Chapter XIX: Negroes as Soldiers (2)

"General Strong expressed a great desire to give them food and
stimulants, but it was too late, as they were to lead the charge.
They had been without tents during the pelting rains of Thursday
and Friday nights. General Strong had been impressed with the
high character of the regiment and its officers, and he wished to
assign them the post where the most severe work was to be done,
and the highest honor was to be won. I had been his guest for
some days, and knew how he regarded them. The march across Folly
and Morris Islands was over a very sandy road, and was very
wearisome. The regiment went through the centre of the island,
and not along the beach where the marching was easier. When they
had come within about one thousand six hundred yards of Fort
Wagner, they halted and formed in line of battle--the Colonel
leading the right and the Lieutenant-Colonel the left wing. They
then marched four hundred yards further on and halted again.
There was little firing from the enemy at this point, one solid
shot falling between the wings, and another falling to the right,
but no musketry.

"At this point the regiment, together with the next supporting
regiments, the Sixth Connecticut, Ninth Maine, and others,
remained half an hour. The regiment was addressed by General
Strong and Colonel Shaw. Then at half-past seven or a quarter
before eight o'clock the order for the charge was given. The
regiment advanced at quick time, changed to double-quick when at
some distance on. The intervening distance between the place
where the line was formed and the Fort was run over in a few
minutes. When within one or two hundred yards of the Fort, a
terrific fire of grape and musketry was poured upon them along
the entire line, and with deadly results. It tore the ranks to
pieces and disconcerted some. They rallied again, went through
the ditch, in which were some three feet of water, and then up
the parapet. They raised the flag on the parapet, where it
remained for a few minutes. Here they melted away before the
enemy's fire, their bodies falling down the slope and into the
ditch. Others will give a more detailed and accurate account of
what occurred during the rest of the conflict.

"Colonel Shaw reached the parapet, leading his men, and was
probably killed. Adjutant James saw him fall. Private Thomas
Burgess, of Company I, told me that he was close to Colonel Shaw;
that he waved his sword and cried out: 'Onward, boys!' and, as he
did so, fell. Burgess fell, wounded, at the same time. In a
minute or two, as he rose to crawl away, he tried to pull Colonel
Shaw along, taking hold of his feet, which were near his own
head, but there appeared to be no life in him. There is a report,
however, that Colonel Shaw is wounded and a prisoner, and that it
was so stated to the officers who bore a flag of truce from us,
but I cannot find it well authenticated. It is most likely that
this noble youth has given his life to his country and to
mankind. Brigadier-General Strong (himself a kindred spirit) said
of him to-day, in a message to his parents: 'I had but little
opportunity to be with him, but I already loved him. No man ever
went more gallantly into battle. None knew but to love him.' I
parted with Colonel Shaw between six and seven, Saturday evening,
as he rode forward to his regiment, and he gave me the private
letters and papers he had with him, to be delivered to his
father. Of the other officers, Lieutenant-Colonel Hallowell is
severely wounded in the groin; Adjutant James has a wound from a
grape-shot in his ankle, and a flesh-wound in his side from a
glancing ball or piece of shell. Captain Pope has had a
musket-ball extracted from his shoulder. Captain Appleton is
wounded in the thumb, and also has a contusion on his right
breast from a hand-grenade. Captain Willard has a wound in the
leg, and is doing well. Captain Jones was wounded in the right
shoulder. The ball went through and he is doing well. Lieutenant
Homans wounded by a ball from a smooth-bore musket entering the
left side, which has been extracted from the back. He is doing
well.

"The above-named officers are at Beaufort, all but the last
arriving there on Sunday evening, whither they were taken from
Morris Island to Pawnee Landing, in the Alice Price, and thence
to Beaufort in the Cosmopolitan, which is specially fitted up for
hospital service and is provided with skilful surgeons under the
direction of Dr. Bontecou. They are now tenderly cared for with
an adequate corps of surgeons and nurses, and provided with a
plentiful supply of ice, beef and chicken broth, and stimulants.
Lieutenant Smith was left at the hospital tent on Morris Island.
Captain Emilio and Lieutenants Grace, Appleton, Johnston, Reed,
Howard, Dexter, Jennison, and Emerson, were not wounded and are
doing duty. Lieutenants Jewett and Tucker were slightly wounded
and are doing duty also. Lieut. Pratt was wounded and came in
from the field on the following day. Captains Russell and
Simpkins are missing. The Quartermaster and Surgeon are safe and
are with the regiment.

"Dr. Stone remained on the Alice Price during Saturday night,
caring for the wounded until she left Morris Island, and then
returned to look after those who were left behind. The Assistant
Surgeon was at the camp on St. Helena Island, attending to duty
there. Lieutenant Littlefield was also in charge of the camp at
St. Helena. Lieutenant Higginson was on Folly Island with a
detail of eighty men. Captain Bridge and Lieutenant Walton are
sick and were at Beaufort or vicinity. Captain Partridge has
returned from the North, but not in time to participate in the
action.

