Chapter X

The addition of Mr. Canning to the Government was regarded with different sentiments when looked at from different points of view. His brilliant talents and great popularity were recognised advantages, but then the necessity by which he might consider himself bound to put forward an original policy, made reflecting politicians regard his appointment with distrust. He appears to have exhibited a wish to serve some members of the Grenville family, though not in the required direction. Mr. Charles Williams Wynn was ambitious of filling the distant but lucrative post to which the new Foreign Secretary had been appointed before Lord Londonderry's death, but Mr. Canning suggested a position scarcely less honourable at home. How these and other negotiations proceeded, may be learnt from the following letters:--

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Sept 19, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

Charles Wynn, I am told by my servant, called on me here yesterday,
and was anxious to see me. Probably it was to communicate some
change or probable change. I should be very happy to hear that he
got India, if he wishes it; the situation to a younger brother with
a family, is undoubtedly most valuable, and at his age would be a
most flattering station. I doubt greatly, however, his success, for
I am thoroughly aware that the Directors hated our appointment at
the Board, and I see no reason to imagine that the President or the
Board have made themselves more popular with them. I do not say the
contrary, but there has been no opportunity, and the little
discussions which have taken place have been rather of a
controversial nature. Lord Maryborough wants it, but I think won't
succeed: Lord Melville, I am _almost certain_, will not take it.
Vansittart would be the best appointment (supposing Charles Wynn
can't succeed), and by this means we should get rid of a great
encumbrance to the Government. I understand Lord Liverpool will
_not_ have Huskisson, and the King does not approve of his being
in the Cabinet; but this, however, would be easily got over by
making Robinson or Grant Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Huskisson
Board of Trade and Treasurer of the Navy. The King comes to the
Cottage on Saturday, and has at present determined to stay five
weeks. The Regnante comes also.

Ever faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

Lord Harrowby is the candidate for the Garter, which, if he don't
get, I think will drive him from the Government. This would be the
best opening for you, if the Admiralty or Ireland does not offer.
Lord Hertford and the Duke of Portland are also talked of for the
Garter.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Sept. 23.

MY DEAR B----,

I am, I think, at length perfectly _au fait_ of the arrangement
which is desired, and the motive for proposing it. Canning is most
anxious, by any means, to procure my resignation of my present
appointment, in order that it may fall to Huskisson, who
particularly desires it. Last night I received the enclosed from
C----, together with the letter from Lord G----, which I also send
to you,[97] and this morning met L---- and C---- accordingly. The
former told us that he had, as he anticipated, received a decided
refusal from Scotland, and we then entered on the discussion of the
different candidates. C---- said that in his conversation with the
Directors, when he informed them of his resignation, he found that
their first preference would be for Lord Melville; 2ndly, very
strongly in favour of Lord W. B----;[98] 3rdly, Lord Amherst; that
if none of these were offered to them they would accept the
Speaker, but that it was clear that no other candidate would go
down without a considerable struggle. I expressed my own opinion of
the insufficiency of the Speaker for a post of so much importance,
and my fear that a man naturally indolent, would in so indolent a
climate be wholly inefficient, and rather recommended Lord W.
B----. C----, in reply, dwelt not on Sutton's fitness for India,
but his unfitness for the Chair. Perceiving his drift, I suggested
the possibility for replacing him there by William Courtenay, but
C---- immediately said, that unless it would lead to my accepting
the Chair, he did not think that there was any reason to make it
worth while to remove S----. I adverted to some of the reasons,
which we have already talked over, which indisposed me to the
change, and they then desired me to take a week to consider the
subject, and if I liked it to talk to Lord Grenville after his
return from Elton.

