck. "He makes use of soldier-like and blood-stained words," said he.[238] Luther forgot that he had employed a similar expression in speaking of Carlstadt.[239]

[238] Verbum istud, tanquam castrense et cruentum.--(Hospin. p. 131.)

[239] Vol. III. Book ix.

ZWINGLE resumed: "In Switzerland also there is strict justice, and we break no man's neck without trial. That expression signifies merely that your cause is lost and hopeless."

Great agitation prevailed in the Knights' Hall. The roughness of the Swiss and the obstinacy of the Saxon had come into collision. The Landgrave, fearing to behold the failure of his project of conciliation, nodded assent to Zwingle's explanation. "Doctor," said he to Luther, "you should not be offended at such common expressions." It was in vain: the agitated sea could not again be calmed. The prince therefore arose, and they all repaired to the banqueting hall. After dinner they resumed their tasks.

"I believe," said Luther, "that Christ's body is in heaven, but I also believe that it is in the sacrament. It concerns me little whether that be against nature, provided that it is not against faith.[240] Christ is substantially in the sacrament, such as he was born of the Virgin."

[240] Non curo quod sit contra naturam, modo non contra fidem.--(Zw.
Opp. iv. p. 178.)

[Sidenote: METAPHOR.]

ŒCOLAMPADIUS, quoting a passage from St. Paul: "We know not Jesus Christ after the flesh."[241]

[241] 2 Cor. v. 16.

LUTHER.--"After the flesh means, in this passage, after our carnal affections."[242]

[242] Pro carnalibus affectibus.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 202.)

ŒCOLAMPADIUS.--"You will not allow that there is a metaphor in these words, _This is my body_, and yet you admit a synecdoche."

LUTHER.--"Metaphor permits the existence of a sign only; but it is not so with synecdoche. If a man says he wishes to drink a bottle, we understand that he means the beer in the bottle. Christ's body is in the bread, as a sword in the scabbard,[243] or as the Holy Ghost in the dove."

[243] Corpus est in pane sicut gladius in vagina.--(Ibid.)

The discussion was proceeding in this manner, when Osiander, pastor of Nuremberg, Stephen Agricola, pastor of Augsburg, and Brenz, pastor of Halle in Swabia, author of the famous Syngramma, entered the hall. These also had been invited by the Landgrave. But Brenz, to whom Luther had written that he should take care not to appear, had no doubt by his indecision retarded his own departure as well as that of his friends. Places were assigned them near Luther and Melancthon. "Listen, and speak if necessary," they were told. They took but little advantage of this permission. "All of us, except Luther," said Melancthon, "were silent personages."[244]

[244] Fuimus κὡφα πρὁσωπα.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1098.)

The struggle continued.

When Zwingle saw that exegesis was not sufficient for Luther, he added dogmatical theology to it, and, subsidiarily, natural philosophy.

[Sidenote: CHRIST'S HUMANITY FINITE.]

"I oppose you," said he, "with this article of our faith: _Ascendit in cælum_--he ascended into heaven. If Christ is in heaven as regards his body, how can he be in the bread? The Word of God teaches us that he was like his brethren in all things (Heb. ii. 17). He therefore cannot be in several places at once."

LUTHER.--"Were I desirous of reasoning thus, I would undertake to prove that Jesus Christ had a wife; that he had black eyes,[245] and lived in our good country of Germany.[246] I care little about mathematics."

[245] Quod uxorem et nigros oculos habuisset.--(Scultet. p. 225.)

[246] In Germania diuturnum contubernium egisse.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p.
202.)

"There is no question of mathematics here," said Zwingle, "but of St. Paul, who writes to the Philippians, μορφἡν δοὑλου λαβὡν." [247]

[247] Having taken the form of a servant.--(Phil. ii. 7.)

LUTHER, interrupting him.--"Read it to us in Latin or in German, not in Greek."

ZWINGLE (in Latin).--"Pardon me: for twelve years past I have made use of the Greek Testament only." Then continuing to read the passage, he concluded from it that Christ's humanity is of a finite nature like our own.

LUTHER, pointing to the words written before him.--"Most dear sirs, since my Lord Jesus Christ says, _Hoc est corpus meum_, I believe that his body is really there."

Here the scene grew animated. Zwingle started from his chair, sprung towards Luther, and striking the table before him, said to him:[248]

[248] Ibi Zwinglius illico prosiliens.--(Scultet. p. 225.)

