Chapter X: Section 7: Amended to read, “One bridge at the place where the Liberian (5)

Of course where there is corruption in the judiciary there is almost certain to be miscarriage of justice. During the time we were in Monrovia, there was great excitement over the case of Col. Lomax and Commissioner Cooper. We have already mentioned Col. Lomax. He figured conspicuously in the Kanre-Lahun matter, when he gained the undying hostility of the British; when Major Mackay Cadell was removed from his position as the head of the Frontier Force, Lomax took charge; he has recently been in the district of the newly acquired Behlu Territory. This is the tract of forest land, of little value, which Great Britain traded to the Liberian Government in exchange for the rich and desirable Kanre-Lahun district. Poor as that area is, Britain will never be content to leave it in Liberian possession. In taking over the area, Col. Lomax was sent to the new boundary with soldiers, and Commissioner Cooper was sent to aid in delimiting the boundary. Of course there was trouble; there would have been trouble had Lomax and Cooper been angels. At the town of Behlu itself, certainly within the new Liberian territory, there was difficulty, and several Liberian soldiers were killed. All sorts of complaints were hurried to Monrovia by the Sierra Leone authorities:--Lomax was causing difficulties; he and Cooper were interfering with the delimitation of the boundary; Liberian soldiers, instigated no doubt by Lomax, were tearing down the cairns which marked the boundary line; the British commissioners refused to do anything unless both men were summoned from the border, and meantime would charge up the expenses of the commission for the period of their idleness; Col. Lomax was accused of murder--it was stated that he had killed eight native chiefs. These complaints were so urgent and serious that the President of the Republic sent orders to Lomax and Cooper to return at once to Monrovia; to these orders no attention was given. The Secretary of State was sent to fetch them, but is said to have stayed in the district, apparently sympathizing in their attitude; it is asserted that the deeds of violence, destruction of cairns, and insulting of British commissioners continued after he was on the ground. The Postmaster-General was hurried to the boundary to bring back the Secretary of State, the Colonel, the Commissioner, and their henchman, Lieutenant Morris,--who, it seems, had been the active agent in the cairn destruction. Some days of inexplicable delay seem to have passed, when the Secretary of the Treasury, the Assistant Secretary of State, and Capt. Brown (one of the American officers) were hastened to the scene of difficulty to get the recalcitrants home. The Secretary of State, Postmaster-General, Secretary of the Treasury, and Capt. Brown started together for Monrovia; Lomax, Cooper, and Morris were reported to be already upon their way through the interior to the capital. Arrived there, Lomax and Cooper were promptly jailed; less promptly they were brought to trial. The Attorney-General presented the case against them. Lomax was tried for the murder of two native chiefs; Cooper for the murder of a third. The Lomax trial lasted two days; it was before the jury for but ten minutes. He was found not guilty, and was carried in triumph on the shoulders of friends, amidst a great outburst of feeling, from the court-house. The Cooper trial came the next day; it was promptly decided in his favor. There is no question that the Behlu difficulty is on; Great Britain will in some way get back the territory which she so generously traded to Liberia; undoubtedly in the diplomatic dealings regarding it much will be made of this Lomax case; there is not the least doubt that the native chiefs were killed; there is no denial that Lomax and Cooper were responsible for the killing; but the trial and its results are good psychology; they were as inevitable as anything could be. There was in this case no actual miscarriage of justice; Col. Lomax is a national hero; he embodied the national aspirations; he represented the nation as a victim of the injustice and greed of Britain through the years; his ovation was the result of natural sentiments. It may not be diplomacy; it may not be good politics; but it is in the very nature of humanity.

The great American government, after a silence, far from forgetting
and abandoning the tender infant cast upon the shores of Africa, has
come in our hour of danger to assist us on her strong pinions to a
nest of safety. If we but follow her example and heed her teachings of
economy, thrift and industry, and if we are just in our dealings with
men and nations we shall never escape her vigilant eye, nor cease to
be the object of marked manifestation of interest on her part.--DANIEL
E. HOWARD.

THE APPEAL TO THE UNITED STATES.

In 1908 Liberian conditions were desperate. England and France had been alternately slicing off territory; debts were weighing the nation down, and creditors were pressing; reforms were insolently demanded under threats. The future indeed was dark. In her hour of desperation, Liberia turned to the United States. The idea of seeking aid from us seems to have been first voiced by T. McCants Stewart in January, 1908. A Commission was appointed by the Legislature--consisting of Garretson W. Gibson, J. J. Dossen, and Charles B. Dunbar, with Charles R. Branch and T. J. R. Faulkner as secretaries. Garretson W. Gibson had been President of the Republic and was a man well on in years and generally respected; J. J. Dossen was at the time Vice-President; Charles B. Dunbar is a successful and well trained lawyer. On its way to the United States the Commission visited Germany, where it was well received and officially entertained in the capital city, Berlin. On its arrival in New York in May, Charles Hall Adams, of Boston, Consul-General for Liberia in this country, and Booker T. Washington received them and attended to the details of their visit. They spent several days in New York and visited Tuskegee, but, of course, spent most of their time in the city of Washington. They were received by President Roosevelt on the 10th of June, had several important interviews with Secretary Root, and were introduced to Secretary Taft--just before the Republican Convention was held which nominated him for the presidency of the United States. They were everywhere treated with distinguished courtesy and everywhere made a remarkably favorable impression; the newspapers gave considerable space to their visit and quite a general interest was aroused in their errand. A notable reception was given in their honor in Washington by the Negro Business League. Before they left New York, Secretary Taft had received his nomination, and one of their last official acts was the sending of a letter of congratulation to him.

