Chapter XIX: Negroes as Soldiers (1)

JUSTIFICATION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IN THE EMPLOYMENT OF
SLAVES AS SOLDIERS.--TRIALS OF THE NEGRO SOLDIER.--HE UNDERGOES
PERSECUTION FROM THE WHITE NORTHERN TROOPS, AND BARBAROUS
TREATMENT FROM THE REBELS.--EDITORIAL OF THE "NEW YORK TIMES" ON
THE NEGRO SOLDIER IN BATTLE.--REPORT OF THE "TRIBUNE" ON THE
GALLANT EXPLOITS OF THE 1ST SOUTH CAROLINA VOLUNTEERS.--NEGRO
TROOPS IN ALL THE DEPARTMENTS.--NEGRO SOLDIERS IN THE BATTLE OF
PORT HUDSON.--DEATH OF CAPTAIN ANDRE CALLIOUX.--DEATH OF
COLOR-SERGEANT ANSELMAS PLANCIANCOIS.--AN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE
OF PORT HUDSON.--OFFICIAL REPORT OF GEN. BANKS.--HE APPLAUDS THE
VALOR OF THE COLORED REGIMENTS AT PORT HUDSON.--GEORGE H. BOKER'S
POEM ON "THE BLACK REGIMENT."--BATTLE OF MILLIKEN'S BEND, JUNE,
1863.--DESCRIPTION OF THE BATTLE.--MEMORABLE EVENTS OF JULY,
1863.--BATTLE ON MORRIS ISLAND.--BRAVERY OF SERGEANT CARNEY.--AN
ACCOUNT OF THE 54TH MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT BY EDWARD L. PIERCE TO
GOVERNOR ANDREW.--DEATH OF COL. SHAW.--COLORED TROOPS IN THE ARMY
OF THE POTOMAC.--BATTLE OF PETERSBURG.--TABLE SHOWING THE LOSSES
AT NASHVILLE.--ADJT.-GEN. THOMAS ON NEGRO SOLDIERS.--AN EXTRACT
FROM THE "NEW YORK TRIBUNE" IN BEHALF OF THE SOLDIERLY QUALITIES
OF THE NEGROES.--LETTER RECEIVED BY COL. DARLING FROM MR. ADEN
AND COL. FOSTER PRAISING THE EMINENT QUALIFICATIONS OF THE NEGRO
FOR MILITARY LIFE.--HISTORY RECORDS THEIR DEEDS OF VALOR IN THE
PRESERVATION OF THE UNION.

All history, ancient and modern, Pagan and Christian, justified the conduct of the Federal Government in the employment of slaves as soldiers. Greece had tried the experiment; and at the battle of Marathon there were two regiments of heavy infantry composed of slaves. The beleaguered city of Rome offered freedom to her slaves who should volunteer as soldiers; and at the battle of Cannae a regiment of Roman slaves made Hannibal's cohorts reel before their unequalled courage. When Abraham heard of the loss of his stock, he armed his slaves, pursued the enemy, and regained his possessions. Negro officers as well as soldiers had shared the perils and glories of the campaigns of Napoleon Bonaparte; and even the royal guard at the Court of Imperial France had been mounted with black soldiers. In two wars in North America Negro soldiers had followed the fortunes of military life, and won the applause of white patriots on two continents. So then all history furnished a precedent for the guidance of the United States Government in the Civil War in America.

But there were several aggravating questions which had to be referred to the future. In both wars in this country the Negro had fought a foreign foe--an enemy representing a Christian civilization. He had a sense of security in going to battle with the colonial fathers; for their sacred battle-songs gave him purpose and courage. And, again, the Negro knew that the English soldier had never disgraced the uniform of Hampden or Wellington by practising the cruelties of uncivilized warfare upon helpless prisoners. In the Rebellion it was altogether different. Here was a war between the States of one Union. Here was a war between two sections differing in civilization. Here was a war all about the _Negro_; a war that was to declare him forever bond, or forever free. Now, in such a war the Negro appeared in battle against his master. For two hundred and forty-three years the Negro had been learning the lesson of obedience and obsequious submission to the white man. The system of slavery under which he had languished had destroyed the family relation, the source of all virtue, self-respect, and moral growth. The tendency of slavery was to destroy the confidence of the slave in his ability and resources, and to disqualify him for those relations where the noblest passion of mankind is to be exercised in an intelligent manner--_amor patriæ_.

Negro soldiers were required by an act of Congress to fight for the Union at a salary of $10 per month, with $3 deducted for clothing--leaving them only $7 per month as their actual pay. White soldiers received $13 per month and clothing.[97]

The Negro soldiers had to run the gauntlet of the persecuting hate of white Northern troops, and, if captured, endure the most barbarous treatment of the rebels, without a protest on the part of the Government--for at least nearly a year. Hooted at, jeered, and stoned in the streets of Northern cities as they marched to the front to fight for the Union; scoffed at and abused by white troops under the flag of a common country, there was little of a consoling or inspiring nature in the experience of Negro soldiers.

"But none of these things" moved the Negro soldier. His qualifications for the profession of arms were ample and admirable. To begin with, the Negro soldier was a patriot of the highest order. No race of people in the world are more thoroughly domestic, have such tender attachments to home and friends as the Negro race. And when his soul was quickened with the sublime idea of liberty for himself and kindred--that his home and country were to be rid of the triple curse of slavery--his enthusiasm was boundless. His enthusiasm was not mere animal excitement. No white soldier who marched to the music of the Union possessed a more lofty conception of the sacredness of the war for the Union than the Negro. The intensity of his desires, the sincerity of his prayers, and the sublimity of his faith during the long and starless night of his bondage made the Negro a poet, after a fashion. To him there was poetry in our flag--the red, white, and blue. Our national odes and airs found a response in his soul, and inspired him to the performance of heroic deeds. He was always seeing something "sublime," "glorious," "beautiful," "grand," and "wonderful" in war. There was poetry in the swinging, measured tread of companies and regiments in drill or battle; and dress parade always found the Negro soldier in the height of his glory. His love of harmonious sounds, his musical faculty, and delight of show aided him in the performance of the most difficult manoeuvres. His imitativeness gave him facility in handling his musket and sabre; and his love of domestic animals, and natural strength made him a graceful cavalryman and an efficient artilleryman.