"You maintain then, doctor, that Christ's body is locally in the Eucharist; for you say Christ's body is really _there_--_there_--_there_," repeated Zwingle. "_There_ is an adverb of place.[249] Christ's body is then of such a nature as to exist in a place. If it is in a place, it is in heaven, whence it follows that it is not in the bread."

[249] Da, da, da. _Ibi_ est adverbium loci.--(Scultet. p. 225.)

LUTHER.--"I repeat that I have nothing to do with mathematical proofs. As soon as the words of consecration are pronounced over the bread, the body is there, however wicked be the priest who pronounces them."

[Sidenote: PRESENCE OF CHRIST'S BODY.]

ZWINGLE.--"You are thus re-establishing Popery.[250]"

[250] Damit richtend ir das papstum uf.--(Zw. Opp. iii. p. 57.)

LUTHER.--"This is not done through the priest's merits, but because of Christ's ordinance. I will not, when Christ's body is in question, hear speak of a particular place. I absolutely will not."

ZWINGLE.--"Must every thing, then, exist precisely as you will it?"

The Landgrave perceived that the discussion was growing hot; and as the repast was waiting, he broke off the contest.[251]

[251] Cœna instabat et diremit certamen.--(Ibid. iv. p. 179.)

The next day was Sunday, the 3d October. The conference was continued, perhaps because of an epidemic (the Sweating Sickness) that had just broken out at Marburg, and did not allow of the conference being prolonged. Luther, returning to the discussion of the previous evening, said:

"Christ's body is in the sacrament, but it is not there as in a place."

ZWINGLE.--"Then it is not there at all."

LUTHER.--"Sophists say that a body may very well be in several places at once. The universe is a body, and yet we cannot assert that it is in a particular place."

ZWINGLE.--"Ah! you speak of sophists, doctor: really you are, after all, obliged to return to the onions and flesh-pots of Egypt.[252] As for what you say, that the universe is in no particular place, I beg all intelligent men to weigh this proof." Then Zwingle, who, whatever Luther said, had more than one arrow in his quiver, after having established his proposition by exegesis and philosophy, resolved on confirming it by the testimony of the Fathers of the Church.

[252] Ad cæpas at ollas Ægyptiacas.--(Zw. Opp. ii. part 3, p. 57.)

[Sidenote: TESTIMONY OF AUGUSTIN.]

"Listen," said he, "to what Fulgentius, bishop of Ruspa, in Numidia, said, in the fifth century, to Trasamond, king of the Vandals: 'The Son of God took the attributes of true humanity, and did not lose those of true Divinity. Born in time, according to his mother, he lives in eternity according to the Divinity that he holds from the Father: coming from man, he is man, and consequently in a place; proceeding from the Father, he is God, and consequently present in every place. According to his human nature, he was absent from heaven while he was upon earth, and he quitted the earth when he ascended into heaven; but, according to his Divine nature, he remained in heaven when he came down thence, and he did not abandon the earth when he returned thither.'"[253]

[253] Secundum humanam substantiam, absens cœlo, cum esset in terra,
et derelinquens terram cum ascendisset in cœlum.--(Fulgentius to King
Trasamond, lib. ii.)

But Luther still replied: "It is written, _This is my body_." Zwingle, becoming impatient, said, "All that is idle wrangling. An obstinate disputant might also maintain this expression of our Saviour to his mother, _Behold thy son_, pointing to St. John. Vain would be all explanation; he would not cease to cry, No, no! He said, _Ecce filius tuus_, Behold thy son, behold thy son! Listen to a new testimony; it is from the great Augustin: 'Let us not think,' says he, 'that Christ, according to his human form, is present in every place; let us beware, in our endeavour to establish his Divinity, of taking away his truth from his body. Christ is now every where present like God; and yet, in consequence of his real body, he is in a definite part of heaven.'"[254]

[254] In loco aliquo cœli propter veri corporis modum.--(Aug. Ep. p.
57.)

"St. Augustin," replied Luther, "is not here speaking of the Eucharist. Christ's body is not in the Eucharist as in a place."

Œcolampadius saw that he might take advantage of this assertion of Luther's. "The body of Christ," said he, "is not locally in the Eucharist, therefore no real body is there; for every one knows that the essence of a body is its existence in a place."

Here finished the morning's discussion.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S VIOLENCE.]

Œcolampadius, upon reflection, felt convinced that Luther's assertion might be looked upon as an approximation. "I remember," said he after dinner, "that the doctor conceded this morning that Christ's body was not in the sacrament as in a place. Let us therefore inquire amicably what is the nature of Christ's bodily presence."

