Chapter IV: Preface (4)

About this time there was a tendency for local branch organizations of the American Colonization Society to be formed and to undertake their own settlements, although these were not considered to be actually independent of the mother society and of the people at Monrovia. Considerable settlements had been made in the neighborhood of Grand Bassa. Among these, one of the most promising was Edina which was laid out upon a tongue of land upon the north side of the St. John’s River; it was named Edina from Edinburgh, Scotland, citizens of which had contributed quite liberally to the funds of the American Colonization Society. After Edina was founded, a neighboring settlement was made through the efforts of the Pennsylvania Young Men’s Colonization Society--an organization of Friends; it was organized with the idea that agriculture should be the chief interest; that trade as a means of income should be forbidden; that temperance and sobriety, involving a pledge of abstinence, should be demanded; and that war and resistance should be forbidden. Non-resistance and peace-principles, however, were not in place at that time and region; in 1835 this little colony was wiped out of existence by a brutal attack on the part of natives instigated by a slave trader who feared that the presence of the colonists would interrupt his trade. Joe Harris and King Peter, brothers, were the active agents of destruction; for several days their people spied upon the settlers, informing themselves whether any arms were in the place; there was one gun only there; the assault took place at night, and about 20 persons, mostly women and children, were killed; the agent Hankinson and his wife were rescued by a Kruman who concealed them; those who escaped were taken to Monrovia and cared for; the authorities at Monrovia took immediate action, marched an armed force against the aggressors, put them to flight, and destroyed their towns; King Peter and Joe Harris agreed to forever abandon the slave trade, to give free passage from the interior through their country, to rebuild the settlement, and return the property; a better spot was selected and a new settlement made.

When Mechlin returned to the United States, Rev. John B. Pinney, who was already in Liberia as a missionary, succeeded him. He found everything in a state of confusion and dilapidation; himself a man of vigor, he acted promptly and made notable improvements; he attempted to give agriculture its proper position as the fundamental interest of the community; he purchased fertile lands in the interior for cultivation; he emphasized the claims of Liberia to lands lying behind Cape Mount; he adjusted difficulties between the Congoes and Eboes, recaptured Africans; had he remained long in office, he might perhaps have accomplished much. He, however, left Liberia at the end of 1834 for home. Dr. Ezekiel Skinner took his position; at the time of Pinney’s retirement he was the colonial physician. His labors were arduous and multiform; in performing them he suffered repeated exposures which brought on a serious fever under which he was reduced so low that he was obliged to return to the United States, leaving Anthony D. Williams as agent in his place.

Williams, in fact, seems to have been agent at intervals from the time of Randall’s death until he gave way to Thomas Buchanan in 1839. Inasmuch as most authorities speak of him as if he were a white man, it may be well to raise the question. Late in November, 1836, Rev. Charles Rockwell, chaplain of the United States Navy, was in Liberia. In his _Sketches of Foreign Travel_ he says: “Mr. Williams, who has for years been the acting-governor of Monrovia, took the lead in entertaining us and in doing the honors of the place. He was from Petersburg, Va., where, if I mistake not, he was once a slave. He has a peculiarly modest, sedate, gentlemanly deportment, and during his repeated visits to the United States has, by his intelligent and good sense, justly secured the esteem and confidence of those with whom he had intercourse. He came to Africa as a clergyman of the Methodist Church, and for a year or more was engaged in the self-denying work of a missionary among the natives at a distance of 150 miles in the interior. Under the title of vice-agent, he has for years been head (actively) of the colony, and as far as I could learn, has so discharged the duties of his office as to secure the confidence alike of his fellow citizens and of the society from which he received his appointment.” When, in 1839, he gave up the agency to Thomas Buchanan as Governor of the newly established Commonwealth of Liberia, the Board of the Colonization Society expressed itself as well satisfied with his long services; but it was their opinion “that the time had not yet arrived when the interests of the colony would permit it to remain permanently under the direction of a colonist.” It would seem as if these two quotations amply establish the fact that Williams was a colored man; we have thought it worth while to raise the question, inasmuch as his services were serious, and if rendered by a black man, deserve special recognition.

With the year 1836 there arrived in Africa a man of great ability and extraordinary energy, Thomas H. Buchanan; he was sent out as the agent of the New York and Pennsylvania Societies to take charge of their settlements at Bassa Cove; these settlements recognized the superior authority of Monrovia and the American Colonization Society; but it was deemed better that they should have a special superintendent in charge of them. It is well enough to notice that, at this time, there were three totally different associations at work within the area of what now is Liberia, besides Maryland; there was the original settlement of Monrovia on Cape Montserrado with extensions in the direction of Cape Mount and the Junk River; this district included Monrovia and several villages around it; “the people were not much given to agriculture; they were shrewd at driving trade and better liked to compete for some gallons of palm oil or sticks of camwood than to be doing their duty to their fields and gardens;” politics and military concerns occupied considerable of their attention, and they were called upon to adjust claims with the neighboring settlements. Secondly, there were the Bassa Cove villages; there were several of these in the neighborhood of the St. John’s River; they depended mainly upon agriculture and trade; they encouraged temperance and desired peace. Third, there were interesting settlements in Sinoe along the Sinoe River upon its rich agricultural lands; Greenville was a flourishing town; the settlers in this vicinity came from Mississippi, and their region was known as Mississippi in Africa.

