Chapter III

It is unnecessary to follow minutely the proceedings that took place in both Houses of the Legislature, then generally looked upon as the trial of Caroline of Brunswick,--let it suffice to state, that despite the disclosures which they furnished, the Queen did not lose any of her popularity. It was enough for the multitude which had so enthusiastically embraced her cause, that the witnesses against her were foreigners; and their national prejudices thus enlisted in her behalf, carried her triumphantly through an ordeal that would have been destructive to a much better reputation.[44]

[44] Whatever may be thought of the testimony of the Italian
witnesses, that of the English officers examined was above
suspicion. Their evidence, an impartial historian has
acknowledged, proved her guilty of conduct that rendered her
"unfit to be at the head of English society, and amply justified
the measures taken to exclude her from it."--Alison's "Europe,"
vol. ii. p. 466.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Putney Heath, Aug. 12, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

In spite of the rumours I hear on every side, I suppose the House
of Lords will meet on the 17th to prove the preamble of the Bill of
Pains and Penalties;--indeed, in the present state of things, I see
not what other course can be adopted. Lord John Russell's plan
really seems to me more pregnant with certain mischief than any
which has yet been suggested; and we are now suffering enough from
fluctuating and oscillating counsels to warn us against any
recurrence to measures which savour of timidity and hesitation. My
own idea is this, that in reality the Queen's partisans mainly rely
on the effect they can produce by their daily statements and daily
intimidation on the electors, hoping through their instrumentality
to make the elected subservient to their plans; and it is, I fear,
impossible as yet to calculate whether they may not be successful
in this. At all events, the Government will have received a shock
in the control of the House of Commons, which, constituted as they
now are, they never can recover. Never, indeed, in my recollection,
do I remember so general an idea that there must be a change of
Ministry. I hear it from quarters which astonish me.

Lushington, I hear, now very much presides over the councils of her
Majesty; in many respects he is well calculated to please her, for
he is good-natured and obliging in his demeanour, rash in his
advice, and a lover to excess of popular applause. He is everywhere
with her now: airs with her, assists her in receiving addresses,
&c.

The only counsel to be employed for the King, as I am informed, are
the Attorney and Solicitor-General, Young, Parke, and two
civilians,--viz., the King's Advocate and Dr. Adams. They must rely
upon the Solicitor-General mainly, whose shoulders are quite equal
to the burthen. They are very unfortunate in the choice of their
civilians: the King's Advocate is clumsy and confused, and has no
practice; Adams is injudicious and impracticable, and has no
learning. I shall be exceedingly curious to see the outset of the
business; but probably it will be difficult to get a place, even if
the present heat continues.

Canning left London for Italy a few days ago.

Believe me ever, my dear Lord,

Your obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

P.S.--If there should be any idea of postponing the business (which
I do not in the least expect), perhaps you will have the kindness
to let me know as much.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Aug. 30, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

The discussions which have taken place, and the decision of
yesterday, astound everybody here. The Chancellor and the Prime
Minister differing and dividing on a question which the former
argues as vital to the jurisprudence of the country, is what
England, I believe, has never before witnessed; and these Ministers
remaining in the same Cabinet, and continuing to act together. How
can all this end? I was in town for a few hours on Monday, and it
appeared to me that in the streets the cry was increased instead of
diminished for the Queen. I saw several lawyers, dispassionate men,
and intelligent, who all confirmed this, and assured me that their
belief was, that be the evidence ever so strong, and the facts
proved, the public--and included in this, the middling class, the
shopkeepers--were determined to support her as an oppressed and
injured woman, and as hating and despising the character of the
witnesses. It also has not a little benefited her cause, that it
appears how much the King personally has prepared the evidence by
his emissaries abroad, and more particularly by his Hanoverian
engines. I assure you I am quite low-spirited about it. One cannot
calculate on anything less than subversion of all Government and
authority, if this is to go on; and how it is to end, no one can
foresee. I think, however (what I did not do when you told me so in
town), that the Commons will never entertain the Bill. But, again,
when will it ever come to the Commons? The mischief will be all
done previously; and the Press now is completely open to treason,
sedition, blasphemy, and falsehood with impunity. This alone, if it
continues, must debauch the public mind. I want some volunteer
establishments to be formed, or something to be done without a
moment's delay, by the well-disposed and loyal who have influence,
to check the torrent and to guard against the explosion which must
inevitably take place. I don't know whether you see the _Cobbetts_,
_Independent Whig_, and many other papers now circulating most
extensively, and which are dangerous much beyond anything I can
describe. I have an opportunity of seeing them, and can speak
therefore from knowledge; and the Government taking no steps
(knowing, perhaps, they cannot depend on a jury) to prosecute. What
do you find in the language of Government since the division? Is
the Chancellor submissive? and does he still cling to the Purse, or
will he surrender it?