"Of the privates and non-commissioned officers I send you a list
of one hundred and forty-four who are now in the Beaufort
hospitals. A few others died on the boats or since their arrival
here. There may be others at the Hilton Head Hospital; and others
are doubtless on Morris Island; but I have no names or statistics
relative to them. Those in Beaufort are well attended to--just as
well as the white soldiers, the attentions of the surgeons and
nurses being supplemented by those of the colored people here,
who have shown a great interest in them. The men of the regiment
are very patient, and where their condition at all permits them,
are cheerful. They express their readiness to meet the enemy
again, and they keep asking if Wagner is yet taken. Could any one
from the North see these brave fellows as they lie here, his
prejudice against them, if he had any, would all pass away. They
grieve greatly at the loss of Colonel Shaw, who seems to have
acquired a strong hold on their affections. They are attached to
their other officers, and admire General Strong, whose courage
was so conspicuous to all. I asked General Strong if he had any
testimony in relation to the regiment to be communicated to you.
These are his precise words, and I give them to you as I noted
them at the time:

"'The Fifty-fourth did well and nobly, only the fall of Colonel
Shaw prevented them from entering the Fort. They moved up as
gallantly as any troops could, and with their enthusiasm they
deserve a better fate.' The regiment could not have been under a
better officer than Colonel Shaw. He is one of the bravest and
most genuine men. His soldiers loved him like a brother, and go
where you would through the camps you would hear them speak of
him with enthusiasm and affection. His wound is severe, and there
are some apprehensions as to his being able to recover from it.
Since I found him at the hospital tent on Morris Island, about
half-past nine o'clock on Saturday, I have been all the time
attending to him or the officers of the Fifty-fourth, both on the
boats and here. Nobler spirits it has never been my fortune to
be with. General Strong, as he lay on the stretcher in the tent,
was grieving all the while for the poor fellows who lay uncared
for on the battle-field, and the officers of the Fifty-fourth
have had nothing to say of their own misfortunes, but have
mourned constantly for the hero who led them to the charge from
which he did not return. I remember well the beautiful day when
the flags were presented at Readville, and you told the regiment
that your reputation was to be identified with its fame. It was a
day of festivity and cheer. I walk now in these hospitals and see
mutilated forms with every variety of wound, and it seems all a
dream. But well has the regiment sustained the hope which you
indulged, and justified the identity of fame which you trusted to
it.

"I ought to add in relation to the fight on James Island, on July
sixteenth, in which the regiment lost fifty men, driving back the
rebels, and saving, as it is stated, three companies of the Tenth
Connecticut, that General Terry, who was in command on that
Island, said to Adjutant James:

"'Tell your Colonel that I am exceedingly pleased with the
conduct of your regiment. They have done all they could do.'

"Yours truly,
"EDWARD L. PIERCE."[103]

The Negro in the Mississippi Valley, and in the Department of the South had won an excellent reputation as a soldier. In the spring of 1864 Colored Troops made their _début_ in the army of the Potomac. In the battles at Wilson's Wharf, Petersburg, Deep Bottom, Chapin's Farm, Fair Oaks, Hatcher's Run, Farmville, and many other battles, these soldiers won for themselves lasting glory and golden opinions from the officers and men of the white organizations. On the 24th of May, 1864, Gen. Fitz-Hugh Lee called at Wilson's Wharf to pay his respects to two Negro regiments under the command of Gen. Wild. But the chivalry of the South were compelled to retire before the destructive fire of Negro soldiers. A "Tribune" correspondent who witnessed the engagement gave the following account the next day:

"At first the fight raged fiercely on the left. The woods were
riddled with bullets; the dead and wounded of the rebels were
taken away from this part of the field, but I am informed by one
accustomed to judge, and who went over the field to-day, that
from the pools of blood and other evidences the loss must have
been severe. Finding that the left could not be broken, Fitz-Hugh
Lee hurled his chivalry--dismounted of course--upon the right.
Steadily they came on, through obstructions, through slashing,
past abattis without wavering. Here _one_ of the advantages of
colored troops was made apparent. They obeyed orders, and bided
their time. When well tangled in the abattis the death-warrant,
'Fire,' went forth. Southern chivalry quailed before Northern
balls, though fired by negro hands. Volley after volley was
rained upon the superior by the inferior race, and the chivalry
broke and tried to run."

On the 8th of June Gen. Gillmore, at the head of 3,500 troops, crossed the Appomattox, and moved on Petersburg by turnpike from the north. Gen. Kautz, with about 1,500 cavalry, was to charge the city from the south, or southwest; and two gun-boats and a battery were to bombard Fort Clinton, defending the approach up the river. Gillmore was somewhat dismayed at the formidable appearance of the enemy, and, thinking himself authorized to use his own discretion, did not make an attack. On the 10th of June, Gen. Kautz advanced without meeting any serious resistance until within a mile and one half of the city, drove in the pickets and actually entered the city! Gillmore had attracted considerable attention on account of the display he made of his forces; but when he declined to fight, the rebels turned upon Kautz and drove him out of the city.