Just as the New York and Pennsylvania Societies engaged a special governor to take charge of their settlements, so the Mississippi Society sent out a special governor to take charge of Mississippi in Africa. The appointment was of special interest in the person of I. F. C. Finley. Governor Finley was a son of the Rev. Robert Finley, to whom the organization of the American Colonization Society was in reality due. In September, 1838, Governor Finley left for Monrovia on business as well as for his health; making a landing in the neighborhood of the Bassa Cove settlements, he was robbed and murdered by the natives on September 10th; it is believed that the motive to this murder was the desire for gain, as the Governor had considerable money upon his person. The murder led to disturbance between the settlers at Bassa Cove and the natives who were implicated; one or two of the latter were killed, several wounded, and some houses were destroyed.

One rather interesting incident in connection with the Bassa settlements was the experience of Louis Sheriden. He was a colored man of some means from North Carolina, who came to Liberia in February, 1838; he at first planned to settle at Bassa Cove, but on visiting the settlements and examining the laws of their government, he was dissatisfied and refused to take the oath required of those who became citizens, saying that he had “left the United States on account of oppression and that he would not subject himself to arbitrary government in Africa”; he finally decided to locate at Bexley, six miles from Bassa Cove; he took a lease of 600 acres and soon had more than a hundred men in his employ; his intention was to develop an extensive sugar and coffee plantation, but he died before his plan could be realized.

An interesting man in this period, although but indirectly connected with the colony, was Theodore Canot; he was born in Florence in 1803 and had a life of excitement and adventure; in 1826 he became a slave trader; he finally located with Pedro Blanco at Gallinhas, and was sent by him to New Cess; he was a witness of the Finley murder; after Blanco retired from the slave trade, Canot, being hard pressed by the British officers, decided to abandon the business also. He finally retired to New York, where he met with Brantz Mayer, who wrote a book which purported to be autobiographical material supplied by the old adventurer. Canot not infrequently came into contact with the Liberian authorities. He must have known the whole colonial experiment better than almost any other white man. Of Liberia he says: “Nevertheless, the prosperity, endurance, and influence of the colonies are still problems. I am anxious to see the second generation of colonists in Africa. I wish to know what will be the force and development of the negro mind on its native soil--civilized, but cut off from all instruction, influence, or association with the white mind. I desire to understand, precisely, whether the negro’s faculties are original or imitative, and consequently, whether he can stand alone in absolute independence, or is only respectable when reflecting the civilization that is cast upon him by others.”

As was to be expected, considerable feeling arose between the four separate colonies--Liberia, Bassa Cove, Mississippi in Africa, and Maryland. Thus, in May, 1838, Anthony D. Williams wrote: “I regret to say, our neighbors of Bassa Cove and Edina seem to entertain the most hostile feelings toward the colony and everything connected with it. They have manifested such a disposition as will, if continued, lead to serious difficulties between the settlements. The policy which the colonizationists are now pursuing is assuredly a bad one and will inevitably defeat the object they aim to accomplish. Nothing can be conceived more destructive to the general good than separate and conflicting interests among the different colonies, and this consequence will certainly follow the establishment of separate and distinct sovereignties contiguous to each other.” This was felt to be a serious problem; after due consideration, an effort was made to more strongly unite the colonies outside of Maryland; a new constitution was accordingly drawn up by Professor Greenleaf, of Harvard College, the name “Commonwealth of Liberia” was adopted, and Thomas Buchanan, who had been governor of the Grand Bassa settlements, was appointed governor of the newly organized commonwealth. We have already referred to him as a man of vigor and enthusiasm; it is seldom indeed that Liberia has had an equally capable director.

“It is not every man that we can honestly advise, or desire to come to
this country. To those who are contented to live and educate their
children as house servants and lackeys, we would say _stay where you
are_; here we have no masters to employ you. To the indolent, heedless
and slothful, we would say, tarry among the flesh-pots of Egypt; here
we get our bread by the sweat of our brow. To drunkards and rioters,
we would say, come not to us; you never can become naturalized in a
land where there are no grog-shops and where temperance and order is
the motto. To the timorous and suspicious, we would say, stay where
you have protectors; here we protect ourselves. But the industrious,
enterprising, and patriotic, of whatever occupation, or
enterprise--the mechanic, the merchant, the farmer, and especially the
latter, we would counsel, advise, and entreat, to come over and be one
with us, and assist us in this glorious enterprise, and enjoy with us
that to which we ever were, and to which the man of color ever must be
a stranger, in America.”

1838-1847.