"You will not make me take a step further," exclaimed Luther, who saw where they wished to drag him; "you have Fulgentius and Augustin on your side, but all the other Fathers are on ours."

Œcolampadius, who seemed to the Wittembergers to be vexatiously precise,[255] then said, "Name these doctors. We will take upon ourselves to prove that they are of our opinion."

[255] Quem omnes sperassemus mitiorem, interdum videbatur paulo
morosior, sed citra contumeliam.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 201.)

"We will not name them to you,"[256] said Luther. "It was in his youth," added he, "that Augustin wrote what you have quoted; and, besides, he is an obscure author." Then, retreating to the ground which he had resolved never to quit, he was no longer content to point his finger at the inscription, _Hoc est corpus meum_, but seized the velvet cover on which the words were written, pulled it off the table, held it up in front of Zwingle and Œcolampadius, and placing it before their eyes,[257] "See!" said he, "see! This is our text; you have not yet driven us from it, as you had boasted, and we care for no other proofs."

[256] Non nominabimus illos.--(Scultet. p. 228.)

[257] Da hub Luther die Sammaten deck auf, und Zeigt ihm den Spruch,
den er mit kreyden hett für sich geschrieben.--(Osiander; Niederer's
Nachrichten, ii. p. 114.)

"If this be the case," said Œcolampadius, "we had better leave off the discussion. But I will first declare, that, if we quote the Fathers, it is only to free our doctrine from the reproach of novelty, and not to support our cause by their authority." No better definition can be given of the legitimate use of the Doctors of the Church.

[Sidenote: END OF THE CONFERENCE.]

There was no reason, in fact, for prolonging the conference. "As Luther was of an intractable and imperious disposition," says even his great apologist Seckendorf, "he did not cease from calling upon the Swiss to submit simply to his opinion."[258]

[258] Lutherus vero ut erat fero et imperioso ingenio.--(Seck. p.
136.)

The Chancellor, alarmed at this termination of the colloquy, exhorted the theologians to come to an understanding. "I know but one means for that," said Luther; "and this it is: Let our adversaries believe as we do." "We cannot," replied the Swiss. "Well then," replied Luther, "I abandon you to God's judgment, and pray that he will enlighten you." "We will do the same," added Œcolampadius.

While these words were passing, Zwingle was silent, motionless, and deeply moved; and the liveliness of his affections, of which he had given more than one proof during the conference, was then manifested in a very different manner. He burst into tears in the presence of all.

The conference was ended. It had been in reality more tranquil than the documents seem to show, or perhaps the chroniclers appreciated such matters differently from ourselves. "With the exception of a few sallies, all had passed off quietly, in a courteous manner, and with very great gentleness," says an eye-witness.[259] "During the colloquy no other words than these were heard: 'Sir, and very dear friend, your charity,' or other similar expressions. Not a word of schism or of heresy. It might have been said that Luther and Zwingle were brothers, and not adversaries."[260] This is the testimony of Brenz. But these flowers concealed an abyss, and Jonas, also an eye-witness, styles the conference "a very sharp contest."[261]

[259] Omnia humanissime et summa cum mansuetudine
transigebantur.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 201.)

[260] Amicissime Domine, Vestra charitas, et id genus......Dixisses
Lutherum et Zwinglium non adversarios.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 201.)

[261] Acerrimo certamine.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1096.)

[Sidenote: THE LANDGRAVE MEDIATES.]

The contagion that had suddenly broken out in Marburg was creating frightful ravages, and filled everybody with alarm.[262] Each one was anxious to leave the city. "Sirs," remarked the Landgrave, "you cannot separate thus." And desirous of giving the doctors an opportunity of meeting one another with minds unoccupied by theological debates, he invited them all to his table. This was Sunday night.

[262] Nisi _Sudor Anglicus_ subito Marburgum invasisset et terrore
omnium animos percutisset.--(Hospin. p. 131.)

Philip of Hesse had all along shown the most constant attention, and each one imagined him to be on his side. "I would rather place my trust in the simple words of Christ, than in the subtle thoughts of man," was a remark he made, according to Jonas;[263] but Zwingle affirmed that this prince thought now as he did, although with regard to certain persons he dissembled his opinions. Luther, sensible of the weakness of his defence as to the declarations of the Fathers, transmitted a note to Philip, in which several passages were pointed out from Hilary, Chrysostom, Cyprian, Irenæus, and Ambrose, which he thought were in his favour.

[263] Dicitur palam proclamasse.--(Corp. Ref. p. 1097.)