I hear from other quarters, that there is a strong party among the
Directors disposed to object to me if I am proposed for India. It
is, indeed, possible that if I held that out as the only condition
upon which I would give up this office, Canning might, by the
exertion of his personal influence among them, carry the question;
but I doubt much whether, even supposing I was more anxious to
obtain it than I am, it would be creditable to me or to any
President of the Board of Control, to have his nomination the
subject of a struggle, which, if it should succeed on the part of
the Directors, and he should continue in office, must render all
future intercourse acrimonious and unconciliating.

[97] The enclosures have not been preserved.

[98] Lord William Bentinck.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Sept. 26, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

The communication you have made to me is not a matter of surprise,
for I own I expected this would be the result. The proposition,
however, being now made by one Cabinet Minister to Lord Grenville,
and communicated by another to you, see how I should stand
committed if I were to meddle with it by asking an interview with
Lord Liverpool. In the former case Lord Liverpool opened the
proposition to me, and it was my duty to lay it before you, even
before I spoke to Lord Grenville; but in this case Wynn has
informed you of it, and he would have a right to demand why I
presumed to communicate at all with Lord Liverpool without his
authority or permission, on a subject so deeply involving his
interests and wishes. By his communication to you, he has entitled
you to write to Lord Liverpool, as you have done to Canning,
expressly stating your views and feelings on the subject; and I am
witness that a station in the Government was undoubtedly one of the
primary objects of your contemplation in the former negotiation. I
have no doubt that if I were to see Lord Liverpool, even under your
authority, he would treat it as a Cabinet question, and refuse to
enter into any discussion with me upon it, but I am quite sure I
could not discuss it without touching upon the views and objects of
Charles Wynn in a way that might offend him; it is an object of
such moment and importance to him, that I cannot be surprised that
he receives it so favourably. I heard from him the moment he came
to town, telling me he was quite sure the Directors would not
nominate him, but he says nothing of the new proposal, and probably
it had not then been made, or if so, he did not choose to confide
it to me. With regard to the advantages the Government derived from
his efforts as a speaker on the Treasury Bench during last session,
it must be obvious to you as it was to him, that he failed
altogether. The difference which you point out, as to the effect
this change would have on the Catholic question, may to a certain
degree be past, but still I think, _as a Speaker_, his influence
would have much more weight than even if he remained in Cabinet.
The question is also one which materially affects Lord Grenville's
support of the Government; and Canning, Lord Liverpool, and Wynn
are now evidently treating with a view of connecting your uncles
more closely with them; also you must consider that Plunket, who is
also the organ of your party, still commands this question.

I know you will say, and feel naturally, that these considerations
have nothing to do with your personal objects, and the claim which
you have to Cabinet; but on the other hand the Government will feel
that if they can more strongly and generally unite your family
interests with theirs, it is the best course they can pursue. I
cannot think that the public would view this transfer of Cabinet to
the Chair as a sale of your support, originally contemplated, for
this distinct object and your Dukedom; nobody could have calculated
on anything occurring which would induce Manners Sutton to quit the
Chair, and surely there is no trafficking on your part or that of
your family for the object; the proposition comes to you, and is
always to be so stated and avowed. I take it for granted the
difficulty is opening a Cabinet office; Lord Wellesley could not be
removed without disgracing him, unless he applies for recall, and I
should presume Lord Harrowby has no disposition to retire.

I see how very difficult your situation is, for in resisting this
arrangement you bar the anxious wishes and hopes of Charles Wynn,
and in giving way to it you for a time put by your claim, but at
the same time it is but for a time, for it makes it stronger
whenever the vacancy occurs. I cannot, however, concur in thinking
the public would condemn you, or think it was an excess _of job_ if
the proposition is acceded to, for it must always be Canning's
_job_, and not yours. I trust you will give me credit for the
motives which I have placed before you, as inclining me to hesitate
in writing to Lord Liverpool; I really hope on reflection you will
see them in the same point of view.

