Chapter I

A little before the decease of George III., the heir apparent was in a state of health that made his chance of succession problematical--of long possession of the crown more doubtful still. He was attended by Sir William Knighton, who was in his chamber when intelligence arrived from Windsor of his venerable parent's demise; and we are assured that "The fatal tidings were received by the Prince with a burst of grief that was very affecting."[1] He was quite unable to be present at the funeral, and the Duke of York acted as chief mourner.[2]

[1] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 88. Edited by his Widow.

[2] Alison's "History of Europe, from the Fall of Napoleon,"
vol. ii. p. 421.

The skill and solicitude of George IV.'s confidential physician were rewarded, and the new Sovereign recovered sufficiently to apply himself to the business of government with his customary attention; but from that time Sir William so completely fixed himself in the affections of his patron, that the latter was uneasy if he remained away from the Palace, and was sure to send pressing messages for his return. A letter has been preserved,[3] which indicates that services were rendered by him that were not strictly professional. Indeed, he was often employed as an adviser in affairs of peculiar delicacy and importance, and his judgment and tact in their arrangement were invariably acknowledged and appreciated.

[3] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 86.

This conclusion of the Regency, though for some time anticipated as a mere matter of course, was accompanied by events of so startling a nature as to cause considerable disquietude in the minds of many good citizens and earnest politicians. A feverish excitement existed among the lower classes, that continually threatened to break out in violent manifestations against the Government; but though the Ministers of the Crown were the principal objects of this ill feeling, it was directed with equal animosity against all wealth and influence; and there can be no doubt that, had the designs of their more enterprizing leaders been realized, a complete revolution little less violent than that which had swept over France more than thirty years before, would have overturned law, property, and order through the length and breadth of the land.

"The expectation and the fear of change" kept the public mind in a state of violent agitation; and a great political party was on the alert to take advantage of any popular movement this effervescence might create. It was well known to various influential partizans that events of unusual gravity were "looming in the distance,"[4] by which they hoped to be able to raise themselves to power. Rumours of a sinister import were in constant circulation; the more alarmed looked hourly for some mischievous demonstration, and the more reckless displayed increasing confidence and audacity. That reports should be circulated of an immediate change of Government, must have been only natural under such circumstances; the wide-spread discontent of the masses of the population, swelling and surging like a storm-driven sea, had nothing else sufficiently prominent to direct itself against, but the authorities who appeared to them responsible for the evils under which they laboured; and those persons who feared, or pretended to fear, the threatened storm, caught at the idea of removing the unpopular Ministers as affording the only chance of re-establishing the public tranquillity. Such, however, had long before been the tactics of opposition, and such, we are afraid, they are likely to remain.

[4] "The Government," writes a Cabinet Minister to the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, "is in a very strange and, I must
acknowledge, in a precarious state."--Lord Sidmouth to Earl
Talbot, Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 310.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Feb. 15, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

As your Lordship desired me to write if there was any news of any
description in circulation, I take up my pen merely to inform you
that there is a report most generally disseminated both throughout
the West-end of the town and the City, that the Ministers have
resigned. Sir W. Scott [Lord Stowell] yesterday, in expressing his
apprehension (to an acquaintance of mine) that such an event was in
contemplation, said it would not be a partial change, "but a
general sweep." Excuse haste.

Ever your obliged and faithful servant,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

P.S.--The Cabinet sat thirteen hours on Sunday.

The sweeping change so confidently anticipated did not take place; and probably when it became evident to some of the most daring of the political speculators of the time, that this was not so imminent as they desired, they resolved to expedite it in a fashion that should leave no necessity for a second experiment of the kind.

On the 23rd of February, the loyal citizens of the metropolis were startled by the intelligence of the timely discovery of a plot to assassinate his Majesty's Ministers while they were at dinner in the house of the Earl of Harrowby, Grosvenor Square, and of a sanguinary conflict of the police and military with the conspirators, when attempting to seize the latter at their place of rendezvous, in an obscure thoroughfare near Paddington, called Cato Street. The history of the Thistlewood Conspiracy,[5] as related in the criminal annals of the period, illustrates in a remarkable manner the diseased state of political feeling then existing in England. It was a small copy of the Irish rebellion,--marked by the same cut-throat policy,--having in view a similar overwhelming revolution, with the same absurdly inadequate means. Fortunately for the United Kingdom, the chief actors in both succeeded only in bringing upon themselves the destruction with which they had menaced a powerful Government.