The Commission arrived at home in August, 1909. An official reception was given them on the 18th by President Barclay. The address of welcome was given by the Secretary of State, F. E. R. Johnson, and other addresses by Acting Mayor Roberts and Postmaster-General Prout. Replies were made by Gibson, Dossen, Dunbar, and Faulkner. It is significant that in these addresses more emphasis was laid upon the subject of negro education in the United States than upon other matters. Both then and while in this country, Vice-President Dossen especially emphasized the importance of immigration; he wants 600,000 negroes from America to settle in Liberia, and claims that the people of Liberia feel that they are holding their territory in trust for this mass of immigrants. Music and refreshments were supplied and a speech of congratulation given by President Barclay. Of course nothing definite at this time could be said in regard to the actual results of the Commission’s visit; no one knew just what impression had been made upon our Government; no one knew just what to expect in the way of action.

Our Government, however, had seriously taken Liberian matters under advisement, and on the 4th of March, 1909, an American Commission was appointed to visit Liberia and to investigate Liberian conditions. The Commissioners were Roland P. Falkner, George Sale, and Emmett J. Scott, with George A. Finch as secretary. The Commission sailed on April 24th, 1909, and arrived in Monrovia on the 8th of May. They spent thirty days in Liberia and Sierra Leone. The work they had to do was wisely divided up among the members of the Commission, in order to permit their accomplishing the utmost in the short time at their disposition.

Their arrival at Liberia was hailed with joy. In anticipation of their coming the legislators had come from all the counties to Monrovia and were in the capital before the arrival of the Commission. The cruiser _Chester_ arrived in front of Monrovia on the morning of May 8th, and at once saluted with twenty-one guns; the salute was returned by the Liberians from the shore. Ernest Lyon, the American Minister, at once boarded the vessel. When he returned, the Attorney-General with a party of citizens went on board to escort the Commissioners to the shore. The city was gaily decorated. The Mayor, Common Council, and a crowd of citizens met the Commissioners at the landing where, under the first arch of welcome, the acting Mayor made an address. Mr. Falkner replied on behalf of the Commission. Two companies of the militia escorted the Commission up the hill to the second arch, where Mrs. Parker addressed them on behalf of the Liberian ladies. Sale responded, after which Mrs. McGill spoke on behalf of the county of Grand Bassa. At the third arch Miss Irene A. Gant received them on behalf of Sinoe County, and Miss Matilda Roberts on behalf of Maryland County. Passing now to the American legation, they were officially received by the American Minister. Few public occasions in the history of Monrovia equal this reception, which fairly deserves to be called a popular ovation. On the 13th, President Barclay offered the Commission an official reception at which the President and the Cabinet, the Commission and attachés, and the United States Minister with his Secretary were present. In the afternoon of the 12th, a general reception was given at the Executive Mansion. During their stay in Africa, the Commission visited Grand Bassa and Maryland, and in both regions they were treated with distinguished courtesy. The report of the Commission sent to the Senate and House of Representatives by President Taft on March 25th, 1910, was an exceptionally good public document. The Commission recognized the importance of the work entrusted to it and did its work with thoroughness. They made six recommendations to our government. They were as follows: (1) That the United States extend its aid to Liberia in the prompt settlement of pending boundary disputes. (2) That the United States enable Liberia to refund its debt by assuming as guarantee for the payment of obligations under such arrangement the control and collection of the Liberian customs. (3) That the United States lend its assistance to the Liberian Government in the reform of its internal finances. (4) That the United States lend its aid to Liberia in organizing and drilling an adequate constabulary or frontier police force. (5) That the United States should establish and maintain a research station in Liberia. (6) That the United States re-open the question of a naval coaling station in Liberia. Some of these recommendations the United States has carried through. She has made the loan necessary for the refunding of the public debt; she is lending assistance to the Liberian Government in the reform of internal finances; she is aiding Liberia in the organization and drilling of her frontier force. These are good things, and it is to be hoped that they will prove as helpful as has been anticipated. We _should_ help Liberia, and help her handsomely; she deserves all that we can do for her. We must be careful, of course, in our assistance, not to accustom her to the notion of dependency. Muscle can only be developed in a body by the exercise of that body itself. No being can develop muscle for another. Liberia, if she is to prosper, must develop energy, force, independence; she needs help but must work out her own salvation. Exercise to be valuable must not be a death struggle; we must protect her from her foes, but we must insist upon her self-development. There are, however, still many things that we can do for the Republic without reducing her to a condition of dependency and pauperization.