Believe me ever, my dear Duke,

With sincere attachment and affection,

Most faithfully yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Sept. 26, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

Enclosed I send you a letter which I yesterday received from Lord
G----, together with the draft of my answer,[99] in which I have
expressed myself fully. You will see that I had anticipated a part
of your feelings upon the proposed plan, though I speak of them as
likely to arise hereafter instead of at present. What has most
struck me in all that has passed, is the manner in which Canning
has assumed to himself, even in the presence of Lord Liverpool, the
tone and authority of Premier.

You will see I mention in my letter to Lord G---- my opinion of the
manner in which he has put off seeing me as a mark of
disinclination. On Monday, the business was scarcely commenced when
he expressed his wish to discuss foreign business with Lord L----
before he left town, in order to get rid of me. Knowing that the
latter was not to return to town during the week, I expressed my
wish for further discussion with C----, and asked him when he could
see me. He said Tuesday was foreign post day, Wednesday he had
several appointments, and then named to-day. Yesterday I had a note
from him that he wished to shut himself up to-day, and to-morrow to
write to the Duke of Wellington, and naming Saturday. Now,
considering that we have as yet had no discussion whatever on the
general state of things, I think this is, to say the best,
unconciliating conduct. Still, on Saturday I will endeavour either
to lead or to force him upon different subjects, and particularly
on the Catholic question, which will naturally arise out of your
letter. His want of judgment is such, that I really think it is an
even chance that in the first session he gets into some difficulty
from which he cannot extricate himself, and in which his friends
will delight to leave him. If he survives that, I expect him to
govern the House with a rod of iron, and fix his power absolutely.
He seems to me fully aware of the weakness of character he has to
deal with, and that the assumption of power will probably confer
it. I am to see the Chairman of the E.I.C. alone to-morrow, and
probably shall from him learn more of the feelings of the Directors
than C---- has communicated to me.

Ever most truly yours,

C. W. W.

[99] Enclosures not preserved.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Sept 28, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

I read part of your letter to C---- to-day, but did not show it to
him, as there were parts of it which I thought referred rather too
much to topics which are private to ourselves, and my uncle Tom had
particularly entered his _veto_ against communicating the reference
to his letter. I saw it discomposed him extremely, and he agreed
that it would be necessary for me to see Lord Liverpool and talk
the matter over with him before it goes any further. He told me
that previous to making this proposal, he had ascertained that the
Directors would not be disposed to send me to India, and that their
motive to accept the Speaker would only be with the view of making
room here for Huskisson. That he had originally determined before
he came to town to have stipulated for the promotion of Huskisson
before he made himself "the immense sacrifice he did in accepting
office," but that the concurrent opinion of his friends had
deterred him from this, and that he was most especially moved to it
by your letter to Lord Morley, which had peculiar weight with him,
and that now, standing as he did single in the Cabinet, he felt
that he was entitled to have every facility afforded him for that
purpose, or that it might still be necessary for him to retire.

I have written to Lord L---- to offer to go down to Combe Wood
to-morrow, as I am sure it is desirable to bring the matter to an
upshot one way or the other. My uncle Tom comes up to town, and
dines with me to-day. I must own it appears to me that C---- has
completely _got round_ both him and Lord G----. They are astonished
that I can think he shows disinclination to me personally, &c. &c.
I must say that I think your view of the question is a fit one, and
such as you are thoroughly entitled to take, and have only to beg
earnestly that no consideration of my interests may induce you to
depart from what you feel to be due to yourself and your own
consistency.