Governor Buchanan had scarcely come to power when he was forced to take vigorous action against the slave traders at Trade Town; he assumed the right of jurisdiction over the entire territory along the Little Bassa seaboard; he ordered a trader, who had been there established for some months, to leave within a given time or suffer the confiscation of his entire property; the man had received two similar orders from Anthony D. Williams, but had treated them with contempt; to Buchanan’s order he returned a courteous reply; he promised obedience, but asked delay until a vessel should come to take his goods; this was granted on condition of his desisting entirely from slave trading in the meantime. About this time an English trader established a regular trade factory at the same place; he put some goods ashore in charge of a native agent; Buchanan ordered him off under threat of seizing his goods; he treated the messenger rudely and refused obedience. Meantime the slave trader had been negotiating with native kings for their protection; he added to his stores, extended his barracoon, and paid no attention to remonstrance. On the 18th of April, without previous announcement, Buchanan ordered a military parade at 7 P. M.; he stated the facts, declared his intention of proceeding in force against Trade Town, and called for forty volunteers who were soon secured; the next day he sent to New Georgia for twenty-five volunteers--they sent him thirty-five. He then chartered two small schooners, and sent them, together with the government schooner _Providence_, with ammunition, by sea to join the land forces for co-operation; on Monday, the 22nd, at 9 A. M., the land force took up the march under Elijah Johnson; in despatching his soldiers, the Governor told them that they were not out for war and plunder, but to sustain a civil officer in the discharge of his duty; he urged them to conduct themselves in an orderly manner with obedience and discipline. When the force actually started, about 100 men were in line. The fleet found bad winds and currents; after thirty-six hours’ struggle in trying to make Trade Town, it reappeared at Monrovia. The case looked desperate, as the men sent overland had little ammunition or food. At this moment Sir Francis Russell arrived and placed the fast _Euphrates_ at the disposition of the government; arms and ammunition were at once loaded, Buchanan went in person, and the next morning they were at anchor in front of Little Bassa. The battle was already on; the barracoon, a circular palisade ten feet high, enclosed some half-dozen native houses, from which firing was going on; the opening in the forest was about 150 yards from the shore; it was difficult to know what to do, as it was impossible to recognize which was the friendly party; the _Euphrates_, well known as a slaving vessel, would be mistaken; the landing-party would be fired upon by its friends; an American seaman volunteered to perform the dangerous feat of carrying a letter to the shore; Elijah Johnson, seeing a white man landing from the canoe, made a sally with his forces to destroy him; his real character was only recognized when the natives were on the point of knifing him; Johnson’s party rushed out and saved him. As soon as his messenger was ashore, Buchanan started with two boats for the beach; the terrified Kru, whom they met in canoes before landing, told them that the woods on both sides of the path were lined with natives and the woods behind alive with them; when their boat was about fifty yards from the beach, a party of five or six came out to attack the new-comers; Buchanan stood and fired into them and they scattered. In landing, his canoe was capsized and he was nearly drowned. Huzzas greeted the relieving party; the defense was vigorously resumed; the houses outside of the barracoon, fifteen or twenty in number, had given cover to the natives; Buchanan ordered them to be destroyed, which was promptly done. Johnson with a party of thirty or forty was then ordered to drive the enemy from their forest shelter; this he did, and the axe-men felled trees so as to clear the space around. The enemy kept firing all day, scattering whenever a rush was made; Buchanan himself led two such charges. The Krumen were now employed in loading the property which had been seized by the government party, a task which continued through the day under the protection of the soldiers. The next morning firing was renewed from a dozen places at once; a pursuing party set out; Johnson led on; he was twice wounded and also three of his men, though not seriously. As ammunition was almost gone, Buchanan hurried in the _Euphrates_ to Monrovia, where he arrived late at night; the next morning forty additional volunteers were taken on board, together with two field pieces, 14,000 ball cartridges, etc., etc. The vessel met with contrary winds and was delayed. As they neared their destination a large brig was seen apparently making for the anchorage ground; it was believed to be a brig of the English trader whose factory had been destroyed; the decks of the _Euphrates_ were cleared for action and a six-pounder made ready. The brig turned, however, and was soon out of sight. On landing, Buchanan found that there had been no fighting since he left; messengers were sent out to the native chiefs, Prince and Bah Gay, demanding instant surrender of the slaves, who, on the appearance of the force, had been turned over by the slavers to the natives; the captured goods were finally all loaded, the wounded were sent on board, and everything was prepared for the return; though the chiefs failed to turn in all the slaves, some were surrendered. As the main objects of the expedition had been gained, the party returned to Monrovia.