We should energize every already existing bond between us. There are already missions established in the Republic; these should be handsomely maintained, without forgetting that the ultimate end is the production of self-supporting churches; the needs of missions and mission-schools should be carefully examined by the different Boards and liberal appropriations made to meet them; it is desirable that the Presbyterian denomination--so rich, respectable, and self-satisfied--should really look after its “little flock of humble black folk” with their splendid opportunity before them. The Boards which hold funds for the benefit of Liberia College should seriously recognize the importance of their responsibility; they should investigate with care, and act promptly and liberally; they must devise some method of more effective co-operation with the local management for gaining the great ends possible by combined action. There are funds in the United States intended to aid Liberia, which are tied up and have been tied up for many years through some unfortunate condition in the terms of the bequest; such funds, if possible, should be put to work; if they are actually unavailable, it is best that a final decision be reached, and public announcement be made of the unfortunate fact; it is better that Liberia should not be kept waiting in hope of aid that never comes. A considerable interest was aroused in the United States by the visit of the Commission in 1908; this interest was shown in the newspapers of the day; it is greatly to be desired that the American people should be kept constantly informed as to Liberia; information should not be spasmodically given out, but there should be a definite, constant spreading of facts regarding the Republic, whose heroic struggle deserves our firm and steady sympathy. The need was never greater for a regular line of shipping between the two Republics than now; this has been already sufficiently considered. It would be a fine philanthropy to establish and conduct such a line of communication for a period of time, even at a loss; in the long run, the line would lose its philanthropic feature and become a fairly paying business proposition. It is most important that the contact between the two nations be increased; Liberians have occasionally come to us under various circumstances; more Americans in course of time visit Liberia than the public generally knows; every opportunity of inviting Liberians to this country as students, delegates, visitors, business representatives, should be encouraged; and it should become a simple, natural, and frequent thing for Americans to visit the black Republic. Lastly, our government should adopt a clear and definite policy of sympathy; if we make it well understood that we look upon Liberia as related to us, and that we will permit no further injustice, we need have no fears of being involved in international difficulties on her account; the cry “hands off” will be sufficient. Let us quit internationalizing her problems. They are justly questions between us and her; they concern no other nation. But do not let us ever think of absorbing the Republic; let us guarantee her independence; we do not wish a protectorate; we have too many different kinds of national relations now; Alaska, Hawaii, Porto Rico, Cuba, Santo Domingo, Nicaragua, and the Philippines make our governmental policy to-day sufficiently complex. We want no more new and strange relations. Liberia is our sister nation--daughter, if you please--and very definitely such. She is brunette, but her virtues are our virtues, her vices are our vices. Let us admit and emphasize the kinship.

REPRINTED ARTICLES.

THE LIBERIAN CRISIS.

(_Unity._ March 25, 1909.)

In closing my _The Truth about the Congo_, I said: “If it is necessary for us as a nation to look for African adventure; if to give a strenuous President the feeling that he is ‘doing something’ we must meddle in the affairs of the Dark Continent, there is a district where we might intervene with more of reason and consistency and grace than we are doing by going to the Congo. We once established on African soil, whether wisely or not I do not intend to discuss, a free republic for the blacks. In Liberia we have an American enterprise, pure and simple. It has not been a great success. It is just possible--though I doubt it--that Liberia would at several times have profited and been advantaged by our instruction and interest. But it seems to possess little interest for us. Just now, like the Congo, it is attracting British attention. Whether it has large or little value, whether it possesses great opportunities or not, it is now a center of interest to Great Britain. She does not need our help in pulling chestnuts from the fire there, and there has been strange silence and ignorance in this country regarding it as a new sphere for English influence. If we assist England in expanding her African possessions at the expense of the Congo Free State, Liberia will be the next fraction of Africa to succumb to English rule. England’s methods of procedure are various. It might be a useful lesson for our statesmen and politicians to study Liberia’s prospects with care. We are still young in the business of grabbing other people’s lands. England could teach us many lessons. The latest one may well be worthy of our attention, since, in a certain sense, it deals with a district where we naturally possess an interest.”

At the time, these suggestions caused some surprise. Americans were (and are) totally ignorant regarding Liberia and felt that my remarks were due to prejudice. I have no prejudice against England, from which my ancestry chiefly came. A few months have proved the truth of my predictions. In May last a Commission appointed by the Liberian government called upon President Roosevelt and begged the intervention of the United States for the purpose of guaranteeing independence and “integrity against the encroachments of powerful European governments.” Among the reasonable ideas urged by this Commission was that disputes between Liberia and France, Germany and England should be settled by arbitration and not by a resort to force. We wisely refused to establish a protectorate over Liberia, but our government agreed to use its good offices with England, France and Germany. Considerable correspondence seems to have taken place and some interest relative to Liberia has been aroused. But on the whole no serious progress has been made and a few days since the newspapers contained the following item:

“Washington, D. C., Feb. 12.--Cable advices received at the state department today indicate that a climax has been reached in the Liberian situation. Conditions are grave, and great alarm is felt by foreign officials in Liberian employ.

“A British gunboat has arrived to afford protection to foreign interests and a company of soldiers has been sent from Sierra Leone to the capitol at Monrovia for the same purpose. Apparently great despondency is entertained as to the ability of the government to maintain itself and as to the future of Liberia as a nation.”

The notice closed with these words:

“The cable today called attention to the effort of the state department, inaugurated by Secretary Root, to secure an appropriation of $20,000 to enable the president to send to Liberia a commission with a view to reporting recommendations as to the specific action this government should take which would constitute the most effective measures of relief. Secretary Root anticipated the development of conditions which would menace seriously the future of Liberia, which was established as a direct result of the action, first, of American citizens, and, secondly, of the government of the United States.”