Ever most faithfully yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, Oct. 3, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

Having learnt from Charles that you have expressed to him some
uneasiness at not hearing from me in reference to the discussions
which have, as he tells me, been going on between you and the
Government upon the proposal of his taking the Chair, I do not
hesitate to assure you that no man living can take a more cordial
and affectionate interest than I do in everything which regards
your happiness and gratifications, public and private, and that
whatever could be done, on my very limited scale, that could in the
least degree contribute to any of those objects, I should do with
all the kind and ready feelings of warm and sincere affection. From
political discussions, however, I have, as you know, entirely
withdrawn myself for a very long time past, and the very little
share which I took in the discussion respecting yourself and
Charles, at the beginning of last winter, convinced me how much
pain to myself and how little advantage to you, must arise from my
renewing them. In truth, I am much too antiquated to enter into the
councils of a mind as ardent as yours, and much too little
conversant with the politics of these times to be a useful or safe
adviser. I have the more readily adopted this negative course from
the persuasion that you, who are in the prime of life for business,
with more than forty years over your head, with good talents, and
with no little experience of men and manners, are a much more
reasonable judge of what is fit for you to do or not to do, than
any other man can be for you. Who is there that can sufficiently
adopt the thoughts and feelings and taste of another, to decide for
him what is best for his own happiness? Why should it be required
that I, who have one foot in the grave, should see the objects of
public life or the means of attaining them, in the same points of
view with yourself, who are in the prime of active life, and
ardently alive to all those pursuits which are flat and
unprofitable to my antiquated eyes? It is perhaps not unreasonable
in me, who see you one of the first men in the country, with a
Dukedom and the Garter, and having already all that the Crown can
give, to consider you as standing upon very elevated ground, and as
being one who ought not easily to be persuaded by any Government to
accept of any office from them. On the other hand, it is quite
natural for you or any man who has the ambition to be decidedly the
one first man in the country, to take the course which in your
judgment leads most directly to the object of your wishes; but how
can I advise in this, who do not start from the same post or look
towards the same goal? I am prouder, it seems, for you than you are
for yourself, and while you seem anxious to establish a claim for
office in the present Government, I am too proud to see you as that
claimant, or to agree that any consideration should induce you to
take official share in this Government, unless it were for the
single act of dispensing to Ireland the blessing of Catholic
emancipation? This different view of your situation from that which
you entertain, leaves therefore no possibility of my old-fashioned
eyesight adopting what your younger and stronger eyes see with an
ardour of which mine are no longer capable. As long as I see my
dear Duke, I do not see upon earth anybody in whose prosperity and
happiness I take a warmer and more sincerely cordial feeling than I
do in yours--and that is better in an old, decaying uncle, than
discussions that he is no longer fit for.

This sensible communication anticipates the result of the overtures of Mr. Canning, who was already beginning to feel his strength, and did not hesitate to show it. What his object was is expressed in the next letter; it was foiled by the Duke of Buckingham placing it in a strong light before the observation of the now nominal Premier, Lord Liverpool.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Oct. 7, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I thank you for your communication, and am glad to find the whole
business, as far as it was connected with your party, is
terminated; I received a letter from Charles Wynn yesterday
morning, informing me of the result of your communication with Lord
Liverpool.

No one can undoubtedly so well judge the question, as it may affect
your honour and character, as yourself; the removal of Charles Wynn
from the Cabinet, if done either by intrigue or force, was a
measure which you could not submit to, and if you were satisfied
that such was the intention, the steps you adopted were such as
became you; I consider that it would have been impossible for any
one of your party who had accepted office, to hold it one moment
after you had come to the decision of separating yourself from all
official connexion; nor do I think that under such a declaration
Charles Wynn could doubt of the line which he so promptly and
honourably adopted. Indeed, I must fully agree with you in
applauding his feelings towards you and his friends. I am rejoiced
that no new arrangements take place in your political relations
with the Government, for I am persuaded the best, the most
advantageous, and most popular state in which your interests can
stand, for some time at least, is by remaining perfectly quiet, and
suffering public discussion on men and parties and official
situations to be diverted to other quarters. We had our full share
last Session, and let Mr. Canning, if he chooses to commence his
career by Cabinet intrigue, have the full benefit of it; no change
would at this moment occur in your party without incurring (whether
true or false) the charge of official rapacity on the one hand, or
a want of common gratitude on the other.