From 1838 to 1840 there had been war between the Dey and Golah tribes in which the Golah gained the advantage. The Dey suffered so much that their remnant took refuge in the colony. A number of them were living on the farms of colonists near Millsburg; suddenly Gatumba, a Golah chief, burst upon them, wounding four dreadfully and carrying twelve into slavery; the entire number would have been killed or captured had not the colonists, hearing guns, appeared and rescued them. The attackers fled. Notice was sent to Governor Buchanan, and he at once hastened thither; he prepared for difficulties and kept strict watch; a letter was sent to Gatumba, demanding an explanation and requesting a palaver at Millsburg; an insulting reply was returned; Gatumba intimated that he was prepared for battle, did not intend to attack the Americans, but would not permit their interference. Returning to Monrovia, Buchanan assembled his principal officers, laid the matter before them, and proposed attacking Gatumba’s colony before he should attack Millsburg. His officers thought it best to send another message to the chief; five messengers were sent, were fired upon, and three of them were taken prisoners. Several days passed when, on March 8, 1840, Gatumba burst upon Heddington and would have murdered everybody in the place had they not in a measure been prepared. The battle took place at the house of Missionary Brown; two Americans from Caldwell were living with Brown at the time; a desperate attack was made at daybreak by from 300 to 400 men; against them were three black Americans sheltered by the house; all had guns and considerable ammunition; the attack was frightful, and the numbers great; the battle continued for almost an hour, and the ammunition was nearly gone; Gotorah, a notable cannibal, at the head of his best warriors, made a rush and came within ten feet of the door; Harris, handed a loaded gun by a town native, poured a heavy charge into the advancing leader, who fell hideously mangled; his fall caused panic and flight to his followers. The battle over, notice of the event was sent to Buchanan, who was at Little Bassa; hastening to Heddington, he found the place fortified in preparation for a second attack; the people above the settlement were in alarm; Gatumba was reported to be preparing for vengeance. Buchanan determined upon immediate attack on Gatumba’s town; with 200 men, arms, ammunition, and a week’s provisions, they were to start in boats for Millsburg. Rumors of an approaching hostile force delayed their departure; but, on the second day, embarcation was made and Millsburg reached; from there the line of march was taken by 300 men with a piece of artillery; sixty of the party were Kru carriers and forty were native allies, so that the really effective force consisted of some 200 men; the cannon was dragged for six miles with great labor and was then abandoned; the rain was falling in torrents when, at two o’clock, they reached a ruined walled town which had at one time been destroyed by Gatumba; as some huts still stood and the site was high, a camp was made. The next day the line was formed again and, in spite of the flooded trail and swollen streams, the party continued to Gatumba’s town. As they neared, an attack upon them was made from ambush and Capt. Snetter fell mortally wounded; the men rushed forward and dislodged the enemy; the music struck up, and a lively advance was made; for nearly six miles they were exposed to shooting from the thick forest, but rushed on; the town was found well barricaded; Buchanan ran up with his aids, Col. Lewis and Gen. Roberts, to the margin of the open field, where he found Johnson vigorously engaged with the people of the town and with an ambush; the third company now came up and joined the combat. Such was the vigor of their attack that the enemy, taken with panic, rushed from the town by a rear gate into the forest; the Liberian forces entered in triumph. By this victory the strength of Gatumba was completely prostrated.

During Buchanan’s administration a serious difficulty arose with the mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The superintendent of its interests at the time was the Rev. John Seyes; he was a man of considerable ability and force of character, but was highly opinionated; the mission had found that trade goods was the best means of remitting from their treasury in America to their stations in Africa; it was the ruling of the colony that goods necessary for carrying on the work of missions should be admitted free of duty; a difference arose between Governor Buchanan and Mr. Seyes in reference to the goods being introduced by the mission for trading purposes with natives--Buchanan holding, very justly, that free admission should be granted only for supplies for the personal use of missionaries. The undutiable goods introduced by the missionaries enabled them to undersell the colonial merchants, who had to pay the regular fees. The Governor was firm in his attitude and demanded that all goods which were to be used for trade purposes should pay their duties; the Colonization Society stood behind the Governor in his course; the community, however, was rent in twain--great excitement prevailed--and there were practically two parties, the Seyes people and the government supporters.

In 1840 it was evident that there was destined to be serious trouble with English traders settling in the neighborhood of the Mano River. On account of threatening complications, Buchanan sent an agent to England to inquire as to the purposes of such settlers and the attitude of the British Government in the matter. On September 3, 1841, Buchanan died at Bassa Cove. His death was a serious loss, but fortunately the man was ready who was competent to take up his work and carry it through to a successful conclusion.