What can we do? What should we do? First; we should notify Great Britain, France and Germany that encroachment upon Liberian sovereignty will be considered an unfriendly act by us; that coercion ought not to be used in the collection of debts, even though Liberia did not take part in the Hague Conference of 1907. Second; we should use our good offices to bring about definite arrangements between Liberia and the European nations for arbitration of all points at issue between them. Third; we should under no circumstances attempt to make a model government for her, nor should we insist upon reforms along our lines, but we should appoint an _advisory_ commission of thoughtful and well-balanced men, who shall thoroughly investigate conditions and stand ready to give asked advice when needful upon points of importance. This commission should be retained for several years and should be non-partisan. So much we can and should do.

THE NEEDS OF LIBERIA.

(_The Open Court._ March, 1913.)

The situation of Liberia is critical. Her long-troubling boundary questions with Great Britain and France are not permanently settled; they have been re-opened and both countries are pressing.

We did well to come to her financial aid; but we did badly in needlessly inflicting upon her an _expensive_ and _complicated international_ receivership instead of an _economical_, _simple_ and _national_ one.

Liberia’s crying needs are:

_a._ Training of her native frontier force to protect her boundaries and maintain order there;

_b._ Development of existing trails, with their ultimate transformation into roads and railroad beds;

_c._ Restoration and development of agriculture--now neglected;

_d._ Education, especially along lines of manual and technical training.

Liberia’s greatest asset is her _native population_; only by imbuing it with the feeling of common interest and by securing its hearty co-operation can the government of Africa’s only republic hope to maintain itself and prosper.

A SOJOURNER IN LIBERIA.

(_The Spirit of Missions._ April, 1913.)

Anxious to see all possible of Liberia, we gladly accepted Bishop Ferguson’s invitation to visit Bromley and to inspect the work done at the Julia C. Emery Hall. On reaching the landing at Monrovia at 8 a. m. we found the mission steamer, the _John Payne_, ready. Our party consisted of ex-President Barclay, ex-Postmaster-General Blount, Justice T. McCants Stewart of the Supreme Court, Major Young, U. S. A., military attaché of the American Legation, Mayor Johnson, the Rev. Mr. Cassell and Bishop Ferguson--all residents of Liberia--my photographer and myself. He and I were the only white men. Of the colored men some were born in Liberia, others in the United States--North and South--one at least in the British West Indies. Ex-President Arthur Barclay is by many considered to be the ablest man of Liberia; he has had a wide experience and has gained exceptional knowledge of Liberian needs and problems. Mayor Johnson is one of the sons of the late President Johnson, who was the first “son of the soil” to occupy the presidential chair of the negro republic. Bishop Ferguson, born in South Carolina, has lived so many years in Cape Palmas and Monrovia that no one ever thinks of him as aught but a Liberian. He is a man of energy and ideas and his work speaks for his efficiency. We were soon off, and for three hours steamed up the river, a typical, tropical African stream. A dense tangle of mangroves extends far out from the shore on both sides, over the water, completely concealing the actual land; the trunks rise from pyramids of exposed roots; from the branches, slender shoots, round-tipped, strike vertically down, penetrate the water, force their way into the soft, oozy mud of the river bottom, take root and aid in spreading the tangled growth still further out over the water. Here and there straight gashes are cut into this mass of crowded trees to serve as landing-channels for native canoes. The first part of our journey was up a branch stream, the St. Paul’s River branching near its mouth and entering the sea by more than the single outlet. As we approached the main river, the mangrove thicket thinned, and the most striking feature in the vegetation was the dragon-palm. It, too, rises from a pyramidal mass of exposed roots, but in form and foliage it is totally unlike the mangrove; its long narrow leaves lead to its being often called the sword-palm. Here we could often look back over the land, and saw oil-palms with their delicate, graceful crowns outlined against the blue sky--truly blue sky, for by October 15 the period of rains is practically over. We had passed settlements, here and there, upon the way; single houses of “Liberians,” or little clusters of “native” huts; New Georgia, on our right, is quite a village but seems to bear an indifferent reputation--due perhaps to its history; it was settled with slaves rescued from slaving-vessels and such slaves were rarely considered as equals, in the old days, by the colonists.

When we reached the main river, the whole character of the scenery changed. The river itself was wider; the banks were cleaner and the flat land stood higher; the mangrove swamps disappeared; plantations showing considerable attention were to be seen here and there. While we had chatted and viewed the scene the Bishop had not been idle, and the smiling black boy now passed an abundant supply of sandwiches and sliced cake, daintily wrapped in paper and tied with narrow ribbons, all prepared beforehand by Mrs. Ferguson. Served with lemon and strawberry soda-water they were a welcome refreshment.

We had been so fully occupied that we had hardly noticed that three hours had passed when we saw Bromley ahead. The building stands on a level terrace well above the river. It is said to be the largest in Liberia; whether so or not, it is a spacious, plain, well-built construction, admirably adapted to its purpose. Its architect and master builder, Mr. Scott, met us at the landing. He is a native of pure blood, a Grebo from Cape Palmas district. He has never been outside of Liberia and has had to gain his knowledge and experience as he best could. He has had correspondence instruction from an American school and finds it of advantage.