The time of departure drew near, and nothing had been done. The Landgrave toiled earnestly at the union, as Luther wrote to his wife.[264] He invited the theologians one after another into his closet;[265] he pressed, entreated, warned, exhorted, and conjured them. "Think," said he, "of the salvation of the christian republic, and remove all discord from its bosom."[266] Never had general at the head of an army taken such pains to win a battle.

[264] Da arbeit der Landgraf heftig.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 512.)

[265] Unumquemque nostrum seorsim absque arbitris.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p.
203.)

[266] Compellans, rogans, monens, exhortans, postulans ut Reipublicæ
Christianæ rationem haberemus, et discordiam e medio
tolleremus.--(Ibid.)

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE'S EMOTION.]

A final general meeting took place and undoubtedly the Church has seldom witnessed one of greater solemnity. Luther and Zwingle, Saxony and Switzerland, met for the last time. The Sweating Sickness was carrying off men around them by thousands;[267] Charles the Fifth and the Pope were uniting in Italy; Ferdinand and the Roman-catholic princes were preparing to tear in pieces the Protest of Spire; the thunder-cloud became more threatening every day; union alone seemed capable of saving the Protestants, and the hour of departure was about to strike--an hour that would separate them perhaps for ever.

[267] Multa perierunt millia.--(Hospin. p. 131.)

"Let us confess our union in all things in which we agree," said Zwingle; "and as for the rest, let us remember that we are brothers. There will never be peace between the Churches if, while we maintain the grand doctrine of salvation by faith, we cannot differ on secondary points."[268] Such is, in fact, the true principle of christian union. The sixteenth century was still too deeply sunk in scholasticism to understand this: let us hope that the nineteenth century will comprehend it better.

[268] Quod nulla unquam Ecclesiarum pax constituta sit, si non in
multis aliis dissentiendi a se facultatem faciant.--(Scultet. p. 207.)

"Yes, yes!" exclaimed the Landgrave; "you agree! Give then a testimony of your unity, and recognise one another as brothers."--"There is no one upon earth with whom I more desire to be united, than with you," said Zwingle, approaching the Wittemberg doctors.[269] Œcolampadius, Bucer, and Hedio said the same.

[269] Es werendt keine lüth uff Erden.--(Bull. ii. p. 225.)

"Acknowledge them! acknowledge them as brothers!" continued the Landgrave.[270] Their hearts were moved; they were on the eve of unity: Zwingle, bursting into tears, in the presence of the Prince, the courtiers, and divines (it is Luther himself who records this),[271] approaches Luther, and holds out his hand. The two families of the Reformation were about to be united: long quarrels were about to be stifled in their cradle; but Luther rejects the hand that is offered him: "You have a different spirit from ours," said he. These words communicate to the Swiss, as it were, an electrical shock. Their hearts sunk each time Luther repeated them, and he did so frequently. It is he himself who is our informant.

[270] Idque Princeps valde urgebat.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 513.)

[271] Swinglius palam lacrymans coram Langravio et omnibus.--(Hospin.
p. 136.)

[Sidenote: SECTARIAN SPIRIT OF THE GERMAN.]

A brief consultation took place among the Wittemberg doctors. Luther, Melancthon, Agricola, Brenz, Jonas, and Osiander, conferred together. Convinced that their peculiar doctrine on the Eucharist was essential to salvation, they considered all those who rejected it as without the pale of the faith. "What folly!"[272] said Melancthon, who afterwards almost coincided with Zwingle's sentiments: "they condemn us, and yet they desire we should consider them as our brothers!" "What versatility!" added Brenz: "they accused us but lately of worshipping a bread-god, and they now ask for communion with us!"[273] Then, turning towards Zwingle and his friends, the Wittembergers said: "You do not belong to the communion of the Christian Church: we cannot acknowledge you as brethren!"[274]

[272] Vide eorum stultitiam!--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1108.)

[273] Nos tanquam adoratores panifici Dei traduxerant.--(Zw. Opp. iv.
p. 203.)

[274] Eos a communione Ecclesiæ Christianæ alienos esse.--(Ibid.)

The Swiss were far from partaking of this sectarian spirit. "We think," said Bucer, "that your doctrine strikes at the glory of Jesus Christ, who now reigns at the right hand of the Father. But seeing that in all things you acknowledge your dependence on the Lord, we look at your conscience, which compels you to receive the doctrine you profess, and we do not doubt that you belong to Christ."

"And we," said Luther--"we declare to you once more that our conscience opposes our receiving you as brethren."--"If such is the case," replied Bucer, "it would be folly to ask it."