The lessons of obedience the Negro had learned so thoroughly as a slave were turned to good account as a soldier. He obeyed orders to the letter. He never used his discretion; he added nothing to, he subtracted nothing from, his orders; he made no attempt at reading between the lines; he did not interpret--he _obeyed_. Used to outdoor life, with excellent hearing, wonderful eyesight, and great vigilance, he was a model picket. Heard every sound, observed every moving thing, and was quick to shoot, and of steady aim. He was possessed of exceptionally good teeth, and, therefore, could bite his cartridge and hard tack. He had been trained to long periods of labor, poor food, and miserable quarters, and therefore, could endure extreme fatigue and great exposure.

His docility of nature, patient endurance, and hopeful disposition enabled him to endure long marches, severe hardships, and painful wounds. His joyous, boisterous songs on the march and in the camp; his victorious shout in battle, and his merry laughter in camp proclaimed him the insoluble enigma of military life. He never was discouraged; _melancholia_ had no abiding place in his nature.

But how did the Negro meet his master in battle? How did he stand fire? On the 31st of July, 1863, the "New York Times," editorially answered these questions as follows:

"Negro soldiers have now been in battle at Port Hudson and at
Milliken's Bend in Louisiana; at Helena in Arkansas, at Morris
Island in South Carolina, and at or near Fort Gibson in the
Indian Territory. In two of these instances they assaulted
fortified positions and led the assault; in two they fought on
the defensive, and in one they attacked rebel infantry. In all of
them they acted in conjunction with white troops and under
command of white officers. In some instances they acted with
distinguished bravery, and in all they acted as well as could be
expected of raw troops.

"Some of these negroes were from the cotton States, others from
New England States, and others from the slave States of the
Northwest. Those who fought at Port Hudson were from New Orleans;
those who fought at Battery Wagner were from Boston; those who
fought at Helena and Young's Point were from the river counties
of Arkansas, Mississippi, and Tennessee. Those who fought in the
Indian Territory were from Missouri."

This is warm praise from a journal of the high, though conservative, character of the "Times." Warmer praise and more unqualified praise of the Negro soldier's fighting qualities could not be given. And it was made after a careful weighing of all the facts and evidence supplied from careful and reliable correspondents. But more specific evidence was being furnished on every hand. The 1st South Carolina Volunteers--the first regiment of Negroes existed during the war,--commanded by Col. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, was the first Black regiment of its character under the fire of the enemy. The regiment covered itself with glory during an expedition upon the St. John's River in Florida. The "Times" gave the following editorial notice of the expedition at the time, based upon the official report of the colonel and a letter from its special correspondent:

"THE NEGROES IN BATTLE.

"Colonel Higginson, of the 1st S. C. Volunteers, furnishes an
entertaining official report of the exploits of his black
regiment in Florida. He seems to think it necessary to put his
case strongly, and in rather exalted language, as well as in such
a way as to convince the public that negroes will fight. In this
expedition, his battalion was repeatedly under fire--had rebel
cavalry, infantry, and, says he, 'even artillery' arranged
against them, yet in every instance, came off with unblemished
honor and undisputed triumph. His men made the most urgent
appeals to him to be allowed to press the flying enemy. They
exhibited the most fiery energy beyond anything of which Colonel
Higginson ever read, unless it may be in the case of the French
Zouaves. He even says that 'it would have been madness to attempt
with the bravest white troops what he successfully accomplished
with black ones.' No wanton destruction was permitted, no
personal outrages desired, during the expedition. The regiment,
besides the victories which it achieved, and the large amount of
valuable property which it secured, obtained a cannon and a flag
which the Colonel very properly asks permission for the regiment
to retain. The officers and men desire to remain permanently in
Florida, and obtain supplies of lumber, iron, etc., for the
Government. The Colonel puts forth a very good suggestion, to the
effect that a 'chain of such posts would completely alter the
whole aspect of the war in the seaboard slave States, and would
accomplish what no accumulation of Northern regiments can so
easily effect.' This is the very use for negro soldiers suggested
in the Proclamation of the President. We have no doubt that the
whole State of Florida might easily be held for the Government in
this way, by a dozen negro regiments."[98]

On the 11th of February, 1863, the "Times" gave the following account of the exploits of this gallant regiment in the following explicit language:

"ACCOUNT OF A SUCCESSFUL EXPEDITION INTO GEORGIA AND FLORIDA WITH
A FORCE OF FOUR HUNDRED AND SIXTY-TWO OFFICERS AND MEN OF THE 1ST
SOUTH CAROLINA VOLUNTEERS.

"The bravery and good conduct of the regiment more than equalled
the high anticipations of its commander. The men were repeatedly
under fire,--were opposed by infantry, cavalry, and
artillery,--fought on board a steamer exposed to heavy musketry
fire from the banks of a narrow river,--were tried in all ways,
and came off invariably with honor and success. They brought away
property to a large amount, capturing also a cannon and a flag,
which the Colonel asks leave to keep for the regiment, and which
he and they have fairly won.