The building is known as the Julia C. Emery Hall and serves as a girls’ school. The parlor is a fine room and upon its walls are displayed interesting cuts, portraits and documents, all relative to national, racial and mission history. We were shown through the building from tower--whence a splendid view over the river is to be had--to cellar. It is well equipped--dormitories, school rooms, chapel, dining room, kitchen, washrooms, storerooms--all suitable and neat and clean. Seventy girls are in attendance. There are not beds for all the children, perhaps not for more than half of them; half of the children sleep upon the floor on mats. This is no special hardship, as they are used to it; in my own opinion they are quite as well off without beds.

The girls form two groups--the large girls dressed in blue and white and the little girls dressed in pink and white. They seem neat and happy. They rendered a program for us which would have done credit to any teaching here at home:

Singing--“He Who Safely Keepeth” School
Recitation--“The Burden” Miss Jahlamae
Singing--“Sweet and Low” Misses Nichols, Gibson, Tucker, Wisner
Dialogue--“Patience” A class
Singing--“Wider Than the Ocean” School
Recitation--“The Echo” A class
Recitation--“The Hurry Order” Miss Wood
Singing--“Those Eternal Bowers” School
Recitation--“Genesis, Chap. XLIX” A class
Recitation--“The Chambered Nautilus” Miss Wright
Recitation--“Jephtha’s Daughter” Miss Muhlenberg
Singing--“The Whole Wide World” School

It is particularly interesting to see the harmony and friendship here. Some of the girls are Liberians, but there are also native girls from various parts of the country and from various tribes--Golas, Krus, Grebos. We went to the dining room, which had been cleared, and the girls went through with a calisthenic drill, which was beautifully rendered. Mrs. Moort is in charge of the school and deserves much credit for its satisfactory condition. After this drill was over we sat down to a table loaded with good things, and some of the larger girls aided in the serving. One of the aims of the school is to teach work and housekeeping. The school property includes two hundred acres of land, which will supply much of the food needed in school and provide opportunity for instruction in gardening.

The Bishop stated that we must not tarry, as we were expected at Clay-Ashland. A half hour by steamer brought us to its landing, where the resident clergyman, Mr. Cooper, son-in-law of Bishop Ferguson, met us. We walked up through a straggling settlement to the little church, near which a sign in brilliant lettering announced “Welcome.” Here we turned to the right and in a moment reached Alexander Crummell Hall, in construction. Here another brilliant lettering proclaimed “A Hearty Welcome to You.” The building is to be of wood with corrugated iron roofing; it is not yet covered in, but promises to be a fine and suitable structure. Only the side verandah was usable; it was covered in and adorned with palms in honor of the occasion. The boys and young men were seated on two lines of benches facing, between which we walked up to the speaker’s table. There were perhaps forty students present. They carried through a little program--reading, singing and addresses, all carried through with fine swing and vigor. The address of welcome was given in good English by a Bassa boy. In some interesting and appropriate remarks Major Young spoke to the boys of the life and lesson of Alexander Crummell, in whose honor the hall was named and whom he himself had known. It was now well on in the afternoon and time for us to start on our return journey. This was rapidly accomplished as the current was in our favor and we tied up at the landing in Monrovia at 6:30, with stars twinkling in the sky above us and town lights reflected in the water below.

Bishop Ferguson had invited me to see the Kru service on a Sunday afternoon. Two Kru men called to escort me to the little chapel, which is situated on a rocky slope overhanging Krutown. The native settlement is at the waterside, upon the low sandy beach; its population, houses and life are purely native. Down there they speak Kru; men and boys all know English; some women and girls do. It is a hardy, vigorous, energetic population. The men are water folk; they are splendid canoe men; they are the main dependence of the steamers, which they serve as crews and wharfingers. When we arrived at the little chapel we found it crowded; more than a hundred men, women and children were assembled. The women were a sight for tired eyes, with their brilliant wrappings, gay head bands and ring-loaded fingers. Few Liberians were present--Bishop and Mrs. Ferguson, Superintendent Bright and a few teachers. Pastor McKrae is native--but a Grebo, not a Kru. The two tribes are related and their languages are very similar. I was warmly welcomed and an interesting program of singing and recitation was carried out--all in Kru except the Bishop’s introduction and my own remarks, which were interpreted from English into Kru as we spoke. These people are enthusiastic; they are interested in their chapel and contribute to its support; they are crowded in their present quarters and are about to raise a larger and finer building.

I had intended to see the work at Cape Palmas, but it was impossible for me to go there. For that at Bromley, Clay-Ashland and Kru chapel I have only words of praise. My own opinion is that Liberia’s greatest asset is the native. He exists in a score of independent tribes and counts a million souls. If the little black republic is to hold its own, if it is to remain a nation among nations, if it is to lead the way to African redemption, there must be a mutual realization by Liberians and Natives of their common interest, and a hearty co-operation. The burden is too heavy for the Liberian alone. In Bishop Ferguson’s work there is the nearest approach to tolerance, union, brotherhood and mutual helpfulness seen during my expedition.

LIBERIA, THE HOPE OF THE DARK CONTINENT.

(_Unity._ March 20, 1913.)