This man was Joseph Jenkin Roberts, who was appointed Governor by the Colonization Society and who held the office for six years; at the end of that time the Society itself severed its relation to the settlements. Roberts was a mulatto; he was born in Virginia, in 1809; he went to Liberia in 1829 and at once engaged in trade; he was at the head of the Liberian force in its war against Gatumba. His six years of governorship were on the whole successful ones, although it was at this time that difficulties began with France. In 1842 the French Government attempted to secure a foothold at Cape Mount, Bassa Cove, Butu, and Garawé; this occurrence caused considerable anxiety, but the matter seemed to be finished without serious results; long afterwards this attempt was made the basis of claims which troubled the Republic. Roberts recognized the importance of strengthening Liberian titles to territory; he pursued an active policy of acquiring new areas and strengthening the hold of the Commonwealth upon its older possessions. John B. Russwurm was at this time the Governor of Maryland; Roberts consulted with him in regard to public policy, and between them they agreed upon the levying of uniform 6 per cent ad valorem duties upon all imports. During his governorship Roberts visited the United States; he was well received and made a good impression; as a result of his visit, an American squadron visited the coast of West Africa; difficulties, however, were brewing; Roberts found the English and other foreigners unwilling to pay customs duties; they took the ground that Liberia was not an actual government and had no right to levy duties on shipping and foreign trade. On account of its failure to pay duties, the _Little Ben_, an English trading boat, was seized; in retaliation the _John Seyes_, belonging to a Liberian named Benson, was seized and sold for £2000. Appeals were made to the United States and to the Society for support; the United States made some inquiries of the British Government; the American representations, however, were put modestly and half-heartedly; to them Great Britain replied that she “could not recognize the sovereign powers of Liberia, which she regarded as a mere commercial experiment of a philanthropic society.” It was clear that a crisis had been reached; the Society of course could do nothing; the American Government was timid in its support; if Liberia was to act at all, she must act for herself. Recognizing the situation, in 1846 the Society resolved that it was “expedient for the people to take into their own hands” the management of their affairs, and severed relations which had bound Liberia to it. The Liberians themselves called for a constitutional convention, which began its session the 25th of June, 1847; on July 26th the Declaration of Independence was made and the Constitution of the Liberian Republic was adopted. The flag consisted of eleven stripes, alternately red and white; the field, blue, bore a single white star. It is suggested that the meaning of the flag is this: The three colors indicate the three counties into which the Republic is divided; the eleven stripes represent the eleven signers of the Declaration and the Constitution; the lone star indicates the uniqueness of the African Republic.

Moreover, here is a wonder such as Solomon in all his wisdom conceived
not of, when he said, “there is nothing new under the sun.” Here on
Africa’s shores, the wilderness to which our fathers came but as
yesterday, in ignorance, penury and want,--we have builded us towns
and villages, and now are about to form a Republic--nay, nor was it
thought of by the wise men of Europe and America.--H. J. R.

1847-1913.

The election was held in October, and Joseph Jenkin Roberts, the Governor of the Commonwealth, was elected to the new office of President of the Republic. One of his earliest acts was to visit Europe in order to ask the recognition of the new nation by European countries. The first to recognize the Republic was Great Britain; France was second. As it may be interesting to know just what powers have so far recognized Liberia as a nation, the list is presented in the order of their recognition, the date of recognition being placed within parenthesis:--Great Britain (1848); France (1852); Lubeck (1855); Bremen (1855); Hamburg (1855); Belgium (1858); Denmark (1860); United States (1862); Italy (1862); Sweden and Norway (1863); Holland (1863); Hayti (1864); Portugal (1865).

Of Roberts, Mr. Thomas, in his _West Coast of Africa_, says: “We called on President Roberts and family. Mrs. and Miss Roberts are most intelligent and interesting personages, speak English and French fluently, and are, in all respects, well bred and refined. I suppose that they have colored blood enough in them to swear by, but they might travel through every State in the Union without ever being suspected of having any connection with the sable progeny of Ham. Miss Roberts is a blue-eyed blonde, having light brown hair and rosy cheeks; yet she is a genuine African in the know-nothing sense of genuineness, having been born in the woods of Liberia. The Ex-President is tall and well proportioned, colorless in complexion--hope the reader can tolerate a paradox--but plainly indicating his African extraction by a very kinky head of wool, of which, his friends say, he is very proud. We have spoken of his official character. In intelligence and moral integrity he is a superior man, and in the interview of that morning displayed much of that excellence in conversation and elegance of manner that have rendered him so popular in the courts of France and England. The best evidence of his practical good sense was displayed in a visit, which he made a few years ago, to his colored relatives and his white friends in his native state of Virginia. In every circle he knew his place, and conducted himself in such a manner as to win great favor among bond and free.”

It was while he was in London, in 1848, that Mr. Roberts, at a dinner given by the Prussian Ambassador, met Lord Ashley and Mr. Gurley, and received from them promises of assistance for purchasing the land in the neighborhood of the Gallinhas River. He was well treated everywhere; he was received by Queen Victoria upon her royal yacht in April; the British Admiralty presented the Republic with a war vessel, the _Lark_; he was returned to Monrovia on the British war-ship _Amazon_. Roberts was re-elected president for two subsequent terms, holding office until the end of 1855. During his administration there were a number of disorders among the natives which needed settlement; thus, in 1850, the Vai, Dey, and Golah were quarreling; this was during the absence of the President. In March, 1853, Roberts, with 200 men, went to the region of Cape Mount in order to quiet the disturbance. The Grando War, in Grand Bassa, called for vigorous action, and Chief Grando continued to give trouble at intervals from 1850 to 1853. On the whole, the Roberts administrations were successful, and the country was greatly strengthened under his direction.

If Roberts was a mulatto, so light that he might easily have passed for a white man, his successor, Stephen Allen Benson, was black enough. This is amusingly brought out in an incident given by Thomas, which no doubt has some basis in fact, if it is not literally true. Thomas claims to quote a conversation between Capt. White of Virginia, while walking through Monrovia, and a former slave whom he had known as “Buck” (now “Col. Brown”). The Captain asked, “Which of the candidates for the presidency are you going to vote for?” “Oh, Benson, sir.” “Has not Roberts made you a good president?” “Oh, yes.” “He is a very smart man,” continued the Captain, “and much respected abroad. I think you had better vote for him.” “That’s all true”--Colonel becomes quite animated--“but the fac’s just this, Massa White; the folks say as how we darkies ain’t fitten to take care o’ oursel’s--ain’t capable. Roberts is a very fine gentleman, but he’s more white than black. Benson’s _colored people all over_. There’s no use talking government, an’ making laws, an’ that kind o’ things, if they ain’t going to keep um up. I vote for Benson, sir, case I wants to know if we’s going to stay nigger or turn monkey.”