"I am exceedingly astonished that you wish to consider me as your brother," pursued Luther. "It shows clearly that you do not attach much importance to your own doctrine."

[Sidenote: BROTHERHOOD REJECTED.]

"Take your choice," said Bucer, proposing a dilemma to the Reformer: "either you should not acknowledge as brethren those who differ from you in any point--and if so, you will not find a single brother in your own ranks[275]--or else you will receive some of those who differ from you, and then you ought to receive us."

[275] Nemo alteri vel inter ipsos frater erit.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 194.)

The Swiss had exhausted their solicitations. "We are conscious," said they, "of having acted as if in the presence of God. Posterity will be our witness."[276] They were on the point of retiring: Luther remained like a rock, to the Landgrave's great indignation.[277] The Hessian divines, Kraft, Lambert, Snepf, Lonicer, and Melander, united their exertions to those of the Prince.

[276] Id testabitur posteritas.--(Ibid.)

[277] Principi illud durum videbatur.--(Ibid. p. 203.)

Luther was staggered, and conferred anew with his colleagues. "Let us beware," said he to his friends, "of wiping our noses too roughly, lest blood should come."[278]

[278] Ne nimis mungendo, sanguinem eliceremus.--(L. Epp. in his letter
written to Gerbellius on the same day--Monday.)

Then turning to Zwingle and Œcolampadius, they said: "We acknowledge you as friends; we do not consider you as brothers and members of Christ's Church.[279] But we do not exclude you from that universal charity which we owe even to our enemies."[280]

[279] Agnoscere quidem velimus tanquam amicos, sed non tanquam
fratres.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 203.)

[280] Charitate quæ etiam hosti debetur.--(Ibid. p. 190.)

The hearts of Zwingle, Œcolampadius, and Bucer, were ready to burst,[281] for this concession was almost a new insult. Nevertheless they resolved to accept what was offered them. "Let us carefully avoid all harsh and violent words and writings," said they; "and let each one defend himself without railing."[282]

[281] Indignissime affecti sunt.--(Ibid.)

[282] Quisque suam sententiam doceat absque invectivis.--(L. Epp. iii.
p. 514.)

Luther then advanced towards the Swiss, and said: "We consent, and I offer you the hand of peace and charity." The Swiss rushed in great emotion towards the Wittembergers, and all shook hands.[283] Luther himself was softened: christian charity resumed her rights in his heart. "Assuredly," said he, "a great portion of the scandal is taken away by the suppression of our fierce debates; we could not have hoped for so much. May Christ's hand remove the last obstacle that separates us.[284] There is now a friendly concord between us, and if we persevere in prayer, brotherhood will come."

[283] Dedimus tamen manus pacis et caritatis.--(Ibid. p. 513.)

[284] Utinam et ille reliquus scrupulus per Christum tandem
tollatur,--in his letter written to Gerbellius after leaving this
meeting.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S REPORT OF THE CONFERENCE.]

It was desirable to confirm this important result by a report. "We must let the christian world know," said the Landgrave, "that, except the manner of the presence of the body and blood in the Eucharist, you are agreed in all the articles of faith."[285] This was resolved on; but who should be charged with drawing up the paper? All eyes were turned upon Luther. The Swiss themselves appealed to his impartiality.

[285] Ut orbi Christiano notum fieret eos in omnibus fidei capitibus
consentire.--(Hospin. p. 127.)

Luther retired to his closet, lost in thought, uneasy, and finding the task very difficult. "On the one hand," said he, "I should like to spare their weakness;[286] but, on the other, I would not in the least degree strike at the holy doctrine of Christ." He did not know how to set about it, and his anguish increased. He got free at last. "I will draw up the articles," said he, "in the most accurate manner. Do I not know that whatever I write, they will never sign them?"[287] Erelong fifteen articles were committed to paper, and Luther, holding them in his hand, repaired to the theologians of the two parties.

[286] Het gern ihrer Schwachheit verschont.--(Niederer Nachr. ii. p.
120.)

[287] Doch zuletz sprach er Ich will die artikel aufaller pesste
stellen, sy werdens doch nicht annemen.--(Ibid.)

[Sidenote: UNITY OF DOCTRINE.]

These articles are of importance. The two doctrines that were evolved in Switzerland and in Saxony, independently of each other, were brought together and compared. If they were of man, there would be found in them a servile uniformity, or a remarkable opposition. This was not the case. A great unity was found between the German and the Swiss Reformations, for they both proceeded from the same Divine teaching; and a diversity on secondary points, for it was by man's instrumentality that God had effected them.