Gen. Grant had taken up his headquarters at Bermuda Hundreds, whence he directed Gen. Butler to despatch Gen. W. F. Smith's corps against Petersburg. The rebel general, A. P. Hill, commanding the rear of Lee's army, was now on the south front of Richmond. Gen. Smith moved on toward Petersburg, and at noon of the 15th of June, 1864, his advance felt the outposts of the enemy's defence about two and one half miles from the river. Here again the Negro soldier's fighting qualities were to be tested in the presence of our white troops. Gen. Hinks commanded a brigade of Negro soldiers. This brigade was to open the battle and receive the fresh fire of the enemy. Gen. Hinks--a most gallant soldier--took his place and gave the order to charge the rebel lines. Here under a clear Virginia sky, in full view of the Union white troops, the Black brigade swept across the field in magnificent line. The rebels received them with siege gun, musket, and bayonet, but they never wavered. In a short time they had carried a line of rifle-pits, driven the enemy out in confusion, and captured two large guns. It was a supreme moment; all that was needed was the order, "On to Petersburg," and the city could have been taken by the force there was in reserve for the Black brigade. But he who doubts is damned, and he who dallies is a dastard. Gen. Smith hesitated. Another assault was not ordered until near sundown, when the troops cleared another line of rifle-pits, made three hundred prisoners, and captured sixteen guns, sustaining a loss of only six hundred. The night was clear and balmy; there was nothing to hinder the battle from being carried on; but Gen. Smith halted for the night--a fatal halt. During the night the enemy was reënforced by the flower of Lee's army, and when the sunlight of the next morning fell upon the battle field it revealed an almost new army,--a desperate and determined enemy. Then it seems that Gens. Meade and Hancock did not know that Petersburg was to be attacked. Hancock's corps had lingered in the rear of the entire army, and did not reach the front until dusk. Why Gen. Smith delayed the assault until evening was not known. Even Gen. Grant, in his report of the battle, said: "Smith, for some reason that I have never been able to satisfactorily understand, did not get ready to assault the enemy's main lines until near sundown." But whatever the reason was, his conduct cost many a noble life and the postponement of the end of the war.

On the 16th of June, 1864, Gens. Burnside and Warren came up. The 18th corps, under Gen. Smith, occupied the right of the Federal lines, with its right touching the Appomattox River. Gens. Hancock, Burnside, and Warren stretched away to the extreme left, which was covered by Kautz's cavalry. After a consultation with Gen. Grant, Gen. Meade ordered a general attack all along the lines, and at 6 P.M. on the 16th of June, the battle of Petersburg was opened again. Once more a division of Black troops was hurled into the fires of battle, and once more proved that the Negro was equal to all the sudden and startling changes of war. The splendid fighting of these troops awakened the kindliest feelings for them among the white troops, justified the Government in employing them, stirred the North to unbounded enthusiasm, and made the rebel army feel that the Negro was the equal of the Confederate soldier under all circumstances. Secretary Stanton was in a state of ecstasy over the behavior of the Colored troops at Petersburg, an unusual thing for him. In his despatch on this battle, he said:

"The hardest fighting was done by the black troops. The forts
they stormed were the worst of all. After the affair was over
Gen. Smith went to thank them, and tell them he was proud of
their courage and dash. He says they cannot be exceeded as
soldiers, and that hereafter he will send them in a difficult
place as readily as the best white troops."[104]

The "Tribune" correspondent wrote on the day of the battle:

"The charge upon the advanced works was made in splendid style;
and as the 'dusky warriors' stood shouting upon the parapet, Gen.
Smith decided that 'they would do,' and sent word to storm the
first redoubt. Steadily these troops moved on, led by officers
whose unostentatious bravery is worthy of emulation. With a shout
and rousing cheers they dashed at the redoubt. Grape and canister
were hurled at them by the infuriated rebels. They grinned and
pushed on, and with a yell that told the Southern chivalry their
doom, rolled irresistibly over and into the work. The guns were
speedily turned upon those of our 'misguided brethren,' who
forgot that discretion was the better part of valor. Another
redoubt was carried in the same splendid style, and the negroes
have established a reputation that they will surely maintain.

"Officers on Gen. Hancock's staff, as they rode by the redoubt,
surrounded by a moat with water in it, over which these negroes
charged, admitted that its capture was a most gallant affair. The
negroes bear their wounds quite as pluckily as the white
soldiers."

Here the Colored Troops remained, skirmishing, fighting, building earthworks, and making ready for the next assault upon Petersburg, which was to take place on the 30th proximo. In the actions of the 18th, 21st, 23d, 24th, 25th, and 28th of June, the Colored Troops had shared a distinguished part. The following letter on the conduct of the Colored Troops before Petersburg, written by an officer who participated in all the actions around that city, is worth its space it gold:

"IN THE FIELD, NEAR PETERSBURG, VIRGINIA, }
"June 27, 1864. }

"The problem is solved. The negro is a man, a soldier, a hero.
Knowing of your laudable interest in the colored troops, but
particularly those raised under the immediate auspices of the
Supervisory Committee, I have thought it proper that I should
let you know how they acquitted themselves in the late actions in
front of Petersburg, of which you have already received newspaper
accounts. If you remember, in my conversations upon the character
of these troops, I carefully avoided saying anything about their
fighting qualities till I could have an opportunity of trying
them.