The King is arrived at the Cottage with his _usual_ party, and I
understand remains about three weeks: he sees nobody as yet, but is
reported to be very well and in good spirits; he was at chapel
yesterday, and is driving in the Park every day.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Most faithfully yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Brighton, Nov. 5, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

Charles Wynn wrote to me to say he wished to come and lay before
the King Lord Amherst's appointment to sign, thinking it would be a
good occasion of presenting himself for an audience, and I strongly
recommended him to do so, though it was uncertain how he might take
it; however, nothing could have been better received. The King has
not appeared since he has been here, now ten days, and has confined
himself to his room under a slight affection of gout, for which he
is taking Wilson's medicine, but he received him most graciously,
talked for an hour and a half, and Wynn came away delighted. I am
quite happy that he came down for the purpose. I can't make out
exactly how matters stand at the Pavilion. The Regnante has not yet
arrived. He has been quite alone, literally, with Lord Conyngham
and Sir W. Knighton, and not another person. It is said she has
taken an aversion to this place, and I rather give credit to it,
for Lord Conyngham told me he was going to fit up the Castle at
Windsor, as the King had taken a fancy to it, and now seemed to
prefer it to the Cottage. What this means I know not; I do not
think, notwithstanding, that she is out of favour, or even to have
lost ground, but that the strangeness of his conduct daily
increases.

Did you ever hear of anything half so absurd as the conduct of the
Speaker? He first wrote to Lord Liverpool to ask his opinion about
standing for the University, and having received a very cold
answer, declaring his wishes to be in favour of Lord Hervey, he
immediately declared himself with his _re_consideration
advertisement; afterwards Charles Wynn hit the blot which bad been
overlooked, or probably never looked for, in the case of Charles
Dundas when proposed by Sheridan, and who was objected to by Mr.
Pitt, as not being capable on account of not having previously
taken the oath at the table before the Speaker, which by the act
is necessary in every case but at the commencement of a new
Parliament. When Charles Wynn mentioned this, it set them all
aback, and after requiring a day to consider it, it ended by his
giving up; the consequences of all this has been that the
Solicitor-General has been driven from a certain success, and the
Government interest being divided between R. Grant and Lord Hervey,
it is not improbable that Scarlett may succeed.

I should judge from the language of Tierney on general points, that
he thinks the Government stronger and more likely to hold a firm
and vigorous language and line of conduct by the introduction of
Canning, than it was last year. I believe the latter is to name
Frederick Lamb[100] his Under-Secretary, and Lord Clanwilliam to
succeed Frederick Lamb.

The appointment of Lord Amherst, taking all things into
consideration, is, I believe, as good a nomination as could have
taken place; and as far as it regards our Board, I should think the
best, for he has no intrigue, and will act straightforward with us.
Canning is gone down to Walmer, and you may rest assured that it
will very soon end in his leading Lord Liverpool; if he can
persuade him to get rid of Vansittart, it would be the best
exercise he could make of such an influence.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Most assuredly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

Of course you know Sir Henry Wellesley is named to succeed Lord
Londonderry; better accounts of the Duke of Wellington's health.

[100] Afterwards, in 1839, created Lord Beauvale; he was for some
years Envoy-Extraordinary and Minister-Plenipotentiary at Vienna.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Nov. 6, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

I thought it right to take down the approbation of Lord Amherst's
appointment to Brighton myself on Sunday, and was most graciously
received.

He [the King] complained much of flying gout, with which he had
been extremely unwell during the last week, but was in excellent
spirits, and kept me sitting with him more than an hour. He was
lame, and moved with difficulty, and told me (at nine P.M.) that he
had only been up for two hours. Not a soul in the palace but Lord
Conyngham, Lord Francis, and Sir William K----n. His face was
deeper sunk in the lines than I have yet seen it, but the colour
was better than I expected--a dark brown, instead of the dead,
tallowy colour which I have sometimes seen.