Luther took his paper, and reading the first article, said:

"First, we believe that there is one sole, true, and natural God, Creator of heaven and earth and of all creatures; and that this same God, one in essence and in nature, is threefold in person, that is to say, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, as was declared in the Nicene Council, and as all the Christian Church professes."

To this the Swiss gave their assent.

They were agreed also on the divinity and humanity of Jesus Christ; on his death and resurrection, on original sin, justification by faith, the operation of the Holy Ghost and of the Word of God, baptism, good works, confession, civil order, and tradition.

Thus far all were united. The Wittembergers could not recover from their astonishment.[288] The two parties had rejected, on the one hand, the errors of the Papists, who make religion little more than an outward form; and, on the other, those of the Enthusiasts, who speak exclusively of internal feelings; and they were found drawn up under the same banners between these two camps. But the moment was come that would separate them. Luther had kept till the last the article on the Eucharist.

[288] Quod mirari non satis potuimus.--(Brentius, Zw. Opp. iv. p.
203.)

The Reformer resumed:

"We all believe with regard to the Lord's Supper, that it ought to be celebrated in both kinds, according to the primitive institution; that the Mass is not a work by which a Christian obtains pardon for another man, whether dead or alive; that the sacrament of the altar is the sacrament of the very body and very blood of Jesus Christ; and that the spiritual manducation of this body and blood is specially necessary to every true Christian."[289]

[289] Quod spiritualis manducatio hujus corporis et sanguinis
unicuique Christiano præcipue necessaria sit.--(Scultet. p. 232.)

[Sidenote: UNITY AMONG DIVERSITY.]

It was now the turn of the Swiss to be astonished. Luther continued:

"In like manner, as to the use of the sacrament, we are agreed that, like the Word, it was ordained of Almighty God, in order that weak consciences might be excited by the Holy Ghost to faith and charity."

The joy of the Swiss was redoubled. Luther continued: "And although at present we are not agreed on the question whether the real body and blood of Christ are corporeally present in the bread and wine, yet both the interested parties shall cherish more and more a truly christian charity for one another, so far as conscience permits; and we will all earnestly implore the Lord to condescend by his Spirit to confirm us in the sound doctrine."[290]

[290] Osiander (a Lutheran) employs the accusative, "in _den_ rechten
Verstand," which would indicate a movement towards an object that we
do not possess: Bullinger and Scultet (both Reformed divines) have the
dative.

The Swiss obtained what they had asked: unity in diversity. It was immediately resolved to hold a solemn meeting for the signature of the articles.

They were read over again. Œcolampadius, Zwingle, Bucer, and Hedio, signed them first on one copy; while Luther, Melancthon, Jonas, Osiander, Brentz, and Agricola, wrote their names on the other; both parties then signed the copy of their adversaries, and this important document was sent to the press.[291]

[291] Bullinger and others indicate the 3d October as the day on which
the articles were signed; Osiander, an eye-witness, and whose
narrative is very exact, says it was the 4th, which agrees with all
the other data.

[Sidenote: REMARKS.]

Thus the Reformation had made a sensible step at Marburg. The opinion of Zwingle on the spiritual presence, and of Luther on the bodily presence, are both found in christian antiquity; but both the extreme doctrines have been always rejected: that of the Rationalists, on the one hand, who behold in the Eucharist nothing but a simple commemoration; and of the Papists, on the other, who adore in it a transubstantiation. These are both errors; while the doctrines of Luther and Zwingle, and the medium taken by Calvin, already maintained by some of the Fathers, were considered in ancient times as different views of the same truth. If Luther had yielded, it might have been feared that the Church would fall into the extreme of Rationalism; if Zwingle, that it would rush into the extreme of Popery. It is a salutary thing for the Church that these different views should be entertained; but it is a pernicious thing for individuals to attach themselves to one of them, in such a manner as to anathematize the others. "There is only this little stumbling-block," wrote Melancthon, "that embarrasses the Church of our Lord."[292] All,--Romanists and Evangelicals, Saxons and Swiss, admitted the presence, and even the real presence of Christ; but here was the essential point of separation: Is this presence effected by the faith of the communicant, or by the _opus operatum_ of the priest? The germs of Popery, Sacerdotalism, Puseyism, are inevitably contained in this latter thesis. If it is maintained that a wicked priest (as has been said) operates this real presence of Christ by three words, we enter the Church of the Pope. Luther appeared sometimes to admit this doctrine, but he has often spoken in a more spiritual manner; and taking this great man in his best moments, we behold no more than an essential unity and a secondary diversity in the two parties of the Reformation. Undoubtedly the Lord has left his Church outward seals of his grace; but he has not attached salvation to these signs. The essential point is the connexion of the faithful with the Word, with the Holy Ghost, with the Head of the Church. This is the great truth which the Reform proclaims, and which Lutheranism itself recognises. After the Marburg conference, the controversy became more moderate.