"It will not need many such reports an this--and there have been
several before it--to shake our inveterate Saxon prejudice
against the capacity and courage of negro troops. Everybody knows
that they were used in the Revolution, and in the last war with
Great Britain fought side by side with white troops, and won
equal praises from Washington and Jackson. It is shown also that
black sailors employed on our men-of-war, are valued by their
commanders, and are on equal terms with their white comrades. If
on the sea, why not on the land? No officer who has commanded
black troops has yet reported against them. They are tried in the
most unfavorable and difficult circumstances, but never fail.
When shall we learn to use the full strength of the formidable
ally who is only waiting for a summons to rally under the flag of
the Union? Colonel Higginson says: 'No officer in this regiment
now doubts that the successful prosecution of this war lies in
the unlimited employment of black troops.' The remark is true in
a military sense, and it has a still deeper political
significance.

"When General Hunter has scattered 50,000 muskets among the
negroes of the Carolinas, and General Butler has organized the
100,000 or 200,000 blacks for whom he may perhaps shortly carry
arms to New Orleans, the possibility of restoring the Union as it
was, with slavery again its dormant power, will be seen to have
finally passed away. The negro is indeed the key to success."[99]

So here, in the Department of the South, where General Hunter had displayed such admirable military judgment, first, in emancipating the slave, and second, in arming them; here where the white Union soldiers and their officers had felt themselves insulted; and where the President had disarmed the 1st regiment of ex-slaves and removed the officer who had organized it, a few companies of Negro troops had fought rebel infantry, cavalry, artillery, and guerillas, and put them all to flight. They had invaded the enemy's country, made prisoners, and captured arms and flags; and without committing a single depredation. Prejudice gave room to praise, and the exclusive, distant spirit of white soldiers was converted into the warm and close admiration of comradeship. The most sanguine expectations and high opinions of the advocates of Negro soldiers were more than realized, while the prejudice of Negro haters was disarmed by the flinty logic and imperishable glory of Negro soldiership.[100]

Every Department had its Negro troops by this time; and everywhere the Negro was solving the problem of his military existence. At Port Hudson in May, 1863, he proved himself worthy of his uniform and the object of the most extravagant eulogies from the lips of men who were, but a few months before the battle, opposed to Negro soldiers. Mention has been made in another chapter of the Colored regiment raised in New Orleans under General Butler. After remaining in camp from the 7th of September, 1862, until May, 1863, they were quite efficient in the use of their arms. The 1st Louisiana regiment was ordered to report to General Dwight. The regiment was at Baton Rouge. Its commanding officer, Colonel Stafford [white], was under arrest when the regiment was about ready to go to the front.

The line officers assembled at his quarters to assure him that the regiment would do its duty in the day of battle, and to tender their regrets that he could not lead them on the field. At this moment the color-guard marched up to receive the regimental flags. Colonel Stafford stepped into his tent and returned with the flags. He made a speech full of patriotism and feeling, and concluded by saying: "_Color-guard, protect, defend, die for, but do not surrender these flags!_" Sergeant Planciancois said: "Colonel, I will bring back these colors to you in honor, or report to God the reason why!" Noble words these, and brave! And no more fitting epitaph could mark the resting-place of a hero who has laid down his life in defence of human liberty! A king might well covet these sublime words of the dauntless Planciancois!

PORT HUDSON.

It was a question of grave doubt among white troops as to the fighting qualities of Negro soldiers. There were various doubts expressed by the officers on both sides of the line. The Confederates greeted the news that "niggers" were to meet them in battle with derision, and treated the whole matter as a huge joke. The Federal soldiers were filled with amazement and fear as to the issue.

It was the determination of the commanding officer at Port Hudson to assign this Negro regiment to a post of honor and danger. The regiment marched all night before the battle of Port Hudson, and arrived at one Dr. Chambers's sugar house on the 27th of May, 1863. It was just 5 A. M. when the regiment stacked arms. Orders were given to rest and breakfast in one hour. The heat was intense and the dust thick, and so thoroughly fatigued were the men that many sank in their tracks and slept soundly.

Arrangements were made for a field hospital, and the drum corps instructed where to carry the wounded. Officers' call was beaten at 5:30, when they received instructions and encouragement. "Fall in" was sounded at 6 o'clock, and soon thereafter the regiment was on the march. The sun was now shining in his full strength upon the field where a great battle was to be fought. The enemy was in his stronghold, and his forts were crowned with angry and destructive guns. The hour to charge had come. It was 7 o'clock. There was a feeling of anxiety among the white troops as they watched the movements of these Blacks in blue. The latter were anxious for the fray. At last the command came, "Forward, double-quick, march!" and on they went over the field of death. Not a musket was heard until the command was within four hundred yards of the enemy's works, when a blistering fire was opened upon the left wing of the regiment. Unfortunately Companies A, B, C, D, and E wheeled suddenly by the left flank. Some confusion followed, but was soon over. A shell--the first that fell on the line--killed and wounded about twelve men. The regiment came to a right about, and fell back for a few hundred yards, wheeled by companies, and faced the enemy again with the coolness and military precision of an old regiment on parade. The enemy was busy at work now. Grape, canister, shell, and musketry made the air hideous with their noise. A masked battery commanded a bluff, and the guns could be depressed sufficiently to sweep the entire field over which the regiment must charge. It must be remembered that this regiment occupied the extreme right of the charging line. The masked battery worked upon the left wing. A three-gun battery was situated in the centre, while a half dozen large pieces shelled the right, and enfiladed the regiment front and rear every time it charged the battery on the bluff. A bayou ran under the bluff, immediately in front of the guns. It was too deep to be forded by men. These brave Colored soldiers made six desperate charges with indifferent success, because

"Cannon to right of them,
Cannon to left of them,
Cannon in front of them
Volleyed and thundered;
Stormed at with shot and shell."