[5] A good account of it may be found in Pellew's "Life of Lord
Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 312.

Thistlewood proposed to slaughter the entire Cabinet at once, when assembled at Lord Harrowby's, which was assented to; "for," said he, "as there has not been a dinner for so long, there will no doubt be fourteen or sixteen there; and it will be a rare haul to murder them all together."[6]

[6] Thistlewood's Trial, p. 37. Alison's "Europe," vol. ii. p.
425.

The next communication refers to the same incident, as well as to the various rumours then in circulation:--

MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Richmond, Tuesday, Feb. 29, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Not having received any commands from you, and having nothing to
communicate beyond the rumours of the day, without any authentic
information, I have not lately troubled your Lordship with any
letter.

It was unnecessary to state that the stories of my being summoned
to the King, &c. &c., were all absolutely false. If I had received
any such summons, your Lordship would have been fully acquainted
with the whole transaction by express from me at the earliest
moment.

I believe an attempt was made to confirm the rumours by the
circumstance of his Majesty's gracious kindness in answering my
inquiries at the moment of his greatest danger, by expresses from
Carlton House. My carriage also was in town one day in the highest
paroxysm of the supposed squabble; but I happened not to be in it,
being confined at home by a cold.

I have not been in town, except to collect some account of the late
horrible plot, on the day after the discovery (when I was in the
House of Lords about half an hour), for a considerable time, the
weather and a cold having concurred to keep me at home.

I know nothing authentic of the quarrel, so much the subject of
rumour and noise, nor do I know more of the present designs or
future plans. I am at all times at your Lordship's orders, to wait
on you whenever you please; the weather is now so much improved,
that I can attend you in London any morning that may suit you; but
I really have nothing yet to state beyond the contents of my former
letters.

Always, my dear Lord,

Yours most sincerely,

WELLESLEY.

In the spring of the year 1821, their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Clarence lost their only child, the infant Princess Elizabeth. Of this long-forgotten branch of the Royal Family, one who was present at her birth says:--"She is christened by the name of Elizabeth Georgiana. I hope the bairn will live. It came a little too early, and is a very small one at present, but the doctors seem to think it will thrive; and to the ears of your humble servant it appears to be noisy enough to show it has great strength."[7] Her loss affected the King, between whom and the Duke the most lively affection existed; and he wrote to his confidential attendant in the following terms:--

[7] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 37.

THE KING TO SIR WILLIAM KNIGHTON.

Brighton, March 4, 1821.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

For God's sake come down to me to-morrow morning. The melancholy
tidings of the almost sudden death of my poor little niece have
just reached me, and have overset me beyond all I can express to
you. Poor William's[8] letter, which is all affection, and
especially towards you, refers me to you for all the particulars;
therefore pray come to me with as little delay as possible. I have
not time to add a word more about myself. You will be a great
consolation to me.

Ever your most affectionate friend,

G. R.[9]

[8] The Duke of Clarence.

[9] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 88.

The first report of the intention of Queen Caroline, as the Princess of Wales was now styled, to return to England, appears to have taken both the King and the Government by surprise; but the latter, in the conviction that they had an overwhelming case against her, would not believe that she was serious, and took no steps towards putting the result of the Milan investigations into shape.[10]

[10] "Every one," the Duke of Wellington acknowledged, "had his
secret persuasion and his wish, that with such a case against her
she would never come here."--R. Plumer Ward's "Diary," vol. ii.
p. 65.

That everything did not run smoothly between his Majesty and his Ministers, may be inferred from a memorandum made (April 26, 1820) by one of the most influential of them:--

"Our Royal master seems to have got into temper again, as far as I could judge from his conversation with me this morning. He has been pretty well disposed to part with us all, because we would not make additions to his revenue. This we thought conscientiously we could not do in the present state of the country, and of the distresses of the middle and lower orders of the people,--to which we might add, too, that of the higher orders. My own individual opinion was such that I could not bring myself to oppress the country at present by additional taxation for that purpose, and I strictly and firmly acted upon that opinion, when I had every reason to believe that, adhering to it, I should no longer write the letter C. after the name Eldon. I think now the speech, in which he will disavow wishing for any increase, will make him popular, and if times mend, will give him a better chance of fair increase of income than anything else could give him."[11]

[11] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 3.