"That opportunity came on the fifteenth instant, and since, and I
am now prepared to say that I never, since the beginning of this
war, saw troops fight better, more bravely, and with more
determination and enthusiasm. Our division, commanded by General
Hinks, took the advance on the morning of the fifteenth instant,
arrived in front of the enemy's works about nine o'clock A.M.,
formed line, charged them, and took them most handsomely. Our
regiment was the first in the enemy's works, having better ground
to charge over than some of the others, and the only gun that was
taken on this first line was taken by our men. The color-sergeant
of our regiment planted his colors on the works of the enemy, a
rod in advance of any officer or man in the regiment. The effect
of the colors being thus in advance of the line, so as to be seen
by all, was truly inspiring to our men, and to a corresponding
degree dispiriting to the enemy. We pushed on two and a half
miles further, till we came in full view of the main defences of
Petersburg. We formed line at about two o'clock P.M.,
reconnoitred and skirmished the whole afternoon, and were
constantly subject to the shells of the enemy's artillery. At
sunset we charged these strong works and carried them. Major Cook
took one with the left wing of our regiment as skirmishers, by
getting under the guns, and then preventing their gunners from
using their pieces, while he gained the rear of the redoubt,
where there was no defence but the infantry, which, classically
speaking, 'skedaddled.' We charged across what appeared to be an
almost impassable ravine, with the right wing all the time
subject to a hot fire of grape and canister, until we got so far
under the guns as to be sheltered, when the enemy took to their
rifle-pits as infantrymen. Our brave fellows went steadily
through the swamp, and up the side of a hill, at an angle of
almost fifty degrees, rendered nearly impassable by fallen
timber. Here again our color-sergeant was conspicuous in keeping
far ahead of the most advanced, hanging on to the side of the
hill, till he would turn about and wave the stars and stripes at
his advancing comrades; then steadily advancing again, under the
fire of the enemy, till he could almost have reached their
rifle-pits with his flagstaff. How he kept from being killed I do
not know, unless it can be attributed to the fact that the party
advancing up the side of the hill always has the advantage of
those who hold the crest. It was in this way that we got such
decided advantage over the enemy at South Mountain. We took, in
these two redoubts, four more guns, making, in all, five for our
regiment, two redoubts, and part of a rifle-pit as our day's
work. The Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh United States colored troops
advanced against works more to the left. The Fourth United States
colored troops took one more redoubt, and the enemy abandoned the
other. In these two we got two more guns, which made, in all,
seven. The Sixth regiment did not get up in time, unfortunately,
to have much of the sport, as it had been previously formed in
the second line. We left forty-three men wounded and eleven
killed in the ravine, over which our men charged the last time.
Our loss in the whole day's operations was one hundred-and
forty-three, including six officers, one of whom was killed. Sir,
there is no underrating the good conduct of these fellows during
these charges; with but a few exceptions, they all went in as old
soldiers, but with more enthusiasm. I am delighted that our first
action resulted in a decided victory.

"The commendations we have received from the Army of the Potomac,
including its general officers, are truly gratifying. Hancock's
corps arrived just in time to relieve us (we being out of
ammunition), before the rebels were reinforced and attempted to
retake these strong works and commanding positions, without which
they could not hold Petersburg one hour, if it were a part of
Grant's plan to advance against it on the right here.

"General Smith speaks in the highest terms of the day's work, as
you have doubtless seen, and he assured me, in person, that our
division should have the guns we took as trophies of honor. He is
also making his word good in saying that he could hereafter trust
colored troops in the most responsible positions. Colonel Ames,
of the Sixth United States colored troops, and our regiment, have
just been relieved in the front, where we served our tour of
forty-eight hours in turn with the other troops of the corps.
While out, we were subjected to some of the severest shelling I
have ever seen, Malvern Hill not excepted. The enemy got twenty
guns in position during the night, and opened on us yesterday
morning at daylight. Our men stood it, behind their works, of
course, as well as any of the white troops. Our men,
unfortunately, owing to the irregular features of ground, took no
prisoners. Sir, we can bayonet the enemy to terms on this matter
of treating colored soldiers as prisoners of war far sooner than
the authorities at Washington can bring him to it by negotiation.
This I am morally persuaded of. I know, further, that the enemy
won't fight us if he can help it. I am sure that the same number
of white troops could not have taken those works on the evening
of the fifteenth; prisoners that we took told me so. I mean
prisoners who came in after the abandonment of the fort, because
they could not get away. They excuse themselves on the ground of
pride; as one of them said to me: 'D----d if men educated as we
have been will fight with niggers, and your government ought not
to expect it.' The real fact is, the rebels will not stand
against our colored soldiers when there is any chance of their
being taken prisoners, for they are conscious of what they justly
deserve. Our men went into these works after they were taken,
yelling 'Fort Pillow!' The enemy well knows what this means, and
I will venture the assertion, that that piece of infernal
brutality enforced by them there has cost the enemy already two
men for every one they so inhumanly murdered."[105]