The Speaker has made the most stupid and unpardonable mess at
Cambridge ever made by man. He wrote to Lord Liverpool, who
answered him that he thought his situation created much difficulty,
and advised his consulting Lord Sidmouth and Lord Colchester, both
of them having, when in the Chair, been intended candidates for
Oxford. He asked neither, but talked to the Attorney and
Solicitor-General and his own clerks, declared himself a candidate
without ever communicating with a single Minister in the House of
Commons. As soon as I found that he had declared, I was convinced
of the impossibility of his being re-elected Speaker if he vacated
his seat, after the decision of the House in 1801 in favour of
Pitt's objection to C. Dundas, and therefore went to Canning, who
begged me to write to Liverpool, who in return wished Canning to
write to the Speaker about it. Canning begged me to go to Peel.
There I met the Speaker, who had not in the least adverted to this
difficulty, but allowed that it would be unreasonable to expect the
Government to fight his battle against such an authority, and
finally agreed to retire from the contest!

Fremantle tells me that he is quite in the hands of a sister of
Lady B----, with whom he passes all his time, so I suppose Miss
H---- wears the willow.

Some suspicion had been excited by the numerous stacks burnt in
Ireland, some of them the property of persons by no means obnoxious
to the Rockites. A search was therefore made in a small district,
in which no less than thirty were found prepared for the flames,
the wheat having been threshed out and the straw re-stacked for the
convenience of charging the barony for the bonfire.

You will see that Wellesley has, on the authority of the law
officers, taken steps to prevent the dressing up Old Glorious on
Monday at Dublin. I shall be curious to see the result, which I
expect will be only some offensive speeches in the Quarterly
Assembly, &c.

Lloyd of Aston, after declaring himself a candidate for Shropshire,
has again retired. The only candidates now are Childe and mad
Cresset Pelham. I trust that the former will carry it, and that
then B. Thompson will come in on Watkins's interest for Wenlock.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Nov. 12, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

There is little at present going on, as everything is reserved till
the latter end of this week, when we are to have ten days of
Cabinets to consider the various subjects for the next session.
Among others we have the promise of a despatch from Lord Wellesley,
on the subject of tithes, by the 15th. C---- is civil (which for
him is a good deal), but I cannot say cordial. I seem not to find
it out, and mean to allow time for the little irritation which has
arisen from the failure of his plan, to subside. No allusion was
made to the subject during my visit of last week, and indeed the
conversation was chiefly on Stuart Papers, Horace Walpole, &c. &c.

Notwithstanding the panic on the Stock Exchange, our news from
Congress is still of a decidedly pacific tendency. The Spanish
insurrection, we are told, gains strength, and the Greek loses; but
on the latter head we have found our informants somewhat partial.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Nov. 22, 1822, half-past five P.M.

MY DEAR B----,

Your apprehensions relative to the issue of what is passing at
Verona certainly would derive more support from our last accounts
than from the previous ones, and the way which had been made with
France by exciting her political apprehensions, and with Russia by
a representation of the military difficulties, seems now to be very
much _en retrograde_.

Still, the language and assurances of Villele and the King of
France are perfectly pacific; and Montmorenci, who has adopted the
other line at Verona, still states the necessity of his returning
himself to Paris before any communication even of the nature of a
threat is held out to Spain. Meantime he wishes France should be
allowed to manage the interference entirely herself, and protests
against Russia having any share in it, or marching a single
regiment through her territory.

The only real object of Alexander is to ward off the present and
pressing danger from his army, for whom he wants employment, and
has proposed this Spanish campaign merely as a substitute for the
Turkish.

Wellesley's despatch has, as I told you, arrived, but is not yet
circulated.

We are about to recognise the S. American Republics and Brazil, and
at the same time to adopt measures of reprisal against Porto Rico
and Porto Cabildo, unless the Royalist Governors of those places
will give up the Lord Collingwood, and cancel their orders for
impeding our trade.