The Lord Chancellor, who has not been held in great estimation for disinterestedness or patriotism, is here represented as very nearly making himself a martyr to his sense of public duty; but the cause of Lord Eldon's unusual dissatisfaction with his Sovereign may be gathered from another cotemporary memorandum, dated the following day:--

"The Vice-Chancellor Leach has been trying to root out the Ministry; he has been telling the King that his present Ministers are not standing by him; that he ought to have a divorce. There is a flirtation between Tierney and the King."[12]

[12] "Wilberforce's Life," by his Sons, vol. v. p. 54.

The Opposition lost no time in endeavouring to take advantage of the difficulty presented by the apprehended return of the Queen; and the "flirtation" not proceeding favourably, their hostility became more earnest. Public opinion, indeed, was showing itself in many curious ways. "The town here is employed," writes the Lord Chancellor, "in nothing but speculation whether her Majesty will or will not come. Great bets are laid about it. Some people have taken fifty guineas, undertaking in lieu of them to pay a guinea a-day till she comes, so sure are these that she will come within fifty days; others, again, are taking less than fifty guineas, undertaking to pay a guinea a-day till she comes, so sure are they that she will not come; others assert that they know she will come, and that she will find her way into Westminster Abbey and Westminster Hall on the Coronation, in spite of all opposition. I retain my old opinion that she will not come, _unless she is insane_."[13]

[13] Twiss's "Life of Eldon," vol. ii. p. 5.

A change of Ministry, Lord Dudley[14] assures us, was talked about more than usual; but, as the Opposition were obliged to confess that they would find great difficulty in establishing a Government, the existing Administration held a tolerably secure tenancy.

[14] "Letters," p. 251. Alison states that attempts were made
to form a new Ministry, with Lord Wellesley at the head--"History
of Europe," vol. ii. p. 457. This, however, as has been shown
(_ante_ p. 9), is incorrect.

An Order in Council was issued for omitting the Queen's name from the Church Service, and other signs appeared, indicating a desire to withhold from her her queenly title. This made a temper, never remarkably tractable, not to be controlled by the dictates of prudence; the old spirit manifested itself in its most spirited form; and she lost no time in letting the world know that she was returning to England to obtain justice for her wrongs. Those who thought they knew her best, considered that vindictive feelings influenced her resolution, and that, with a full knowledge of the inflammable state of public opinion in the British Empire, she had determined on some great work of mischief against the peace of the kingdom and the security of its ruler.

At this period there were many elements of discord in the social community that were acting upon a large and dangerous portion of it, to the prejudice of the Government.[15] Besides the Thistlewood gang, justice was about to dispose of Mr. Orator Hunt and his myrmidons, then awaiting their trial. Sir Charles Wolseley, a baronet, and Joseph Harrison, a preacher, were under prosecution for uttering seditious speeches.[16] Sir Francis Burdett--a more popular tribune--was also at variance with the laws for a scandalous attack on Ministers; in short, every day seemed to bring to light some source of mischief which could not fail to add to the uneasiness of the responsible servants of the Crown. A general election stirred up other noxious ingredients, and during the spring of the year everything seemed to betoken a coming convulsion. At this time the following communication was written:--

[15] Lord Sidmouth's intelligence led him to expect daily a
revolutionary movement.--"Life," by Dean Pellew, vol. iii.
p. 325.

[16] The minister of religion exceeded the democratic baronet
in the violence of his denunciations of the ruling powers,
a fair example of which may be found in the following
_morceau_:--"Kings, princes, dukes, lords, commons, parliaments,
archbishops, bishops, prelates, rectors, high-constables,
constables, sheriffs, deputy-constables and bailiffs, are all
corrupt, and the time is near at hand when they will be upset.
The people should rise _en masse_ to suppress such a tyrannical
Government as the one of this country, and it will not be long,
but very soon, that it shall be overturned, and many a bloody
battle may be fought, and many a one incarcerated in prison,
before it shall be accomplished."

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

March 29, 1820.