Stephen Allen Benson was born in Maryland, in 1816; he removed to Liberia in 1822; he was captured and held by the natives for some little time; he was inaugurated President in January, 1856. During his administration Napoleon III presented the Republic with the _Hirondelle_ and equipment for 1000 armed men. During his administration there were various troubles with the coast natives, especially in the neighborhood of Cape Palmas; in the month of January, 1857, the difficulty was so serious that the very existence of the colony and the American missionaries at Cape Palmas were threatened. A force of Liberian soldiers under Ex-President Roberts was sent upon an English war steamer to their relief; the arrival of so considerable a force awed the natives and led to a palaver; the natives promised submission and an indemnity for the destruction they had caused.

The independent colony of Maryland in Liberia had had a fairly successful existence. Their first governor, J. B. Russwurm, died in 1851. He was succeeded by McGill, and he by Prout. At the time of the Grebo War, J. B. Drayton was Governor. Largely as a result of this trouble it was decided that Maryland should join with the other colonies and become a part of the Republic; this annexation took place February 28, 1857, ten days after the ending of the Grebo War.

A curious incident took place in 1858. The French ship, _Regina Coeli_, arrived on the Kru Coast, and the Captain treated with Kru chiefs for men to be shipped as laborers; the men supposed that they were shipped for a trip along the west coast, as usual, to serve as seamen; learning, however, that their destination was the West Indies, they became alarmed and believed that they were to be sold into slavery; the Captain was still on shore, treating with the chiefs; the men mutinied, seized the ship, and killed all the white crew except the doctor; they then returned to shore and left the ship without a crew; had she not been noticed by a passing English steamer, she would no doubt have been wrecked; she was taken into a Liberian port. The French Government investigated the matter, but it was clearly shown that the Liberian Republic was in no way responsible for the incident.

In 1860 troubles with British traders in the region of the Mano River began; these are so fully discussed in another place that we need not present the facts here.

A great deal of trouble was encountered by the Republic in preventing smuggling by foreign ships; as it was impossible to adequately man all the ports along the coast with customs-officers, a law was passed naming certain Ports of Entry at which only it was permitted for foreign boats to trade; this rendered the detection of illegal trade and smuggling easier.

In 1864 Daniel Bashiel Warner became President. He was a native of the United States, born April 18, 1815. It was during his administration that the Ports of Entry Law was passed; it was also during his term that an immigration of 300 West Indian negroes took place; among those who came at that time were the parents of Arthur Barclay, later prominent in Liberian politics; Arthur Barclay himself was a child at the time.

In 1868 James Spriggs Payne became President. He was a clergyman of some literary ability; he was author of a small treatise upon political economy; during his first administration he sent Benjamin Anderson on an official expedition to the interior. Anderson penetrated as far as Musahdu, an important town of the Mandingo; Payne served a second term, but not immediately following his first; after him were President Roye and President Roberts; it was in 1876 Payne was inaugurated a second time.

In 1870 Edward James Roye, a merchant and ship-owner, became President of the Republic; he was a full negro; he represented the “True Whig” party. His administration is notable for the turbulent character of its events. It was under him that the famous loan of 1871 was made. Before he became President, an effort had been made to amend the Constitution in such a way as to make the presidential term four years instead of two; the amendment was not carried; when, however, his term of office neared its end, he proclaimed an extension of his period for two years. Public dissatisfaction with the loan and a feeling of outrage at this high-handed action aroused the people so that they rose against him; in the strife several lives were lost; the President’s house was sacked; search was made for him and one of his sons was caught and imprisoned; in the effort to escape to a British steamer standing in the harbor, it is said that he was drowned. Roye’s deposition took place October 26, 1871. A committee of three was appointed to govern the nation until a new election could be held; these gentlemen were Charles B. Dunbar, R. A. Sherman, and Amos Herring.

In this moment of public excitement and disorder the people looked to their old leader, and Joseph Jenkin Roberts was again elected to the presidency; this was his fifth term. His time was largely devoted to bringing about calm and order; Benjamin Anderson, in 1874, made a second expedition to Musahdu; in 1875 there was a war with the Gedebo (Grebo) of some consequence.