The men behaved splendidly. As their ranks were thinned by shot and grape, they closed up into place, and kept a good line. But no matter what high soldierly qualities these men were endowed with, no matter how faithfully they obeyed the oft-repeated order to "charge," it was both a moral and physical impossibility for these men to cross the deep bayou that flowed at their feet--already crimson with patriots' blood--and capture the battery on the bluff. Colonel Nelson, who commanded this black brigade, despatched an orderly to General Dwight, informing him that it was not in the nature of things for his men to accomplish any thing by further charges. "Tell Colonel Nelson," said General Dwight, "I shall consider that he has accomplished nothing unless he takes those guns." This last order of General Dwight's will go into history as a cruel and unnecessary act. He must have known that three regiments of infantry, torn and shattered by about fifteen or twenty heavy guns, with an impassable bayou encircling the bluff, could accomplish nothing by charging. But the men, what could they do?

"Theirs not to make reply,
Theirs not to reason why,
Theirs but to do and die."

DEATH OF CAPTAIN ANDRE CALLIOUX.

Again the order to charge was given, and the men, worked up to a feeling of desperation on account of repeated failures, raised a cry and made another charge. The ground was covered with dead and wounded. Trees were felled by shell and solid shot; and at one time a company was covered with the branches of a falling tree. Captain Callioux was in command of Company E, the color company. He was first wounded in the left arm--the limb being broken above the elbow. He ran to the front of his company, waving his sword and crying, "Follow me." But when within about fifty yards of the enemy he was struck by a shell and fell dead in front of his company.

Many Greeks fell defending the pass at Thermopylæ against the Persian army, but history has made peculiarly conspicuous Leonidas and his four hundred Spartans. In a not distant future, when a calm and truthful history of the battle of Port Hudson is written, notwithstanding many men fought and died there, the heroism of the "Black Captain," the accomplished gentleman and fearless soldier, Andre Callioux, and his faithful followers, will make a most fascinating picture for future generations to look upon and study.

DEATH OF COLOR-SERGEANT ANSELMAS PLANCIANCOIS.

"Colonel, I will bring back these colors to you in honor, or report to God the reason why." It was now past 11 A.M., May 27, 1863. The men were struggling in front of the bluff. The brave Callioux was lying lifeless upon the field, that was now slippery with gore and crimson with blood. The enemy was directing his shell and shot at the flags of the First Regiment. A shell, about a six-pounder, struck the flag-staff, cut it in two, and carried away part of the head of Planciancois. He fell, and the flag covered him as a canopy of glory, and drank of the crimson tide that flowed from his mutilated head. Corporal Heath caught up the flag, but no sooner had he shouldered the dear old banner than a musket ball went crashing through his head and scattered his brains upon the flag, and he, still clinging to it, fell dead upon the body of Sergeant Planciancois. Another corporal caught up the banner and bore it through the fight with pride.

This was the last charge--the seventh; and what was left of this gallant Black brigade came back from the hell into which they had plunged with so much daring and forgetfulness seven times.

They did not capture the battery on the bluff it's true, but they convinced the white soldiers on both sides that they were both willing and able to help fight the battles of the Union. And if any person doubts the abilities of the Negro as a soldier, let him talk with General Banks, as we have, and hear "his golden eloquence on the black brigade at Port Hudson."

A few days after the battle a "New York Times" correspondent sent the following account to that journal:

"BATTLE OF PORT HUDSON.

"In an account of the Battle of Port Hudson, the 'Times'
correspondent says: 'Hearing the firing apparently more fierce
and continuous to the right than anywhere else, I hurried in that
direction, past the sugar house of Colonel Chambers, where I had
slept, and advanced to near the pontoon bridge across the Big
Sandy Bayou, which the negro regiments had erected, and where
they were fighting most desperately. I had seen these brave and
hitherto despised fellows the day before as I rode along the
lines, and I had seen General Banks acknowledge their respectful
salute as he would have done that of any white troops; but still
the question was--with too many,--"Will they fight?" The black
race was, on this eventful day, to be put to the test, and the
question to be settled--now and forever,--whether or not they are
entitled to assert their right to manhood. Nobly, indeed, have
they acquitted themselves, and proudly may every colored man
hereafter hold up his head, and point to the record of those who
fell on that bloody field.

"'General Dwight, at least, must have had the idea, not only that
they were men, but something _more than men_, from the terrific
test to which he put their valor. Before any impression had been
made upon the earthworks of the enemy, and in full face of the
batteries belching forth their 62 pounders, these devoted people
rushed forward to encounter grape, canister, shell, and musketry,
with no artillery but two small howitzers--that seemed mere
pop-guns to their adversaries--and no reserve whatever.

"'Their force consisted of the 1st. Louisiana Native Guards (with
colored field-officers) under Lieut.-Colonel Bassett, and the 3d
Louisiana Native Guards, Colonel Nelson (with white
field-officers), the whole under command of the latter officer.

"'On going into action they were 1,080 strong, and formed into
four lines, Lieut.-Colonel Bassett, 1st Louisiana, forming the
first line, and Lieut.-Colonel Henry Finnegas the second. When
ordered to charge up the works, they did so with the skill and
nerve of old veterans, (black people, be it remembered who had
never been in action before,) but the fire from the rebel guns
was so terrible upon the unprotected masses, that the first few
shots mowed them down like grass and so continued.