Hunt's conviction is beyond my hope, though it would certainly have
been no easy matter for any jury to acquit him, even under the
charge such as it is. His motion for a new trial is, I imagine,
nothing more than the sort of last resource at which defeated men,
whether at elections or trials, always love to catch. It would have
been a dreadful thing indeed if it had been established by the
result of that trial that the Manchester meeting was, under all its
circumstances, a legal assembly.

Alarming as might be considered the aspect of domestic affairs, the Government, so far from betraying apprehension, carried on the business of the country with untiring vigilance and decision. Hunt and five of his associates, after a long trial, were on the 23rd of March, at York, found guilty of unlawfully assembling and inciting to hatred of the Government. On the same day, Sir Francis Burdett was found guilty of uttering a seditious libel. On the 10th of April, Sir Charles Wolseley and Mr. Joseph Harrison were also found guilty of sedition. The most guilty of the Cato Street heroes made their last public appearance at the Old Bailey on the 1st of May; the remainder were expatriated to New South Wales. Thus the supremacy of the law was vindicated; but there still existed in the more populous districts feelings inimical to the authorities, that might be restrained by coercive demonstrations, but which only waited a favourable season for bursting through all control: and as, on the 20th of April, Mr. Denman and Mr. Brougham had been acknowledged by the Lord Chancellor, from his seat in the Court of Chancery, the Queen's Solicitor and Attorney-General, the discontented took heart, and saw in this admission of the Queen's position, a prognostication of the struggle that was to create for them the opportunity for which they were waiting.

The Court of the Monarch did not appear more apprehensive than his Ministers. A day was fixed for the Coronation; and among those who would have to assist in the ceremonial, no one ventured to hint on the possibility of the Queen having any position in it. On the 3rd of May, the King received addresses at Carlton House; and on the 10th, his Majesty held his first Levee since his accession to the throne, at which nearly 1800 persons of distinction were present, who testified their attachment to his person in a manner that must have left him little to desire. It was known that his consort intended to agitate the empire from end to end, and her arrival was looked for in a few weeks; but the families of the great political party that formed and supported the Government, betrayed no uneasiness--indeed, the most influential regarded, or affected to regard, the coming struggle with a quiet disdain, that evinced their confidence in the loyalty and good sense of the nation. "His Majesty's Opposition," however, talked and looked very differently;--the Democratic party were vehement in their denunciations of the Queen's wrongs, and the leading Whigs began to come forward prominently as champions of her rights. This is about the date of the following communications:--

RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, May 4, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

I have but little news to tell you. The general arrangement of the
Civil List, by replacing it as it stood in 1816, is so much better
a bargain for the public than I had expected, that I for one am
well contented with it; and if report be true, it was obtained by
nothing but the most determined refusal of the Ministers to do
more. Still, however, I understand that the Admiralty Droits are
unpopular enough to threaten the Government with a good deal of
embarrassment; for undoubtedly, if they have bargained with the
King for the statement of 1816, when he had the Admiralty Droits,
they cannot in equity deprive him of that part of his bargain.
Brougham seems by his speech to have conceived the notion of giving
the King _compensation_ for them; but it seems to me to be but
a bad bargain for the public, to make them, under the present
pressure, purchase out a remote contingent future revenue, which
can arise only out of a war that no Power in Europe is rich enough
to make, any more than ourselves.

Nobody knows what Brougham's motion will be to-morrow, or what
course the Opposition will take on Monday. I hope none of our
friends will disturb an arrangement which I believe the Government
had some merit and great difficulty in reducing to its present
form.

The Coronation, which Lord G. Seymour told me ten days ago was
suspended, is now again in expectation, according to general
belief; it has revived in common report, because I fancy the Earl
Marshal has just been ordered to have an estimate made of the
necessary expenses attending it in his department; but it does not
follow from that estimate that the ceremony will take place, I
think it more probable that it will be put off, because the King
will not like it unless it be expensive, and Van knows not how to
pay for it if it is. Clive told me yesterday, that three naval
peers are about to be made--Sir W. Young, Warren, and Saumarez.
This looks as if an Accession List was preparing; but I have heard
of no others. It seems now understood that the whole Militia will
be called out. Manchester, as Lady Grosvenor tells me, is quieter;
as Harriet writes, is as bad as ever. Scotland is still only quiet
from the military force there, but the temper is said to be as bad
as ever.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, May 8, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