After President Payne’s second administration Anthony W. Gardner became President; he was inaugurated in 1878. It was under his administration that the difficulties with England culminated, and Liberian territory was seized by British arms. In 1879 took place what is known as the “Carlos incident;” the German steamer, _Carlos_, was wrecked at Nana Kru; the natives looted the vessel and abused the shipwrecked Germans who had landed in their boats; the Germans were robbed of everything they had succeeded in bringing to shore with them and were even stripped of their clothing; they were compelled to walk along the beach to Greenville. The German warship, _Victoria_, was immediately despatched to the point of difficulty; she bombarded Nana Kru and the towns about; she then proceeded to Monrovia and demanded £900 damages on behalf of the shipwrecked Germans; the Government was unable to make prompt settlement and eventually paid the claim only under threat of a bombardment and with the help of European merchants in Monrovia. It was under President Gardner’s direction that the Liberian Order of African Redemption was established; the decoration of the order consists of a star with rays pendent from a wreath of olive; upon the star is the seal of the Republic with the motto, THE LOVE OF LIBERTY BROUGHT US HERE. Gardner was re-elected twice, but finally, in despair on account of the misfortune which his nation was suffering, resigned his office in January, 1883; at his resignation the Vice-President, A. F. Russell, took the chair.

In 1883 there were two other difficulties with wrecked steamers. The _Corisco_, a British mail steamer belonging to the Elder Dempster Company, was wrecked near the mouth of the Grand Cesters River; the passengers and crew took to the boats, but were plundered by the natives when they landed; the ship itself was also plundered; the Liberian force punished the Grand Cesters people for this deed, and the British Government treated the matter in a friendly manner. About the same time the _Senegal_ was wrecked upon the Liberian coast and plundered by the natives. It must be remembered, in connection with such events as these, that it has always been recognized along that coast, that the natives on the beach are entitled to whatever wreckage occurs upon their shores; it is very difficult to disabuse the native mind of this long recognized principle and to teach them that they must leave wrecked vessels unpillaged. It will be remembered that a difficulty of this same kind took place when the first settlers were living on Perseverance Island. In September, 1912, while we were in the interior of the Bassa country, a German boat of the Woermann Line was wrecked in front of Grand Bassa; although this occurred within sight of one of the most important settlements in the Republic, the natives put out in their canoes and took from the sinking ship all its contents.

In 1884 Hilary Richard Wright Johnson became President of the Republic. He was the first “native son” to hold the office. He was the child of the oft-mentioned Elijah Johnson, one of the first settlers. Hilary was born at Monrovia, June 1, 1837; he graduated from the Alexander High School, on the St. Paul’s River, in 1857; for seven years he was the private secretary of President Benson; in 1859 he became editor of the _Liberian Herald_, continuing to be so for two years; in 1861 he was elected to the House of Representatives; in 1862 he visited England and other countries with President Benson; he was Secretary of State under President Warner, and Professor of English and Philosophy in Liberia College; in 1870 he was Secretary of the Interior under President Roye, but resigned his office on account of difference of opinion with him; during the provisional government and during President Roberts’ final administration he was Secretary of State; he became President in 1884 and served eight years; after he left the presidential chair, he was for some time Postmaster-General; he died at Monrovia in 1900. It was in President Johnson’s administration that the boundary dispute so long pending with Great Britain was settled, the Mano River being recognized as the limit of Liberian territory; through a very considerable part of his time of service efforts were being made toward adjusting the unfortunate affairs connected with the loan of 1871; at the very close of Johnson’s term of office trouble with the French began by their claim on October 26th of the Cavalla River boundary.

Joseph James Cheeseman was the next President, being inaugurated in 1892. He was born in 1843 at Edina, and was trained for the ministry by his father; he was ordained as pastor of the First Baptist Church in Edina in November, 1868. He was a man of energy; in 1893 he found the third Gedebo War upon his hands; he secured two gunboats--the _Rocktown_ and the _Gorronama_--to patrol the coast for the prevention of smuggling; during his administration the use of paper currency was abolished and gold payment established. He was twice re-elected and died in office in the middle of his third term, November 15, 1896. The Vice-President, William David Coleman, took the presidency and, at the close of his filling of the unexpired term, was elected to the presidency.

William David Coleman was a resident of Clay-Ashland. His term was rather troubled; his interior policy was unpopular; he quarreled with his legislature; and finally resigned in December, 1900, under threat of impeachment. As there was no vice-president at the time, the Secretary of State, G. W. Gibson, succeeded to his office. It was during President Coleman’s administration that Germany offered, in 1897, to take over Liberia as a protected territory; the offer was refused, but certainly is interesting. Germany has watched with some concern the constant encroachments of Great Britain and France upon Liberian territory and sovereign rights; having no territorial boundary herself, she is unable to pursue their methods; she is watching, however, and unless, as some suspect, there is an actual understanding between Great Britain and France, as to the eventual complete division of the Republic between them, it is certain that, when the German Government thinks Liberia’s neighbors are going too far in their land piracy, she herself will take a hand and grasp the whole Republic. Such at least is a possibility not infrequently suggested.

Garretson Warner Gibson was born in Baltimore, Maryland, May 20, 1832; he was but three years old when he went with his parents to Cape Palmas; he was educated under Bishop Payne and became a teacher in the mission school at Cavalla; in 1851 he went to the United States for the purpose of studying, returning to Cape Palmas two years later. In 1854 he was made deacon by Bishop Payne, the first ordained in the African field; he later became priest and preached and taught through a period of years until 1858, when he came to Monrovia to open up a church. He occupied a variety of political offices, but under Gardner, Cheeseman, and Coleman was Secretary of State; on the resignation of Coleman he filled out his term, and was himself elected President for the period from 1902 to 1904. He was three times president of Liberia College and was always interested in educational affairs; in 1908 he was a member of the commission which visited the United States; he died at Monrovia April 26, 1910.