I have just been at Council, and thought that the K---- looked
worse than at Brighton, but still his colour was tolerably good.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

The proceedings of the French Government with relation to Spain, now began to excite a good deal of attention in this country; appearances being in favour of the supposition generally entertained, that the labours of Wellington in the Peninsula were about to be rendered nugatory by the presence there of a powerful French army, and the consequent return of Spain to the position she held as a French dependency before the war.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Tuesday evening.

MY DEAR B----,

I do not believe that the French Cabinet is mad enough to entertain
any view of the conquest of Spain. Experience must have taught even
to them more wisdom, but Monsieur and the Ultra-Royalist party
dread the intercourse with a _Republic_ on their frontiers, and
besides, have revived the old notions of the family connexion, and
their duty to protect a Bourbon monarch. This is fed by their
communications with Spain, where for the last ten months they have
been active in exciting, both by money and other means, the
Royalist or insurgent party, and these designs are equally
instigated by the Ultra-Royalist and Ultra-Liberal party in both
countries. The former, with the view of re-establishing the
authority of the beloved Ferdinand; the latter, of raising by any
means a war, which they calculate must end in the overthrow of both
thrones.

We have no wish ourselves to take Cuba, but are inclined to give
her the fair option of either continuing Spanish, becoming
independent, or uniting with Mexico, positively resisting, however,
even if necessary with arms, her occupation by any third power,
_i.e._, North America.

I continue most completely separated from the rest of the Cabinet.
Whether they live at all together I know not, but believe they do.
However, we have all been in town now for more than a week, and I
never have seen anything of any of them except in Cabinet. No one
dinner have I been asked to since the conclusion of the Session,
excepting one in the beginning of September at Robinson's. Now we
all know that business can never be really settled in the meetings
of so numerous a Cabinet, but that it must be _in fact_ arranged at
more private meetings and dinners.

Canning is certainly not cordial, though there is nothing I have a
right to complain of. Still I see that he is disposed to discuss
the business of his own office, &c., with Lord Bathurst, Peel, or
Robinson, but not with me. Peel is reserved in his natural manner,
but I rather get on with him. What is Canning's object I cannot at
all discover. His obvious policy would be to unite us to himself,
but I am clear that is not in his view. His language to me on the
Catholic question was in such a tone as to lead me to doubt
extremely whether he can be relied upon. He dwelt to much on the
disposition of the Duke of York, if he succeeded to the throne, to
stake his Crown entirely upon opposition to it, and talked so much
on the advantages of a compromise, which should secure everything
except Privy Council and Parliament; professing willingness
himself, if that was conceded, to oppose any agitation of the
question for a considerable time, that I am myself convinced that
he is disposed to consider it as a millstone, to which he is not
absolutely pledged, and which he will for his own interest shake
from off his neck. We have begun on Wellesley's plan, but as yet
made no progress. Indeed it is so defective, that though it
professes to rest upon two or three plain principles to be adopted
or rejected, there are double that number not adverted to which
must be previously understood and determined.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Dec. 7th, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

I had yesterday a conversation with Canning, when he offered me
either Copenhagen or Stuttgard for Henry, as a remove from
Switzerland. I obtained from him that the question should be kept
open till I heard from him, though I cannot feel a doubt that he
will gladly accept the former, as though the business is in truth
as little or less than that of his present situation, it is in the
public eye a decided promotion, the salary is 1000_l._ a year
higher, and whenever anything more desirable may become vacant, any
Secretary of State will be better disposed to promote him than from
Switzerland, the mission to which can never be vacant without again
raising a question upon its suppression. The residence is certainly
less desirable as well as the climate, but these are inconveniences
which any man who wishes to rise in his profession must be disposed
to overlook. The offer is also valuable, as I think it shows good
disposition.