_An address given at All Souls Church, Abraham Lincoln Centre, Chicago, March 9, 1913. As this contains little that is not contained in the next item, and nothing but what occurs in the body of the book, it is not reprinted here._

WHAT LIBERIA NEEDS.

(_The Independent._ April 3, 1913.)

In 1905 I sailed from Antwerp to the mouth of the Kongo River. When we reached Freetown, Sierra Leone, we spent several hours on shore. On returning to the steamer we found all greatly changed; the white crew was laid off and the steamer was swarming with black boys who had been taken on to perform the heavy work of the vessel so long as she should be in the hot country. In the morning I found that these black boys were Krumen from Liberia; they pointed out the shores of their country as we sailed by and told me of their people and their life. The captain of our steamer was an Englishman; he took great satisfaction in telling stories which showed his contempt for the little black republic and its rulers. It was his custom to laugh at their port regulations, to evade their customs laws, to insult their officers. Months later, in returning from the Kongo Free State, I sat at table next to a ship’s officer who was never tired of telling of Sir Harry Johnston’s great scheme of Liberian exploitation; matters were all arranged for Britain to gain the advantage which the wealth of Liberia offers. When we reached London, I found the windows of book stores filled with Sir Harry’s great work upon Liberia, and considerable public interest in the subject.

It was these three things which turned my interest toward Liberia and led me to think of making an expedition to that country. I wanted to see the Kru boys at home; I wanted to see just how much of a failure the black republic is; I wanted to see how the English plans of exploitation worked out. It was, however, several years before I was able to make that journey. I have just returned and found much more of interest than I anticipated.

It is now almost one hundred years since the American Colonization Society was established and sent its first freed negro settlers to the West Coast of Africa; it is almost seventy years since, in 1847, the society severed its relation with the colonists and urged them to establish an independent form of government. We have no right to take any great amount of credit to ourselves for the original establishment; it was less from philanthropy or altruism than from selfishness that we began the colony; it was because we did not want freed blacks living among white Americans that we sent them to Africa. There have been various times during the period of Liberia’s history when we might have helped her greatly; we have never quite forgotten our obligations, but we have never done all that we might for her benefit and profit.

It is not fair to establish a direct comparison between Liberia and any European colony upon the West Coast of Africa. It is not just, for instance, to take Dakar or Freetown and compare them with Monrovia. Senegal and Sierra Leone have had great advantages which have been lacking in Liberia. Those colonies have had the constant aid and sympathy of a mother country; they have been developed with the aid of vast home capital; they have had the protection of well organized armies against internal foes and external aggression; they have had chosen men sent out as governors who have given them advice, encouragement, instruction. Liberia has had to stand alone; her population was largely ignorant persons, despised, recently emerged from slavery; she has had no interest of a mother country; she has had no capital with which to push development; she has had no means of protection against native tribes or crowding neighbors; she has had to train governors from her own population, who have had to learn the business of government through personal experience. When this marked difference in opportunity and material is realized, the wonder is that Liberia has been able to make any real achievement. As a matter of fact, while the direct comparison is most unjust, it can be made without serious discredit to Liberia. The standard of living, the average comfort, the construction of houses and other buildings in Liberia, falls little short of those in Freetown, if at all; of course, when it comes to public enterprises--harbor improvements, governmental offices, etc.--the European colony has notable advantage. In reality, Liberian achievement is marvelous in the face of all the difficulties with which the country has had to contend. Far from being a dismal failure, Liberia has proved an astonishing success. For more than sixty years her officers have been pitted against the skilled politicians of European countries; they have had to fight in diplomatic warfare with Great Britain, France and Germany. The wonder is that she was not long since wiped off the map.

In 1908 a commission of Liberians was sent to beg assistance from the United States. Through a period of years she had lost land, first to Great Britain, then to France, both of which own adjacent territory; her commerce had been hampered by British schemers who desired to prevent her development until they themselves should control its results; she had been forced twice to borrow money from Great Britain--and both times had paid heavily for scant accommodation. Robbed of land, crippled in development, heavily in debt to a pressing creditor, a crisis had been reached in her affairs. The United States heard the appeal and answered: a commission of investigation visited Liberia and made a definite report, advising certain lines of aid. We have acted upon some of their recommendations. We have expressed to Great Britain, Germany and France our special interest in Liberian affairs; we have lent her colored officers to aid in training a native force; we have come to her financial relief, paying her past debts and taking over the administration of her customs houses.