"'Colonel Bassett being driven back, Colonel Finnegas took his
place, and his men being similarly cut to pieces, Lieut.-Colonel
Bassett reformed and recommenced; and thus these brave people
went in, from morning until 3:30 p.m., under the most hideous
carnage that men ever had to withstand, and that very few white
ones would have had nerve to encounter, even if ordered to.
During this time, they rallied, and _were ordered to make six
distinct charges_, losing thirty-seven killed, and one hundred
and fifty-five wounded, and one hundred and sixteen missing,--the
majority, if not all, of these being, in all probability, now
lying dead on the gory field, and without the rites of sepulture;
for when, by flag of truce, our forces in other directions were
permitted to reclaim their dead, the benefit, through some
neglect, was not extended to these black regiments.

"'The deeds of heroism performed by these colored men were such
as the proudest white men might emulate. Their colors are torn to
pieces by shot, and literally bespattered by blood and brains.
The color-sergeant of the 1st. La., on being mortally wounded,
hugged the colors to his breast, when a struggle ensued between
the two color-corporals on each side of him, as to who should
have the honor of bearing the sacred standard, and during this
generous contention one was seriously wounded. One black
lieutenant actually mounted the enemy's works three or four
times, and in one charge the assaulting party came within fifty
paces of them. Indeed, if only ordinarily supported by artillery
and reserve, no one can convince us that they would not have
opened a passage through the enemy's works.

"'Capt. Callioux of the 1st. La., a man so black that he actually
prided himself upon his blackness, died the death of a hero,
leading on his men in the thickest of the fight. One poor wounded
fellow came along with his arm shattered by a shell, and jauntily
swinging it with the other, as he said to a friend of mine:
"Massa, guess I can fight no more." I was with one of the
captains, looking after the wounded going in the rear of the
hospital, when we met one limping along toward the front. On
being asked where he was going, he said: "I been shot bad in the
leg, captain, and dey want me to go to de hospital, but I guess I
can gib 'em some more yet." I could go on filling your columns
with startling facts of this kind, but I hope I have told enough
to prove that we can hereafter rely upon black arms as well as
white in crushing this internal rebellion. I long ago told you
there was an army of 250,000 men ready to leap forward in defence
of freedom at the first call. You know where to find them and
what they are worth.

"'Although repulsed in an attempt which--situated as things
were--was all but impossible, these regiments, though badly cut
up, are still on hand, and burning with a passion ten times
hotter from their fierce baptism of blood. Who knows, but that it
is a black hand which shall first plant the standard of the
Republic upon the doomed ramparts of Port Hudson?"[101]

The official report of Gen. Banks is given in full. It shows the disposition of the troops, and applauds the valor of the Colored regiments.

"HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE GULF, }
"BEFORE PORT HUDSON, May 30, 1863. }

"_Major-General H: W. Halleck, General-in-Chief, Washington._

"GENERAL:--Leaving Sommesport on the Atchafalaya, where my
command was at the date of my last dispatch, I landed at Bayou
Sara at two o'clock on the morning of the 21st.

"A portion of the infantry were transported in steamers, and the
balance of the infantry, artillery, cavalry, and wagon-train
moving down on the west bank of the river, and from this to Bayou
Sara.

"On the 23d a junction was effected with the advance of
Major-General Augur and Brigadier-General Sherman, our line
occupying the Bayou Sara road at a distance five miles from Port
Hudson.

"Major-General Augur had an encounter with a portion of the enemy
on the Bayou Sara road in the direction of Baton Rouge, which
resulted in the repulse of the enemy, with heavy loss.

"On the 25th the enemy was compelled to abandon his first line of
works.

"General Weitzel's brigade, which had covered our rear in the
march from Alexandria, joined us on the 26th, and on the morning
of the 27th a general assault was made upon the fortifications.

"The artillery opened fire between 5 and 6 o'clock, which was
continued with animation during the day. At 10 o'clock Weitzel's
brigade, with the division of General Grover, reduced to about
two brigades, and the division of General Emory, temporarily
reduced by detachments to about a brigade, under command of
Colonel Paine, with two regiments of colored troops, made an
assault upon the right of the enemy's works, crossing Sandy
Creek, and driving them through the woods to their
fortifications.

"The fight lasted on this line until 4 o'clock, and was very
severely contested. On the left, the infantry did not come up
until later in the day; but at 2 o'clock an assault was opened on
the centre and left of centre by the divisions under
Major-General Augur and Brigadier-General Sherman.

"The enemy was driven into his works, and our troops moved up to
the fortifications, holding the opposite sides of the parapet
with the enemy on the right. Our troops still hold their position
on the left. After dark the main body, being exposed to a flank
fire, withdrew to a belt of woods, the skirmishers remaining
close upon the fortifications.

"In the assault of the 27th, the behavior, of the officers and
men was most gallant, and left nothing to be desired. Our limited
acquaintance of the ground and the character of the works, which
were almost hidden from our observation until the moment of
approach, alone prevented the capture of the post.

"On the extreme right of our line I posted the first and third
regiments of negro troops. The First regiment of Louisiana
Engineers, composed exclusively of colored men, excepting the
officers, was also engaged in the operations of the day. The
position occupied by these troops was one of importance, and
called for the utmost steadiness and bravery in those to whom it
was confided.

"It gives me pleasure to report that they answered every
expectation. Their conduct was heroic. No troops could be more
determined or more daring. They made, during the day, three
charges upon the batteries of the enemy, suffering very heavy
losses, and holding their position at nightfall with the other
troops on the right of our line. The highest commendation is
bestowed upon them by all the officers in command on the right.
Whatever doubt may have existed before as to the efficiency of
organizations of this character, the history of this day proves
conclusively to those who were in a condition to observe the
conduct of these regiments, that the Government will find in this
class of troops effective supporters and defenders.