[292] Hic unus in Ecclesia hæret scrupulus.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1106.)

There was another advantage. The evangelical divines at Marburg marked with one accord their separation from the Papacy. Zwingle was not without fear (unfounded, no doubt) with regard to Luther: these fears were dispersed. "Now that we are agreed," said he, "the Papists will no longer hope that Luther will ever be one of them."[293] The Marburg articles are the first bulwark erected in common by the Reformers against Rome.

[293] Pontifici non ultra possunt sperare Lutherum suum fore.--(Zw.
Opp. ii. p. 370.)

It was not, then, in vain that, after the protest of Spire, Philip of Hesse endeavoured, at Marburg, to bring together the friends of the Gospel. But, if the religious object was partially attained, the political object almost entirely failed. They could not arrive at a confederation of Switzerland and Germany. Nevertheless, Philip of Hesse and Zwingle, with a view to this, had numerous secret conversations, which made the Saxons uneasy, as they were not less opposed to Zwingle's politics than to his theology. "When you have reformed the peasant's cap," said Jonas to him, "you will also claim to reform the sable hat of princes."

The Landgrave, having collected all the doctors at his table on the last day, they shook hands in a friendly manner,[294] and each one thought of leaving the town.

[294] Die Händ einander früntlich gebotten.--(Bull. ii. p. 236.)

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S DEJECTION.]

On Tuesday the 5th October, the Landgrave quitted Marburg early, and in the afternoon of the same day Luther departed, accompanied by his colleagues; but he did not go forth as a conqueror. A spirit of dejection and alarm had taken possession of his mind.[295] He writhed in the dust, like a worm, according to his own expression. He fancied he should never see his wife and children again, and cried out that he, "the consoler of so many tortured souls, was now without any consolation!"[296]

[295] Ego vix et ægre domum reversus sum.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 520.)

[296] Sic me vexante Angelo Satanæ, ut desperarim me vivum et salvum
visurum meos.--(Ibid.)

[Sidenote: STATE OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS.]

This state might partly arise from Luther's want of brotherly feeling; but it had other causes also. Soliman had come to fulfil a promise made to King Ferdinand. The latter having demanded, in 1528, the surrender of Belgrade, the Sultan had haughtily replied, that he would bring the keys himself to Vienna. In fact, the Grand Turk, crossing the frontiers of Germany, had invaded countries "on which the hoofs of the Mussulman war-horses had never trod," and eight days before the conference at Marburg, he had covered with his innumerable tents the plain and the fertile hills in the midst of which rise the walls of Vienna. The struggle had begun under ground, the two parties having dug deep galleries beneath the ramparts. Three different times the Turkish mines were sprung; the walls were thrown down;[297] "the balls flew through the air like a flight of small birds," says a Turkish historian; "and there was a horrible banquet, at which the genii of death joyously drained their glasses."[298]

[297] Ipsam urbem in tribus locis, suffoso solo et pulvere supposito
disjicit et patefecit.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 518.)

[298] Dschelalsade, quoted by Ranke.

Luther did not keep in the background. He had already written against the Turks, and now he published a _Battle Sermon_. "Mahomet," said he, "exalts Christ as being without sin; but he denies that he was the true God; therefore he is his enemy. Alas! to this hour the world is such that it seems everywhere to rain disciples of Mahomet. Two men ought to oppose the Turks: the first is Christian, that is to say, Prayer; the second is Charles, that is to say, The sword." And in another place, "I know my dear Germans well, fat and well-fed swine; as soon as the danger is removed, they think only of eating and sleeping. Wretched man! if thou dost not take up arms the Turk will come; he will carry thee away into his Turkey; he will there sell thee like a dog; and thou shalt serve him night and day, under the rod and the cudgel, for a glass of water and a morsel of bread. Think on this; be converted, and implore the Lord not to give thee the Turk for thy schoolmaster."[299]

[299] Heer predigt wider die Türken.--(L. Opp. (W.) xx. p. 2691.)

[Sidenote: VARIETY OF CHARACTER.]