The 9th corps, under Burnside, containing a splendid brigade of Colored Troops, had finally pushed its way up to one hundred and fifty yards of the enemy's works. In the immediate front a small fort projected out quite a distance beyond the main line of the enemy's works. It was decided to place a mine under this fort and destroy it. Just in the rear of the 9th corps was a ravine, which furnished a safe and unobserved starting-point for the mine. It was pushed forward with great speed and care. When the point was reached directly under the fort, chambers were made to the right and left, and then packed with powder or other combustibles. It was understood from the commencement that the Colored Troops were to have the post of honor again, and charge after the mine should be sprung. The inspecting officer having made a thorough examination of the entire works reported to Gen. Burnside that the "Black Division was the fittest for this perilous service." But Gen. Grant was not of the same opinion. Right on the eve of the great event he directed the three white commanders of divisions to _draw lots_--who should _not_ go into the crater! The lot fell to the poorest officer, for a dashing, brilliant movement, in the entire army; Gen. Ledlie.

The mine was to be fired at 3:30 A.M., on the morning of the 30th of July, 1864. The match was applied, but the train did not work. Lieut. Jacob Douty and Sergt. Henry Rees, of the 48th Pennsylvania, entered the gallery, removed the hindering cause, and at 4:45 A.M. the match was applied and the explosion took place. The fort was lifted into the air and came down a mass of ruins, burying 300 men. Instead of a fort there was a yawning chasm, 150 feet long, 25 feet wide, and about 25 or 30 feet deep. At the same moment all the guns of the Union forces opened from one end of their line to the other. It was verily a judgment morn. Confusion reigned among the Confederates. The enemy fled in disorder from his works. The way to Petersburg was open, unobstructed for several hours; all the Federal troops had to do was to go into the city at a trail arms without firing a gun. Gen. Ledlie was not equal to the situation. He tried to mass his division in the mouth of the crater. The 10th New Hampshire went timidly into line, and when moved forward broke into the shape of a letter V, and confusion indescribable followed. Gens. Potter and Wilcox tried to support Ledlie, but the latter division had halted after they had entered the crater, although the enemy had not recovered from the shock. Gen. Potter, by _some_ means, got his division out of the crater and gallantly led a charge toward the crest, but so few followed him that he was compelled to retire. After all had been lost, after the rebels had regained their composure, Gen. Burnside was _suffered_ to send in his "Black Division." It charged in splendid order to the right of the crater toward the crest, but was hurled back into the crater by a destructive fire from batteries and muskets. But they rallied and charged the enemy again and again until nightfall; exhausted and reduced in numbers, they fell back into the friendly darkness to rest. The Union loss was 4,400 killed, wounded, and captured. Again the Negro had honored his country and covered himself with glory. Managed differently, with the Black Division as the charging force, Petersburg would have fallen, the war would have ended before the autumn, and thousands of lives would have been saved. But a great sacrifice had to be laid upon the cruel altar of race prejudice.

In the battles around Nashville about 8,000 or 10,000 Colored Troops took part, and rendered efficient aid. Here the Colored Troops, all of them recruited from slave States, stormed fortified positions of the enemy with the bayonet through open fields, and behaved like veterans under the most destructive fire. In his report of the battle of Nashville, Major-Gen. James B. Steedman said:

"The larger portion of these losses, amounting in the aggregate
to fully twenty-five per cent. of the men under my command who
were taken into action, it will be observed, fell upon the
Colored Troops. The severe loss of this part of my troops was in
the brilliant charge on the enemy's works on Overton Hill on
Friday afternoon. I was unable to discover that _color_ made any
difference in the fighting of my troops. All, white and black,
nobly did their duty as soldiers, and evinced cheerfulness and
resolution, such as I have never seen excelled in any campaign of
the war in which I have borne a part."[106]

The following table shows the losses in this action:

-------------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-----------------
| Killed.|Wounded.|Missing.| Total. |
|--------+--------+--------+--------+
|Officers|Officers|Officers|Officers|
| | Men | | Men| | Men| | Men |
-------------------+--+-----+---+----+---+----+--+-----+-----------------
Fourteenth U. S. | | | | | | | | |}Organized as the
Colored Infantry | | 4 | | 41| | 20| | 65 |}First Colored
Forty-fourth U. S. | | | | | | | | |}Brigade,
Colored Infantry | 1| 2 | | 27| 2| 49| 3| 78 |}Colonel T. J.
Sixteenth U. S. | | | | | | | | |}Morgan,
Colored Infantry | | 1 | | 2| | | | 3 |}commanding.
Eighteenth U. S. | | | | | | | | |}
Colored Infantry | | 1 | | 5| | 3| | 9 |}
Seventeenth U. S. | | | | | | | | |}
Colored Infantry | 7| 14 | 4| 64| | | 6| 78 |}
| | | | | | | | |
Twelfth U. S. | | | | | | | | |{Organized as the
Colored Infantry | 3| 10 | 3| 99| | | 6| 109 |{Second Colored
Thirteenth U. S. | | | | | | | | |{Brigade, Col.
Colored Infantry | 4| 51 | 4| 161| | 1| 8| 213 |{C. K. Thompson,
One Hundredth U.S. | | | | | | | | |{commanding.
Colored Infantry | | 12 | 5| 116| | | 5| 128 |{
| | | | | | | | |
Eighteenth Ohio | | | | | | | | |}Included in the
Infantry | 2| 9 | 2| 38| | 9| 4| 56 |}Provisional
Sixty-eighth | | | | | | | | |}Division,
Indiana Infantry | | 1 | | 7| | | | 8 |}A. C.,
Provisional | | | | | | | | |}Brigadier-
Division, A. C. | 1| 19 | 3| 74| | 33| 4| 126 |}General Cruft,
| | | | | | | | |}commanding.
Twentieth Indiana | | | | | | | | |
Battery | | | 2| 6| | | 2| 6 |Captain Osborn.
|--+-----+---+----+---+----+--+-----+
Aggregate |18| 124 | 23| 640| 2| 115|38| 879 |
| | | | | | | | 38 |
| | | | | | | -----|
Total | | | | | | | | 917 |
-------------------+--+-----+---+----+---+----+--+-----+-----------------

At the battle of Appomattox a division of picked Colored Troops (Gen. Birney[107]) accomplished some most desperate and brilliant fighting, and received the praise of the white troops who acted as their support.

From the day the Government put arms into the hands of Negro soldiers to the last hour of the Slave-holders' Rebellion they rendered effective aid in suppressing the rebellion and in saving the Union. They fought a twofold battle--conquered the prejudices and fears of the white people of the North and the swaggering insolence and lofty confidence of the South.

As to the efficiency of Negroes as soldiers abundant testimony awaits the hand of the historian. The following letter speaks for itself.

ADJ.-GEN. THOMAS ON NEGRO SOLDIERS.

"WAR DEP'T, ADJ.-GENERAL'S OFFICE, }
"WASHINGTON, May 30, 1864. }

"Hon. H. WILSON:

"DEAR SIR: On several occasions when on the Mississippi River, I
contemplated writing to you respecting the colored troops and to
suggest that, as they have been fully tested as soldiers, their
pay should be raised to that of white troops, and I desire now to
give my testimony in their behalf. You are aware that I have been
engaged in the organization of freedmen for over a year, and have
necessarily been thrown in constant contact with them.

"The negro in a state of slavery is brought up by the master,
from early childhood, to strict obedience and to obey implicitly
the dictates of the white man, and they are thus led to believe
that they are an inferior race. Now, when organized into troops,
they carry this habit of obedience with them, and their officers
being entirely white men, the negroes promptly obey their orders.

"A regiment is thus rapidly brought into a state of discipline.
They are a religious people--another high quality for making good
soldiers. They are a musical people, and thus readily learn to
march and accurately perform their manoeuvres. They take pride in
being elevated as soldiers, and keep themselves, as their camp
grounds, neat and clean. This I know from special inspection, two
of my staff-officers being constantly on inspecting duty. They
have proved a most important addition to our forces, enabling
the Generals in active operations to take a large force of white
troops into the field; and now brigades of blacks are placed with
the whites. The forts erected at the important points on the
river are nearly all garrisoned by blacks--artillery regiments
raised for the purpose,--say at Paducah and Columbus, Kentucky,
Memphis, Tennessee, Vicksburg and Natchez, Mississippi and most
of the works around New Orleans.

"Experience proves that they manage heavy guns very well. Their
fighting qualities have also been fully tested a number of times,
and I am yet to hear of the first case where they did not fully
stand up to their work. I passed over the ground where the 1st
Louisiana made the gallant charge at Port Hudson, by far the
stronger part of the rebel works. The wonder is that so many have
made their escape. At Milliken's Bend where I had three
incomplete regiments,--one without arms until the day previous to
the attack,--greatly superior numbers of the rebels charged
furiously up to the very breastworks. The negroes met the enemy
on the ramparts, and both sides freely used the bayonet--a most
rare occurrence in warfare, as one of the other party gives way
before coming in contact with the steel. The rebels were defeated
With heavy loss. The bridge at Moscow, on the line of railroad
from Memphis to Corinth, was defended by one small regiment of
blacks. A cavalry attack of three times their number was made,
the blacks defeating them in three charges made by the Rebels.

"They fought them hours till our cavalry came up, when the defeat
was made complete, many of the dead being left on the field.