"The severe test to which they were subjected, and the determined
manner in which they encountered the enemy, leave upon my mind no
doubt of their ultimate success. They require only good officers,
commands of limited numbers, and careful discipline, to make them
excellent soldiers.

"Our losses from the 23d to this date, in killed, wounded, and
missing, are nearly 1,000, including, I deeply regret to say,
some of the ablest officers of the corps. I am unable yet to
report them in detail.

"I have the honor to be, with much respect

"Your obedient servant,
"N. P. BANKS,
"_Major-General Commanding_."

The effect of this battle upon the country can scarcely be described. Glowing accounts of the charge of the Black Regiments appeared in nearly all the leading journals of the North. The hearts of orators and poets were stirred to elegant utterance. The friends of the Negro were encouraged, and their number multiplied. The Colored people themselves were jubilant. Mr. George H. Boker, of Philadelphia, the poet friend of the Negro, wrote the following elegant verses on the gallant charge of the 1st Louisiana:

THE BLACK REGIMENT.

MAY 27, 1863.

BY GEORGE H. BOKER.

Dark as the clouds of even,
Ranked in the western heaven,
Waiting the breath that lifts
All the dread mass, and drifts
Tempest and falling brand
Over a ruined land;--
So still and orderly,
Arm to arm, knee to knee,
Waiting the great event,
Stands the black regiment.

Down the long dusky line
Teeth gleam and eyeballs shine;
And the bright bayonet,
Bristling and firmly set,
Flashed with a purpose grand,
Long ere the sharp command
Of the fierce rolling drum
Told them their time had come,
Told them what work was sent
For the black regiment.

"Now," the flag-sergeant cried,
"Though death and hell betide,
Let the whole nation see
If we are fit to be
Free in this land; or bound
Down, like the whining hound--
Bound with red stripes of pain
In our old chains again!"
Oh! what a shout there went
From the black regiment!

"Charge!" Trump and drum awoke,
Onward the bondmen broke;
Bayonet and sabre-stroke
Vainly opposed their rush.
Through the wild battle's crush,
With but one thought aflush,
Driving their lords like chaff,
In the guns' mouths they laugh;
Or at the slippery brands
Leaping with open hands,
Down they tear man and horse,
Down in their awful course;
Trampling with bloody heel
Over the crashing steel,
All their eyes forward bent,
Rushed the black regiment.

"Freedom!" their battle-cry--
"Freedom! or leave to die!"
Ah! and they meant the word,
Not as with us 't is heard,
Not a mere party-shout:
They gave their spirits out
Trusted the end to God,
And on the gory sod
Rolled in triumphant blood.
Glad to strike one free blow,
Whether for weal or woe;
Glad to breathe one free breath,
Though on the lips of death,
Praying--alas! in vain!--
That they might fall again,
So they could once more see
That burst to liberty!
This was what "freedom" lent
To the black regiment.

Hundreds on hundreds fell;
But they are resting well;
Scourges and shackles strong
Never shall do them wrong.
Oh, to the living few,
Soldiers, be just and true!
Hail them as comrades tried;
Fight with them side by side;
Never, in field or tent,
Scorn the black regiment!

The battle of Milliken's Bend was fought on the 6th of June, 1863. The troops at this point were under the command of Brig.-Gen. E. S. Dennis. The force consisted of the 23d Iowa, 160 men; 9th La., 500; 11th La., 600; 1st Miss., 150; total, 1,410. Gen. Dennis's report places the number of his troops at 1,061; but evidently a clerical error crept into the report. Of the force engaged, 1,250 were Colored, composing the 9th and 11th Louisiana and the 1st Mississippi. The attacking force comprised six Confederate regiments--about 3,000 men,--under the command of Gen. Henry McCulloch. This force, coming from the interior of Louisiana, by the way of Richmond, struck the 9th Louisiana and two companies of Federal cavalry, and drove them within sight of the earthworks at the Bend. It was now nightfall, and the enemy rested, hoping and believing himself able to annihilate the Union forces on the morrow.

During the night a steamboat passed the Bend, and Gen. Dennis availed himself of the opportunity of sending to Admiral Porter for assistance. The gun-boats, "Choctaw" and "Lexington" were despatched to Milliken's Bend from Helena. As the "Choctaw" was coming in sight, at 3 o'clock in the morning, the rebels made their first charge on the Federal earthworks, filling the air with their vociferous cries: "No _quarter!_" to Negroes and their officers. The Negro troops had just been recruited, and hence knew little or nothing of the manual or use of arms. But the desperation with which they fought has no equal in the annals of modern wars. The enemy charged the works with desperate fury, but were checked by a deadly fire deliberately delivered by the troops within. The enemy fell back and charged the flanks of the Union columns, and, by an enfilading fire, drove them back toward the river, where they sought the protection of the gun-boats. The "Choctaw" opened a broadside upon the exulting foe, and caused him to beat a hasty retreat. The Negro troops were ordered to charge, and it was reported by a "Tribune" correspondent that many of the Union troops were killed before the gun-boats could be signalled to "_cease firing_." The following description of the battle was given by an eye-witness of the affair, and a gentleman of exalted character:

"My informant states that a force of about one thousand negroes
and two hundred men of the Twenty-third Iowa, belonging to the
Second brigade, Carr's division (the Twenty-third Iowa had been
up the river with prisoners, and was on its way back to this
place), was surprised in camp by a rebel force of about two
thousand men. The first intimation that the commanding officer
received was from one of the black men, who went into the
colonel's tent and said: 'Massa, the secesh are in camp.' The
colonel ordered him to have the men load their guns at once. He
instantly replied: 'We have done did dat now, massa.' Before the
colonel was ready, the men were in line, ready for action. As
before stated, the rebels drove our force toward the gun-boats,
taking colored men prisoners and murdering them. This so enraged
them that they rallied and charged the enemy more heroically and
desperately than has been recorded during the war. It was a
genuine bayonet charge, a hand-to-hand fight, that has never
occurred to any extent during this prolonged conflict. Upon both
sides men were killed with the butts of muskets. White and black
men were lying side by side, pierced by bayonets, and in some
instances transfixed to the earth. In one instance, two men, one
white and the other black, were found dead, side by side, each
having the other's bayonet through his body. If facts prove to be
what they are now represented, this engagement of Sunday morning
will be recorded as the most desperate of this war. Broken limbs,
broken heads, the mangling of bodies, all prove that it was a
contest between enraged men: on the one side from hatred to a
race; and on the other, desire for self-preservation, revenge for
past grievances and the inhuman murder of their comrades. One
brave man took his former master prisoner, and brought him into
camp with great gusto. A rebel prisoner made a particular
request, that his own negroes should not be placed over him as a
guard. Dame Fortune is capricious! His request was _not_ granted.
Their mode of warfare does not entitle them to any privileges. If
any are granted, it is from magnanimity to a fellow-foe.

"The rebels lost five cannon, two hundred men killed, four
hundred to five hundred wounded, and about two hundred prisoners.
Our loss is reported to be one hundred killed and five hundred
wounded; but few were white men."[102]

Mr. G. G. Edwards, who was in the fight, wrote, on the 13th of June:

"Tauntingly it has been said that negroes won't fight. Who say
it, and who but a dastard and a brute will dare to say it, when
the battle of Milliken's Bend finds its place among the heroic
deeds of this war? This battle has significance. It demonstrates
the fact that the freed slaves will fight."

The month of July, 1863, was memorable. Gen. Mead had driven Lee from Gettysburg, Grant had captured Vicksburg, Banks had captured Port Hudson, and Gillmore had begun his operations on Morris Island. On the 13th of July the New York Draft Riot broke out. The Democratic press had advised the people that they were to be called upon to fight the battles of the "Niggers" and "Abolitionists"; while Gov. Seymour "_requested_" the rioters to await the return of his adjutant-general whom he had despatched to Washington to have the President suspend the draft. The speech was either cowardly or treasonous. It meant, when read between the lines, it is unjust for the Government to draft you men; I will try and get the Government to rescind its order, and until _then_ you are respectfully requested to suspend your violent acts against _property_. But the riot went on. When the troops under Gen. Wool took charge of the city, thirteen rioters were killed, eighteen wounded, and twenty-four made prisoners. The rioters rose ostensibly to resist the draft, but there were three objects before them: robbery, the destruction of the property of the rich sympathizers with the Union, and the assassination of Colored persons wherever found. They burned the Colored Orphans' Asylum, hung Colored men to lamp posts, and destroyed the property of this class of citizens with impunity.

During these tragic events in New York a gallant Negro regiment was preparing to lead an assault upon the rebel Fort Wagner on Morris Island, South Carolina. On the morning of the 16th of July, 1863, the 54th Massachusetts--first Colored regiment from the North--was compelled to fall back upon Gen. Terry from before a strong and fresh rebel force from Georgia. This was on James Island. The 54th was doing picket duty, and these early visitors thought to find Terry asleep; but instead found him awaiting their coming with all the vigilance of an old soldier. And in addition to the compliment his troops paid the enemy, the gunboats "Pawnee," "Huron," "Marblehead," "John Adams," and "Mayflower" paid their warmest respects to the intruders. They soon withdrew, having sustained a loss of 200, while Gen. Terry's loss was only about 100. It had been arranged to concentrate the Union forces on Morris Island, open a bombardment upon Fort Wagner, and then charge and take it on the 18th. The troops on James Island were put in motion to form a junction with the forces already upon Morris Island. The march of the 54th Mass., began on the night of the 16th and continued until the afternoon of the 18th. Through ugly marshes, over swollen streams, and broken dykes--through darkness and rain, the regiment made its way to Morris Island where it arrived at 6 A.M. of the 18th of July. The bombardment of Wagner was to have opened at daylight of this day; but a terrific storm sweeping over land and sea prevented. It was 12:30 P.M. when the thunder of siege guns, batteries, and gunboats announced the opening of the dance of death. A semicircle of batteries, stretching across the island for a half mile, sent their messages of destruction into Wagner, while the fleet of iron vessels battered down the works of the haughty and impregnable little fort. All the afternoon one hundred great guns thundered at the gates of Wagner. Toward the evening the bombardment began to slacken until a death-like stillness ensued. To close this part of the dreadful programme Nature lifted her hoarse and threatening voice, and a severe thunder-storm broke over the scene. Darkness was coming on. The brave Black regiment had reached Gen. Strong's headquarters fatigued, hungry, and damp. No time could be allowed for refreshments. Col. Shaw and Gen. Strong addressed the regiment in eloquent, inspiring language. Line of battle was formed in three brigades. The first was led by Gen. Strong, consisting of the 54th Massachusetts (Colored), Colonel Robert Gould Shaw; the 6th Connecticut, Col. Chatfield; the 48th New York, Col. Barton; the 3d New Hampshire, Col. Jackson; the 76th Pennsylvania, Col. Strawbridge; and the 9th Maine. The 54th was the only regiment of Colored men in the brigade, and to it was assigned the post of honor and danger in the front of the attacking column. The shadows of night were gathering thick and fast. Gen. Strong took his position, and the order to charge was given. On the brave Negro regiment swept amid the shot and shell of Sumter, Cumming's Point, and Wagner. Within a few minutes the troops had double-quicked a half mile; and but few had suffered from the heavy guns; but suddenly a terrific fire of small arms was opened upon the 54th. But with matchless courage the regiment dashed on over the trenches and up the side of the fort, upon the top of which Sergt. Wm. H. Carney planted the colors of the regiment. But the howitzers in the bastions raked the ditch, and hand-grenades from the parapet tore the brave men as they climbed the battle-scarred face of the fort. Here waves the flag of a Northern Negro regiment; and here its brave, beautiful, talented young colonel, Robert Gould Shaw, was saluted by death and kissed by immortality! Gen. Strong received a mortal wound, while Col. Chatfield and many other heroic officers yielded a full measure of devotion to the cause of the Union. Three other colonels were wounded,--Barton, Green, and Jackson. The shattered brigade staggered back into line under the command of Major Plympton, of the 3d New Hampshire, while the noble 54th retired in care of Lieutenant Francis L. Higginson. The second brigade, composed of the 7th New Hampshire, Col. H. S. Putnam; 626 Ohio, Col. Steele; 67th Ohio, Col. Vorhees; and the 100th New York, under Col. Danby, was led against the fort, by Col. Putnam, who was killed in the assault. So this brigade was compelled to retire. One thousand and five hundred (1,500) men were thrown away in this fight, but one fact was clearly established, that Negroes could and would fight as bravely as white men. The following letter, addressed to the Military Secretary of Gov. Andrew, of Massachusetts, narrates an instance of heroism in a Negro soldier which deserves to go into history:

"HEADQUARTERS 54TH MASSACHUSETTS VOLS. }
"MORRIS ISLAND, S. C., Oct. 15, 1863. }

"COLONEL: I have the honor to forward you the following letter,
received a few days since from Sergeant W. H. Carney, Company C,
of this regiment. Mention has before been made of his heroic
conduct in preserving the American flag and bearing it from the
field, in the assault on Fort Wagner on the 18th of July last,
but that you may have the history complete, I send a simple
statement of the facts as I have obtained them from him, and an
officer who was an eye-witness:

"When the Sergeant arrived to within about one hundred yards of
the fort--he was with the first battalion, which was in the
advance of the storming column--he received the regimental
colors, pressed forward to the front rank, near the Colonel, who
was leading the men over the ditch. He says, as they ascended the
wall of the fort, the ranks were full, but as soon as they
reached the top, 'they melted away' before the enemy's fire
'almost instantly.' He received a severe wound in the thigh, but
fell only upon his knees. He planted the flag upon the parapet,
lay down on the outer slope, that he might get as much shelter as
possible; there he remained for over half an hour, till the 2d
brigade came up. He kept the colors flying until the second
conflict was ended. When our forces retired he followed, creeping
on one knee, still holding up the flag. It was thus that Sergeant
Carney came from the field, having held the emblem of liberty
over the walls of Fort Wagner during the sanguinary conflict of
the two brigades, and having received two very severe wounds, one
in the thigh and one in the head. Still he refused to give up his
sacred trust until he found an officer of his regiment.

"When he entered the field hospital, where his wounded comrades
were being brought in, they cheered him and the colors. Though
nearly exhausted with the loss of blood, he said: 'Boys, the old
flag never touched the ground.'

"Of him as a man and soldier, I can speak in the highest term of
praise.

"I have the honor to be, Colonel, very respectfully,

"Your most obedient servant,
"M. S. LITTLEFIELD,
"_Col. Comd'g 54th Reg't Mass. Vols._

"Col. A. G. BROWN, Jr., _Military Secretary to his Excellency
John A. Andrew, Mass._"

It was natural that Massachusetts should feel a deep interest in her Negro regiment: for it was an experiment; and the fair name of the Old Bay State had been committed to its keeping. Edward L. Pierce gave the following account of the regiment to Gov. John A. Andrew:

"BEAUFORT, July 22, 1863.

"MY DEAR SIR: You will probably receive an official report of the
losses in the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts by the mail which leaves
to-morrow, but perhaps a word from me may not be unwelcome. I saw
the officers and men on James Island on the thirteenth instant,
and on Saturday last saw them at Brigadier-General Strong's tent,
as they passed on at six or half-past six in the evening to Fort
Wagner, which is some two miles beyond. I had been the guest of
General Strong, who commanded the advance since Tuesday. Colonel
Shaw had become attached to General Strong at St. Helena, where
he was under him, and the regard was mutual. When the troops left
St. Helena they were separated, the Fifty-fourth going to James
Island. While it was there, General Strong received a letter from
Colonel Shaw, in which the desire was expressed for the transfer
of the Fifty-fourth to General Strong's brigade. So when the
troops were brought away from James Island, General Strong took
this regiment into his command. It left James Island on Thursday,
July sixteenth, at nine P.M., and marched to Cole's Island, which
they reached at four o'clock on Friday morning, marching all
night, most of the way in single file over swampy and muddy
ground. There they remained during the day, with hard-tack and
coffee for their fare, and this only what was left in their
haversacks; not a regular ration. From eleven o'clock of Friday
evening until four o'clock of Saturday they were being put on the
transport, the General Hunter, in a boat which took about fifty
at a time. There they breakfasted on the same fare, and had no
other food before entering into the assault on Fort Wagner in the
evening.

"The General Hunter left Cole's Island for Folly Island at six
A.M., and the troops landed at the Pawnee Landing about half-past
nine A.M., and thence marched to the point opposite Morris
Island, reaching there about two o'clock in the afternoon. They
were transported in a steamer across the inlet, and at five P.M.
began their march for Fort Wagner. They reached Brigadier-General
Strong's quarters, about midway on the island, about six or
half-past six, where they halted for five minutes. I saw them
here, and they looked worn and weary.