In 1904 Arthur Barclay became president. We have already stated that he was a native of the West Indies, having been born at Barbados in 1854; he was of pure African parentage; his parents took him with them to Liberia in 1865; graduating from Liberia College in 1873, he became private secretary to President Roberts; after filling various minor offices, he became, in 1892, Postmaster-General, in 1894, Secretary of State, and in 1896, Secretary of the Treasury. He served two terms of two years each; during the second of these terms the Constitution was amended and the term of office of the President extended to four years; in 1908 President Barclay entered upon his third term of office, this time for the longer period. Arthur Barclay is a man of extraordinary ability; he has for years been the acknowledged leader of the Liberian bar; many of the most important incidents of Liberian history occurred within his period of administration; most of them, however, are connected with the vital problems of the Republic and their discussion will be found elsewhere.

The present executive of the Liberian Republic is Daniel Edward Howard. He assumed office January 1st and 2nd, 1912; at his inauguration one day was given to the native chiefs, a new feature in inauguration, and one to be encouraged. In his inaugural address President Howard laid particular stress upon agriculture, education, and the native policy. He is the third “native son” to hold the presidential office. His father was Thomas Howard, who for years was chairman of the Republic. Of him Ellis says: “Comparatively a young man, Secretary Howard is a natural leader of men. Frank, honest, and decisive, he may be truly described as the Mark Hanna of Liberian politics. He received his education at Liberia College and in the study and management of men. Proud of his race and country, he is to my mind today the strongest single factor in the Liberian Republic. He has large influence with the aboriginals because of his ability to speak fluently a number of native tongues, and he is usually relied upon to settle the native palavers and difficulties. He is chairman of the National True Whig Committee, and for years has been keeping in touch with, and commanding the great forces of his party. It is said of him that to his friends he is as true as steel, and that he does not know what it is to break a promise.”

President Howard has an able Cabinet, liberal views, and the courage of his convictions.

Of men not actually in the present government, but of commanding influence and significance, two must be mentioned. No clear understanding of the present trend of Liberian affairs is possible without some knowledge of their personality. Here again we quote from Ellis: “Secretary Johnson is the grandson of Elijah Johnson, the historic Liberian patriot, who by his wisdom and courage saved the infant colony of Liberia from early extirpation; and the son of the late Ex-President Hilary Johnson, one of Liberia’s notable public men. Secretary Johnson is proud and dignified in his bearing, scholarly in his attainments, and fluent in his speech. For years he has acknowledged no superior, and has been recognized as a close competitor of President Barclay at the bar. He has enjoyed extensive foreign travel and has had a varied public experience. He has served on two important foreign missions, and at different times has been Postmaster-General, Attorney-General, and is now Secretary of State.” It will be seen of course from the contents of these quotations from Ellis that his article was written just before Barclay’s administration ended. There is no man in Liberia who has a more complete grasp upon Liberian problems than F. E. R. Johnson. At the time of the visit of the American Commission to Monrovia, he presented for their study and examination a defense of the Liberian position, which was masterly.

Of Vice-President Dossen--now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court--Ellis says: “He is a man of magnificent physique and splendid intellectual powers, aggressive and proud in spirit, ready and forceful in language, he has enjoyed a useful public record. For ten years he was Associate Justice of the Supreme Court and compiled the publication of the Supreme Court Decisions. He served as envoy extraordinary to France and to the United States, and now presides with becoming dignity over the deliberations of the Liberian Senate.” It was a matter of serious disappointment to us, that we were unable to meet John J. Dossen when in Liberia; he is certainly one of the best men in Liberian public life today; much is still to be expected from him.

PROBLEMS

I have heard men express preferences. They have made mention of whom
they desire to rule over them if the worst should come upon us
nationally. Some are rampant after American associations; some are
enamoured of the English; some would have the Germans, others the
French. Personally I indulge no such predilections. They argue an
abandonment of hope; they display a lack of vitality; they are an
absolute admission of incapacity and of failure. For my part I am a
_Liberian_ first and last and my desire is that Liberia should endure
till the heavens fall, that this country be controlled by Liberians
for Liberians. But I also desire that these Liberians be tolerant;
that they be prescient; that they be energetic, industrious, and
public-spirited; that they be courageous in shouldering their national
responsibilities; that they be liberal and that they become a great
and glorious people, unanimous in sentiment, united in action,
abounding in all the virtues which make a nation powerful, perpetual
and enduring.--E. BARCLAY.

BOUNDARY QUESTIONS.

The most pressing and ever urgent question which the Republic has to face is the protection of its frontier against aggression; Liberia has two powerful neighbors, both of which are land-hungry and are continually pressing upon her borders; she has already lost large slices of her territory and is still menaced with further loss.

FIRST BRITISH AGGRESSION.