"A cavalry force of three hundred and fifty attacked three
hundred rebel cavalry near the Big Black with signal success, a
number of prisoners being taken and marched to Vicksburg. Forrest
attacked Paducah with 7,500 men. The garrison was between 500 and
600, nearly 400 being colored troops recently raised. What troops
could have done better? So, too, they fought well at Fort Pillow
till overpowered by greatly superior numbers.

"The above enumerated cases seem to me sufficient to demonstrate
the value of the colored troops.

"I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

"Your obedient servant,
"L. THOMAS, _Adj.-General_.

In regard to the conduct of the Colored Troops at Petersburg, a correspondent to the "Boston Journal" gave the following account from the lips of Gen. Smith:

"A few days ago I sat in the tent of Gen. W. F. Smith, commander
of the 18th Corps, and heard his narration of the manner in
which Gen. Hinks' division of colored troops stood the fire and
charged upon the Rebel works east of Petersburg on the 16th of
June. There were thirteen guns pouring a constant fire of shot
and shell upon those troops, enfilading the line, cutting it
lengthwise and crosswise, 'Yet they stood unmoved for _six
hours_. Not a man flinched. [These are the words of the General.]
It was as severe a test as I ever saw. But they stood it, and
when my arrangements were completed for charging the works, they
moved with the steadiness of veterans to the attack. I expected
that they would fall back, or be cut to pieces; but when I saw
them move over the field, gain the works and capture the guns, I
was astounded. They lost between 500 and 600 in doing it. There
is material in the negroes to make the best troops in the world,
if they are properly trained.'

"These are the words of one of the ablest commanders and
engineers in the service. A graduate of West Point, who, earlier
in the war, had the prejudices which were held by many other men
against the negro. He has changed his views. He is convinced, and
honorably follows his convictions, as do all men who are not
stone blind or perversely wilful."[108]

Gen. Blunt in a letter to a friend speaks of the valor of Colored Troops at the battle of Honey Springs. He says:

"The negroes (1st colored regiment) were too much for the enemy,
and let me here say that I never saw such fighting as was done by
that negro regiment. They fought like veterans, with a coolness
and valor that is unsurpassed. They preserved their line perfect
throughout the whole engagement, and although in the hottest of
the fight, they never once faltered. Too much praise cannot be
awarded them for their gallantry. The question that negroes will
fight is settled, besides they make better soldiers in every
respect, than any troops I have ever had under my command."[109]

The following from the Washington correspondent of the "New York Tribune" is of particular value:

"In speaking of the soldierly qualities of our colored troops, I
do not refer specially to their noble action in the perilous edge
of battle; that is settled, but to their docility and their
patience of labor and suffering in the camp and on the march.

"I have before me a private letter from a friend, now Major in
one of the Pennsylvania colored regiments, a portion of which I
think the public should find in your columns. He says in
speaking of service in his regiment: 'I am delighted with it. I
find that these colored men learn every thing that pertains to
the duties of a soldier much faster than any white soldiers I
have ever seen. The reason is apparent,--not that they are
smarter than white men, but they feel promoted; they feel as
though their whole sphere of life was advanced and enlarged. They
are willing, obedient, and cheerful; move with agility, and _are
full of music_, which is almost a _sine qua non_ to soldierly
bearing.'

"Soon after the letter of which the above is an extract was
written, the regiment was ordered to the field from which the
Major writes again: 'The more I know and see of these negro
regiments, the more I am delighted with the whole enterprise. It
is truly delightful to command a regiment officered as these are.
In all my experience I have never known a better class of
officers.... I have charge of the school of non-commissioned
officers here. I drill them once a day and have them recite from
the oral instructions given them the day before. I find them more
anxious to learn their duties and more ready to perform them when
they know them than any set of non-commissioned officers I ever
saw.... There is no discount on these fellows at all. Give me a
thousand such men as compose this regiment and I desire no
stronger battalion to lead against an enemy that is at once their
oppressors and traitors to my, and my soldiers' country.'

"This testimony is worth a chapter of speculation. The Major
alludes to one fact above, moreover, to which the public
attention has not been often directed--the excellent and able men
who are in command of our colored troops. They are generally men
of heart--men of opinions--men whose generous impulses have not
been chilled in 'the cold shade of West Point.'

"The officer from whose letter I have quoted was a volunteer in
the ranks of a Pennsylvania regiment from the day of the attack
on Sumter until August, 1862. His bravery, his devotion to the
principles of freedom, his zeal in the holy cause of his country
through all the campaigns of the calamitous McClellan, won the
regard and attention of our loyal Governor Curtin, who, with rare
good sense and discrimination, took him from the ranks and made
him first, Lieut.-Colonel, and then Colonel of a regiment in the
nine months' service. He carried himself through all in such a
manner as fully justified the Governor's confidence, and has
stepped now into a position where his patriotic zeal can
concentrate the valor of these untutored free men in defense of
our imperilled country. So long as these brave colored men are
officered by gallant, high-hearted, slave-hating men, we can
never despair of the Republic."[110]

Mr. D. Aden in a letter to Col. Darling, dated Norfolk, Va., Feb. 22, 1864, said:

"During the expedition last October to Charles City Court House,
on the Peninsula, the colored troops marched steadily through
storm and mud; and on coming up with the enemy, behaved as
bravely under fire as veterans. An officer of the 1st N. Y.
Mounted Rifles--a most bitter opponent and reviler of colored
troops--who was engaged in this affair, volunteered the statement
that they had fought bravely, and, in his own language, more
expressive than elegant, were 'bully boys'--which coming from
such a source, might be regarded as the highest praise.