The population of Liberia consists of three main elements: there are about 12,000 civilized and Christian blacks, descendants of American freed negroes, whom we may call Americo-Liberians, or Liberians proper; there are perhaps 30,000 coast natives, who speak English and have come into frequent contact with Liberians and the outside world; there are perhaps one million “natives,” living in the interior, “bush niggers,” most of whom speak only native tongues and are pagan in religion. The Liberians live in a few settlements near the coast, or along the rivers, a few miles inland. The natives consist of a score or more of different tribes, living in little villages, each tribe having its own language, its independent chiefs, its characteristic life and customs. Sir Harry Johnston says that the interior of Liberia is the least known part of Africa. Many of these native tribes still practice cannibalism, all of them are polygamist, and domestic slavery exists among them. The relation between them and the Liberians proper is almost _nil_. The area of Liberia even now is larger than the State of Ohio and not much less than that of Pennsylvania. If we were to take the town of Bellaire, Ohio, and divide its little population into about a dozen towns along the Ohio River, and were then to sprinkle the whole State of Ohio with villages of Indians, totaling one million, speaking a score of different dialects, and recognizing no control except that of their local chiefs, we should have something analogous to the Liberian situation. If, now, this population of Bellaire were to figure as an independent nation among the world’s governments, think what a burden this would entail upon it. Liberia elects a President, Vice-President, Senators and Representatives; its President has a Cabinet, each member with his own department of government; it maintains a Supreme Court, with a bench of judges; it has consuls, some with diplomatic powers, in many of the nations of the world. Would we be able in any town of 12,000 people in the United States to find such a corps of men of competence? As a nation, with privileges and obligations, Liberia must not only maintain this national government, but it must keep order over its whole area and prevent its million bush natives from troubling its neighbors. It is on the plea that Liberia is incapable of maintaining order that France and Great Britain are constantly crowding upon her frontiers; it is a fact that to prevent aggression from outside she must maintain order within.

We must not imagine that neighborly aggression has ceased because we spoke. New boundary questions have lately arisen, both with Great Britain and France, and it looks as if they were getting ready to demand a new slice of territory. One of the crying needs of Liberia is to have a native frontier force, well drilled, ready to protect and maintain order at her boundary. Such a force has been organized; it has been in existence for several years; just at present it is being drilled under three young colored officers whom we have sent within the past year to Monrovia--Major Ballard, Captain Brown and Captain Newton. These men now bear commissions from the Liberian Government and are paid by it. The force will be developed to 600 soldiers; it is rather easy to collect them; they come from many of the interior tribes and, when they are enlisted, know no English; they seem to enjoy the life of soldiers and rapidly improve until in their conduct and drilling they present a creditable appearance. When actually disciplined, so that they will not loot or cause distress when marching through a district of non-combatants, they should be a great advantage to the nation. Unfortunately, the Liberian Government is frequently in financial difficulties and the pay of these soldiers falls into arrears. There is always serious danger that, under such circumstances, the discontented force may arise against the Government and cause difficulties.

We did well to come to the financial relief of Liberia, but we did badly in the details of our method. The total debts were about $1,300,000: we arranged for a loan to her of $1,700,000; this would enable her to pay off all obligations, to have some ready funds left over, and to have a single, friendly creditor. Before securing this loan we insisted upon a receivership. It would have been a simple matter for us to have simply appointed a receiver of customs and leave the administration of affairs in his hands, as we did in Santo Domingo. Had we done so, it is unlikely that any other nation would have found fault; if any nation should have criticised the action, we could with consistency insist that we stand in a peculiar relation to Liberia and that the loan is too small to warrant great expense in the handling of the business connected with it. What we really did was to recognize fictitious interests of other nations in the matter; we arranged for an international receivership; instead of one American receiver we proposed four receivers--American, French, English, German. Inasmuch as the impoverished Government has to pay handsome salaries to all four, the plan was anything but economical; the dangers of difficulty and disagreement between the members of this international receivership are considerable. Surely instead of inflicting an expensive and complicated international receivership upon the country, we should have arranged for an economical, simple national receiver.

There is no question that Liberia has great natural wealth; her resources are yet almost untouched; she is the only part of the whole West Coast where large returns are certain for small investment. In order to secure her wealth of products, it is absolutely necessary that trails be opened up through the interior. Trails, of course, already exist, but under present conditions they are frequently intentionally neglected; little chiefs do not want too easy contact with the outside world. It is absolutely necessary, if Liberia is to advance, that the good will of the chiefs shall be secured and that all trails shall be kept open. In no other way can the produce of the forests find its way down to the coast. Foot trails, of course, are of limited utility, and as rapidly as they are improved they should become actual roads, presumably to be themselves developed in time into roadbeds for light railroads. It is only by the improvement of means of transportation that the Liberian Government can hope to increase its income, which comes almost entirely from trade.

For the present, and undoubtedly for some time to come, the chief source of income for the country must be by trade in natural products, collected in the forests. It is time, however, that serious effort should be made to develop the actual agricultural opportunities of Liberia. With a rich soil, abundant rainfall, tropical temperature, vegetation flourishes. Liberia should produce vast quantities of rice, corn, cotton, sugar, sweet potatoes, yams, bananas, plantains, ginger, coffee, cocoa, pineapples and other tropical fruits. There is no reason why in many parts of the country cattle, goats and sheep should not be raised in quantities. At present, a very large amount of foodstuffs is introduced from the outside world; fresh meat is to be had only when steamers pass; rice, even--of which the natives raise quantities--is imported. Formerly considerable coffee was exported; the coffee tree grows wild and is probably a native of the country, and Liberian coffee has a fair reputation in the foreign market; at present, very little is exported. It is curious that agriculture has never been a favorite occupation with the people. As long ago as 1826 and 1827 the famous agent of the colony, Jehudi Ashmun, complained bitterly that the people all desired to trade instead of to practice hand labor and develop agriculture. It is certain that if it is to be permanently prosperous, Liberia must encourage agricultural pursuits. It was natural enough that freed slaves should look upon manual trades and field labor as contemptible; that they should look upon barter and trade as desirable. Unfortunately, at the time of colonization it was easy for men to trade. This dislike for actual labor continues to the present day; it is possible to hire bush natives to do the absolutely necessary heavy labor very cheaply. In Liberian houses great numbers of native servants are employed. Trade and politics absorb the thought and time of the best men in the community. It is going to be a difficult task to place agriculture and hand labor upon a proper footing, but it must be done and soon.