The two arms pointed out by Luther were, in reality, vigorously employed; and Soliman, perceiving at last that he was not the "soul of the universe," as his poets had styled him, but that there was a strength in the world superior to his own, raised the siege of Vienna on the 16th October; and "the shadow of God over the two worlds," as he called himself, "disappeared and vanished in the Bosphorus."

But Luther imagined that, when retiring from before the walls of Vienna, "the Turk, or at least his god, who is the devil," had rushed upon him; and that it was this enemy of Christ and of Christ's servants that he was destined to combat and vanquish in his frightful agony.[300] There is an immediate reaction of the violated law upon him who violates it. Now Luther had transgressed the royal law, which is charity, and he suffered the penalty. At last he re-entered Wittemberg, and flung himself into the arms of his friends, "tormented by the angel of death."[301]

[300] Forte ipsum Turcam partim in isto agone cogor ferre et vincere,
saltem ejus Deum, diabolum.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 520.)

[301] Angelus Satanæ, vel quisquis est diabolus mortis ita me
fatigat.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 515.)

Without, however, overlooking the essential qualities of a Reformer that Luther manifested at Marburg, there are in God's work, as in a drama, different parts. What various characters we see among the Apostles and among the Reformers! It has been said that the same characters and the same parts were assigned to St. Peter and to Luther, at the time of the Formation and of the Reformation of the Church.[302] They were both in fact men of the initiative, who start forward quite alone, but around whom an army soon collects at the sight of the standard which they wave.

[302] Dr. Vinet.

But there was perhaps in the Reformer a characteristic that was not found to the same degree in the Apostle; this is firmness.

[Sidenote: EXASPERATION OF THE PAPISTS.]

As for Zwingle, he quitted Marburg in alarm at Luther's intolerance. "Lutheranism," wrote he to the Landgrave, "will lie as heavy upon us as Popery."[303] He reached Zurich on the 19th October. "The truth," said he to his friends, "has prevailed so manifestly, that if ever any one has been defeated before all the world, it is Luther, although he constantly exclaimed that he was invincible."[304] On his side, Luther spoke in a similar strain. "It is through fear of their fellow-citizens," added he, "that the Swiss, although vanquished, are unwilling to retract."[305]

[303] Das Lutherthum werde so schwer, als das Papsthum.--(Zw. Epp. p.
374.)

[304] Lutherus impudens et contumax aperte est victus.--(Zw. Epp. p.
370.)

[305] Metuebant plebem suam ad quam non licuisset reverti.--(Zw. Opp.
ii. p. 19.)

If it should be asked on which side the victory really was, perhaps we ought to say that Luther assumed the air of a conqueror, but Zwingle was so in reality. The conference propagated through all Germany the doctrine of the Swiss, which had been little known there till that time, and it was adopted by an immense number of persons. Among these were Laffards, first rector of St. Martin's School at Brunswick, Dionysius Melander, Justus Lening, Hartmann, Ibach, and many more. The Landgrave himself, a short time before his death, declared that this conference had induced him to renounce the oral manducation of Christ.[306]

[306] Rommels Anmerkungen, p. 227-229.

Still the dominant principle at this celebrated epoch was unity. The adversaries are the best judges. The Roman-catholics were exasperated that the Lutherans and Zwinglians had agreed on all the essential points of faith. "They have a fellow-feeling against the Catholic Church," said they, "as Herod and Pilate against Jesus Christ." The enthusiastic sects said the same,[307] and the extreme hierarchial as well as the extreme radical party deprecated equally the unity of Marburg.

[307] Pontificiis et catabaptistis multum displicuit consensus
Marpurgi.--(Scultet. p. 208.)

[Sidenote: THREATENING PROSPECTS.]

Erelong a greater agitation eclipsed all these rumours, and events which threatened the whole evangelical body, proclaimed its great and intimate union with new force. The Emperor, it was everywhere said, exasperated by the Protest of Spire, has landed at Genoa with the pomp of a conqueror. After having sworn at Barcelona to reduce the heretics under the power of the Pope, he is going to visit this pontiff, humbly to bend the knee before him; and he will rise up only to cross the Alps and accomplish his terrible designs. "The Emperor Charles," said Luther, a few days after the landing of this prince, "has determined to show himself more cruel against us than the Turk himself, and he has already uttered the most horrible threats. Behold the hour of Christ's agony and weakness. Let us pray for all those who will soon have to endure captivity and death."[308]

[308] Carolus Caesar multo atrocius minatur et sævire statuit in nos,
quam Turca.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 324.)

Such was the news that then agitated all Germany. The grand question was, whether the Protest of Spire could be maintained against the power of the Emperor and of the Pope. This was seen in the year 1530.