"During the recent advance toward Richmond to liberate the Union
prisoners, the 4th, 5th, and 9th regiments formed part of the
expedition and behaved splendidly. They marched thirty miles in
ten hours, and an unusually small number straggled on the route."

Col. John A. Foster of the 175th New York, in January, 1864, wrote to Col. Darling as follows:

"While before Port Hudson, during the siege of that place, I was
acting on Col. Gooding's staff, prior to the arrival of my
regiment at that place. On the assault of May 27, 1863, Col.
Gooding was ordered to proceed to the extreme right of our lines
and oversee the charge of the two regiments constituting the
negro-brigade, and I accompanied him.

"We witnessed them in line of battle, under a very heavy fire of
musketry, and siege and field pieces. There was a deep gully or
bayou before them, which they could not cross nor ford in the
presence of the enemy, and hence an assault was wholly
impracticable. Yet they made five several attempts to swim and
cross it, preparatory to an assault on the enemy's works; and in
this, too, in fair view of the enemy, and at short musket range.
Added to this, the nature of the enemy's works was such that it
allowed an enfilading fire. Success was impossible; yet they
behaved as cool as if veterans, and when ordered to retire,
marched off as if on parade. I feel satisfied that, if the
position of the bayou had been known and the assault made a
quarter of a mile to the left of where it was, the place would
have been taken by this negro brigade on that day.

"On that day I witnessed the attack made by the divisions of
Generals Grover and Paine, and can truly say I saw no steadier
fighting by those daring men than did the negroes in this their
first fight.

"On the second assault, June 14th, in the assault made by Gen.
Paine's division, our loss was very great in wounded, and, as
there was a want of ambulance men, I ordered about a hundred
negroes, who were standing idle and unharmed, to take the
stretchers and carry the wounded from the field. Under a most
severe fire of musketry, grape, and canister, they performed this
duty with unflinching courage and nonchalance. They suffered
severely in this duty both in killed and wounded; yet not a man
faltered. These men had just been recruited, and were not even
partially disciplined. But I next saw the negroes (engineers)
working in these trenches, under a heavy fire of the enemy. They
worked faithfully, and wholly regardless of exposure to the
enemy's fire."

Mr. Cadwallader in his despatch concerning the battle of Spottsylvania, dated May 18th, says:

"It is a subject of considerable merriment in camp that a charge
of the famous Hampton Legion, the flower of Southern chivalry,
was repulsed by the Colored Troops of General Ferrero's
command."[111]

These are but a _few_ of the tributes that brave and true white men cheerfully gave to the valor and loyalty of Colored Troops during the war. No officer, whose privilege it was to command or observe the conduct of these troops, has ever hesitated to give a full and cheerful endorsement of their worth as men, their loyalty as Americans, and their eminent qualifications for the duties and dangers of military life. No history of the war has ever been written, no history of the war ever can be written, without mentioning the patience, endurance, fortitude, and heroism of the Negro soldiers who prayed, wept, fought, bled, and died for the preservation of the Union of the United States of America!

FOOTNOTES:

[97] This was remedied at length, after the 54th Massachusetts Infantry had refused pay for a year, unless the regiment could be treated as other regiments. Major Sturges, Agent for the State of Massachusetts, made up the difference between $7 and $13 to disabled and discharged soldiers of this regiment, until the 15th June, 1864, when the Government came to its senses respecting this great injustice to its gallant soldiers.

[98] Times, Feb. 10, 1863.

[99] Times, Feb. 11, 1863.

[100] For the official report of Colonel Higginson and the war correspondent, see Rebellion Records, vol. vii. Document, pp. 176-178.

[101] New York Times, June 13, 1863.

[102] Rebellion Records, vol. vii. Doc. p. 15.

[103] Rebellion Recs., vol. vii. Doc., p. 215, 216.

[104] Herald, June 18, 1864.

[105] Rebellion Recs., vol. xi. Doc. pp. 580, 581.

[106] Rebellion Recs., vol. xi. Doc., p. 89.

[107] I remember now, as I was in the battle of Appomattox Court House, that Gen. Birney was relieved just after the battle of Farmville, because he refused to march his division in the rear of all the white troops. It was doubtless Gen. Foster who led the Colored Troops in the action at Appomattox.

[108] Tribune, July 26, 1864.

[109] Tribune, August 19, 1863.

[110] New York Tribune, Nov. 14, 1863.

[111] New York Herald, May 20, 1864.