We must not expect much more in the direction of education than we would find in our own country towns of six or seven thousand people. There are actually not many schools in the republic. The superintendent of education is a member of the Cabinet. The present incumbent is a native--a Bassa. He has general supervision of some ninety-one schools, in which number night schools and mission schools are included. The highest institution of public education is Liberia College, at Monrovia. It has done good work and most of the men of prominence in the Government to-day are graduates from it. It has, however, little more than the teaching force and equipment of a high school in one of our smaller towns. It needs strengthening in every way. New schools should be established, especially in the country among the native tribes, and special schools of agriculture and manual training are a crying need. President Howard, in his inaugural address in 1912, recognized the necessity of prompt development in education and agriculture. Besides Liberia College, there is in Monrovia the College of West Africa. This is a Methodist mission school, doing an excellent work for both Liberian and native students. There are also important Episcopal schools on the St. Paul’s River, and in the neighborhood of Cape Palmas.

The President of the republic was kind enough to give a reception in my honor. On that occasion I was asked to make a few remarks regarding Liberia. I stated that in my opinion Liberia’s greatest asset is her native population. Twelve thousand people, no matter how interested, wise and industrious, cannot possibly carry the entire burden. If Liberia is to prosper in the future, it can only be because the Liberians secure the hearty coöperation and friendly feeling of the million natives. If _they_ can be shown that their interest and development are to be gained only through friendship to and recognition of the Government, the prosperity and success of Liberia may be secured and her independence maintained.

SHOULD THE AFRICAN MISSION BE ABANDONED.

(_The Spirit of Missions._ August, 1913.)

The development of the Church mission in Liberia has been most encouraging. It began in March, 1836, when James M. Thompson, a colored man, opened a mission school at Mount Vaughan with seven native children. It has grown until, in his last report, Bishop Ferguson stated that there were 26 clergymen, 8 candidates for holy orders, 2 postulants, 25 lay teachers, and 46 catechists and teachers. During the year of 1912, 242 children and 237 adults had been baptized--423 of them being converts from heathenism. During the year there were 165 confirmations. The grand total of baptisms to date was 9,565; the total of confirmations, 4,856. The number of present communicants was 2,404, of which two-thirds were natives. The estimated value of buildings belonging to the mission was $121,250; 22 day schools, 19 boarding schools and 38 Sunday schools was conducted; 1,210 day-school pupils, 643 boarding-school pupils, 2,714 Sunday-school pupils were in attendance. It is a noble record of results for faithful service.

It has been suggested in some quarters that the American Protestant Episcopal Church shall abandon this promising mission field; or rather it is proposed that it shall exchange this successful and flourishing work with English brethren, for work started by them in Central America. It is possible that from the point of view of church administration such an exchange may be desirable; it is certain that from any other point of view it will be a great misfortune. The writer of this article has himself been in Liberia, and is profoundly interested in Liberian problems. He believes that any proposal to abandon work in Liberia could only arise through ignorance of the actual conditions in the Black Republic. He has no wish to interfere in affairs which in no wise concern himself. Deeply interested, however, in the progress of the only remaining country of Africa which is administered by black men, he desires to express his reasons for opposing the suggestion.

It is now seventy-seven years since the Liberian work was begun. It has been wisely directed, it has been nobly supported, it has been successful. Surely the ultimate aim in all such labor is to produce a self-supporting church in the mission field. The Liberian Church is already approaching the point of self-support. In his last report Bishop Ferguson says: “I believe the greatest joy of my life would be to be able to say to the Board of Missions, ‘The Church in Liberia will hereafter support itself. You need not appropriate any more funds towards its maintenance.’ That I am unable to do so as yet is not because of an indisposition on the part of the people to contribute to such a worthy object, but rather because of their poverty, through not having learnt to work profitably. It must be remembered that two-thirds of our communicants are native Africans who, as well as the majority of the class we call ‘Americo-Liberians’ making up the one-third, need to be trained in some remunerative industry. The fact is, that the financial burden of the Church in the district is resting on a comparatively small number. Taking this into consideration, the amount raised from time to time for the building, repairing, and improving of churches, and to meet other parochial expenses is rather creditable than otherwise. Besides expenses at home, they contribute annually toward missions in general in the shape of Lenten and Easter offerings and the missionary apportionment fund. Our quota of the last named has already been paid up for the present year. But as above shown, comparatively few deserve the credit. To make the work self-supporting, at least a majority of the members should be able to contribute to it.”

Certainly, it is a basic error to abandon a work which has been conducted for seventy-seven years, when it approaches the point of self-support. A change subjecting the mission to a new administration, would mean setback and delay in gaining the end desired.

The American Church is bound in a special way to Liberia; the original settlers in Liberia were American freed-men; they had been our slaves. As Americans we had been responsible for the dragging of thousands of helpless black people from their homes; we had held them for years in captivity. When finally we sent them back as freed-men to the shores of their native continent, our obligations by no means ceased.