We have to-day the D---- of W----'s despatches from Verona of the
26th. He proposes setting off on the 30th, and coming home through
Paris. He sends copies of the despatches of Russia, Austria, and
Prussia to their Ministers at Madrid, which are to be communicated
to the Spanish Government _in extenso_. They are couched in very
strong, indeed, offensive terms, announcing their intention to make
common cause with France in the event of the violent death of the
King or any of the Royal Family, of his dethronement, or any
alteration in the succession, or of any aggression on the territory
of France. The note of Russia goes through a kind of history of the
revolutionary steps of Spain. Meanwhile, Villele continues the
assurance of his determination, supported by the King, and _also
by Monsieur_ (who I suppose now, as is his custom, has taken
fright), to avoid a rupture, and expressing his hope of having the
support of Sir C. S----[101] to resist Rozzo di Borgo. Metternich
also, while he joins in the impulse which Russia has given to the
Congress, begs the D---- of W---- that Sir William A'Court[102] may
be instructed to mediate as far as possible with Spain, and to
prevent her from resenting these extraordinary measures.

Altogether, if A'Court can succeed in persuading Spain that it is
her interest to wait till she is attacked, and only to resent these
words with words, I think it is very probable peace may still be
preserved, as Villele has extremely increased his strength in the
Legislative Assembly, and the danger of again bringing a French
army into action is felt by every one but the Emperor Alexander,
who, as usual, acts from his own feelings only, and particularly
from aversion to the example of a successful military mutiny, to
which Prussia also is most sensible.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

[101] Sir Charles Stuart, created in 1828 Lord Stuart de
Rothesay.

[102] In 1828 created Baron Heytesbury.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Dec. 30, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

You will probably have heard from other quarters of the intended
appointment of Lord Francis Conyngham to be Canning's
Under-Secretary of State. I only know it from report, but am
disposed to believe it; and it is added that the King on his late
visit to Brighton leant on his shoulder and patted his head.

I cannot conceive how Lord F. C---- can retain the Mastership of
the Robes.

The next report is that the newly-erected pillar of orthodoxy,
young Bankes, has to encounter an action for crim. con. from Lord
Buckinghamshire, and that Scarlet is retained for the plaintiff.

Surely Wellesley is making too ridiculous a parade, even for the
taste of Paddy, when he talks of the _horror_, the _awful moment_,
&c.; and when we consider that the King and his father have both
had to encounter bullets, it is but in proper subordination that
the piece of a rattle and of a glass bottle should be directed
against the occupant of "_the throne on which he has been placed by
the favour of his Sovereign_."

Still it may be of use towards the suppression of the Orange
Lodges, which I have great hopes will result from it. It has been
proposed to extend the English Act against Secret Societies, to
Ireland, with a view to some of the cases of conspiracy which they
have been unable to deal with; and upon mentioning to Peel that
that was the Act upon which the House of Commons in general agreed
in 1813 to consider the Orange Association as illegal, I had much
pleasure to see that he looked upon this as a recommendation rather
than an objection.

The conduct of Villele is to me quite inexplicable, nor can I
conceive his motive for resorting to so offensive and irritating a
step as the publication of a despatch (in itself calculated to
provoke a war) immediately after he had triumphed over the war
party, and their expulsion from the Cabinet.

Ever most faithfully yours,

C. WILLIAMS WYNN.

CHAPTER XI.

[1823.]

CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS. DIPLOMATIC POSTS. PROPOSED MINISTERIAL CHANGES. MISSION OF LORD FITZROY SOMERSET TO SPAIN. STATE OF IRELAND. OBJECTS OF FRANCE. APPOINTMENT OF REGINALD HEBER. INCREASING POPULARITY OF MR. CANNING. THE KING'S SPEECH. TRIALS IN IRELAND. MR. PLUNKET. THE BEEFSTEAK CLUB IN DUBLIN. OBJECTIONABLE TOAST. THE DUKE OF CLARENCE. IMPRUDENCE OF LORD WELLESLEY. THE LORD-LIEUTENANT'S EXPLANATION.