We had a heavy debate last night,--Tierney very able, and Huskisson
good,--but an evident indisposition of the House to the subject;
and the division on the part of Government very bad--only 99
majority. They cannot get attendance, and the report of dissension
on the part of the King and his Ministers is no doubt the cause of
this; notwithstanding, however, I am quite sure there can be no
change, and a very short time must commit the Opposition with the
King on the subject of the Queen. Tierney last night touched upon
it, and complained that she was not recognised by the Bill or Civil
List, and yet acknowledged by the Lord Chancellor of England. You
will see hardly any addition of names to the Opposition, or any
increased numbers, but the _feature_ is the want of attendance
of the Government friends. Everybody believes the report of Denison
having stated to his nephew his determination to disinherit him if
he accepts the new situation. We must see the result of this in a
very short time, should it be the case.--The ladies are not to walk
at the Coronation, and it is to be on the cheapest scale. No
dinner. The estimate is called 150,000_l._ All your members
were present yesterday, and if we had voted against the Government,
only see how we would have diminished their numbers.--Mr. Chard is
in a peck of troubles. He has not got the address, without which it
is useless to go to the Levee.--I was glad of Brougham's mention of
Lady Grenville's pension (it certainly was not an attack), because
it produced an authorized declaration of its surrender, which was
received with great applause.

You have no conception with what attention Baring was heard in a
full house last night, when for an hour or so he described the
commercial state of England in the most lamentable terms. It had
great effect--The King never shows himself. He has never been out
of Carlton House.--Lady C----[17] goes to him of an evening, and he
has had his usual dinners of Sir Carnaby Haggerston, Forester, and
two or three of this description. His language is only about the
Coronation and Lady C----: very little of the state of the country.

I will keep this open, in case anything occurs.

Ever, &c.,

W. H. F.

P.S.--I have just seen Chard, who is in despair about the address;
but he has determined, by my advice, to defer his presentation to
Wednesday se'nnight, in case we hear nothing of the address
to-morrow morning.

[17] Lady Conyngham.

RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, May 9, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

The Opposition, you see, continues to muster in their original
force of 160 upon their great questions, and though they do not
increase, it seems to me that there is either an indifference or a
disinclination in many to give any active support to Government;
for while the Ministers produce only their ordinary numbers, their
antagonists always are able to command their full force,--and if
that disproportion continues, it will not do, particularly under
the alarmed, and restless, and fearful circumstances of the
country. You see, by the loud cheering of Baring, how strongly the
impression prevails in the House that the present evils demand
great and vigorous remedies; and though, perhaps, I may be less
sanguine in the application of these theories, I see plainly that
the House and country are so alarmed as to call for great talents
and great vigour in their Ministers--much greater than they are
likely to find--for the only new feature of yesterday's debate on
the part of the Administration was to show that, upon a commercial
question, the head of the Board of Trade is in opinion with Baring,
while that of his colleagues is against him. This is a wretched
beginning on a topic of such overruling importance.--The Coronation
stands for the 1st August I hear of no more new peers yet. I think
the less you hear of the _man_ the better: you should only have to
do with the _master_. Lord Arundel told me yesterday that they do
not go yet, if at all. Sir Francis[18] at Lillies is really the _ne
plus ultra_!!!

[18] Sir Francis Burdett.

RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, May 11, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

I met my brother this morning, to take our new oaths at the Council
Office, and showed him your letter. I was glad to see in it that
you are gradually getting strength, and was surprised to see that
the two old uncles had both written to you at the same time, on the
same subject, without any previous communication had between us.

Lord Harrowby told my brother that it was the intention in every
respect to follow the same ceremonial at this Coronation that took
place at the last, and this should be good authority; but, on the
other hand, so general a rumour and expectation prevails of the
banquet being curtailed, that one scarce knows what to believe. But
my own, opinion is, that Lord H. is correct, and that it will be
neither more nor less than the last. Public conversation supposes
four Dukes--viz., my neighbour, yourself, Lord Hastings, and Lord
Winchester. The only Commoner, I hear, is Sir ---- Liddell, who, I
am well assured, says that it is promised to him. The other names,
I presume, grow out of public talk only; at least, my neighbours
told me they had heard nothing of it two or three days ago.

To give the reader an idea of the state of our public streets in the metropolis at this period from turbulent mobs, we quote the following anecdote:--"A very large family party happened to be assembled in the house, and the garrison being thus strong, it sallied forth, headed by Lord Exmouth, and attacked the assailants, who, disconcerted possibly by this unusual system of tactics, instantly dispersed. One prisoner was taken--a juvenile printer--who, by his insolence, which was consummate, obtained for himself the glory of a night's imprisonment instead of a lecture." The third attack occurred on a Wednesday ensuing, while Lord Sidmouth was attending the Cabinet dinner. It was feeble, and of brief duration; and as no further annoyance was anticipated by the police officers, the narrator, who had been left in charge, retired to his lodgings in the same street. Shortly afterwards he heard the mob returning, and hastened back to his Lordship's door, against which the watchman had placed himself. Before, however, they could gain admittance, the Philistines were upon them, filling the whole doorway, and hemming them up in the entrance. At this moment a carriage dashed rapidly down the street, drew up at the door, and Lord Sidmouth exclaimed from within it, "Let me out--I must get out!" But another and a commanding voice replied, "You shall not alight--drive on!" and instantly the carriage bounded forward and disappeared, but not before the glass of the window nearest the speaker had been shivered to atoms by a stick or stone. In a moment afterwards, at a signal given, the mob dispersed, leaving the watchman and his companion the only occupants of the street. In a few minutes the same carriage returned, escorted by a small party of the Life Guards. It was that of the Duke of Wellington, and contained his Grace, Lord Eldon, and Lord Sidmouth.[19]

[19] Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 328.

The next communication, from a member of the Royal Family, refers to a much-valued distinction which was conferred on his Royal Highness's correspondent. It shows also the kind feelings which this amiable Prince entertained for him:--

THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Gloucester House, Sunday Evening, May 28.

MY DEAR LORD,

I hasten to return your Lordship my best thanks for your friendly
attention in immediately notifying to me an event that, I trust,
you are well assured must afford me the truest gratification. To
the Garter you are so justly entitled that I have real satisfaction
in seeing you receive that Order; but it is particularly gratifying
to me to know that it comes _direct_ to you from the King, and that
this distinction is conferred upon you unsolicited, the spontaneous
act of his Majesty. Of my sentiments towards yourself I hope you
are so well convinced that I need not add that I shall attend the
Chapter to-morrow with the sincerest pleasure.

In offering to you my warmest congratulations, I am happy to renew
to you an assurance of the very great regard and high esteem with
which

I am always, my dear Lord,

Very sincerely yours,

WILLIAM FREDERICK.

The following refers to the same subject, and is equally creditable to the writer:--

THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Richmond, Monday, May 29, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

I went to Carlton House to-day to attend a Chapter of the Garter,
at which I understood that I should have had the satisfaction of
seeing the King invest your Lordship with his own Garter, vacated
by his accession to the Crown.

Upon my arrival, I found that the Chapter had been postponed; and
as the King goes to Windsor this evening for the Ascot races, I
suppose some days will elapse before the Chapter can take place. I
was informed, however, from good authority, that the King will
offer the Garter to your Lordship.

Sincerely hoping that you will not decline the offer, I shall be
anxious to attend on the day of your investiture; and I should be
much obliged to you if you would apprise me of it as soon as you
know it. I shall, of course, receive the usual summons; but I
should grieve to be out of the way when it might reach this place.

Always, my dear Lord,

Yours most sincerely,

WELLESLEY.

CHAPTER II.

[1820.]

ARRIVAL OF QUEEN CAROLINE AT ST. OMER. HER DEMANDS. ABORTIVE NEGOTIATIONS. INTERPOSITION OF MR. WILBERFORCE TO AVERT THE THREATENED SCANDAL. QUEEN CAROLINE IN LONDON. SHE REFUSES THE CONCESSIONS PROPOSED BY THE GOVERNMENT AND THE PROPOSALS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. UNPOPULARITY OF MR. WILBERFORCE. POLICY OF THE QUEEN'S ADVISERS. PUBLIC EXCITEMENT. MOB ROUND THE QUEEN'S RESIDENCE. DISSATISFACTION OF THE KING.