The King here confines himself to the Cottage, has _hourly_
messengers--that is, dragoons, who are posted on the road by
dozens--and we hear is in a state of the greatest irritation; but
he is very seldom seen, and this is only what one picks up.--You
have no conception how thoroughly the public mind, even in this
neighbourhood, is inflamed by this melancholy subject, and how the
Queen is still supported.--Adieu, my dear Lord. I should be glad to
know how you are, and what you think of the state of things since I
saw you.

Yours most faithfully,

W. H. Fremantle.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

MY DEAR B----,

Your prognostications of the present Bill standing over for the
decision of the rising generation, seem to be now, I will not say
verified, but far exceeded, as it must remain not for that which is
rising, but for that which is yet unborn, _if_ it be proceeded
in. You know the strong bias of my opinion was originally towards
an impeachment for misdemeanour, if a simple Divorce Bill could not
be carried; and really, as is usual on such occasions, everything
which passes seems to supply me with a fresh argument in favour of
that course. Certain, however, it is, that no course could possibly
have been adopted which would not have been marred by the weakness
and indecision of Ministers. The double cross-examination now
authorized, seems to me in its effect infinitely more inconvenient
than a communication of the list of witnesses, objectionable as I
thought that measure would have been originally. That at least
would have expedited the business, since it would have left no
pretence for calling for extended delay to prepare her defence. As
it is, under the most favourable circumstances to the Bill, I do
not see how it is to reach the House of Commons till after
Christmas, allowing an interval of six weeks or two months for
preparing her defence, which I suppose must be given. If this be
the case, how will it be possible for the House of Commons to
proceed to effect with such an examination as this, and at the same
time to go through the ordinary business of the session, increased
as it will be beyond precedent by the arrears and omissions of the
last?

There are many whose object it will be studiously and declaredly to
protract, in order that the business may necessarily drop to the
ground; and from the general aversion to the whole proceeding, it
seems to me that they must succeed.

The evidence against the Queen seems already decisive, so far as to
establish her criminality; but I understand that, in order to guard
against a possibility of the contradiction of these facts, the
whole crew of the _Vero Fidele_, &c. &c., are to be examined.

Wilberforce's notion of a Committee to be established by Act of
Parliament for the trial of this particular case, seems to me too
absurd for even him to persist in, since the obvious consequence
must be a declaration that the same course must be followed in all
subsequent trials, the two Houses being by their own confession as
unfit to act judicially as the House of Commons was on election
cases; and if that be the case, really the sooner Henry Hunt comes
with his long brush to sweep us all out, the better.

Thus had proceeded the months of June, July, and August; in September, affairs looked worse. Libels against the Government abounded; the most violent language was indulged in by the democratic leaders; formidable riots became of frequent occurrence; in short, everything seemed to denote a revolution.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Brighton, Sept. 27, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

From all I hear, and from general conversation, I have no doubt if
the Bill proceeds in the Commons we shall have a riot, and I doubt
extremely whether the Divorce Bill can be carried. I dined
yesterday with the Duke of York, who is here alone. His
conversation was violent against the Queen, and fair and candid
with regard to the state of the country. He spoke, however, with
great confidence on the state and disposition of the army; in fact,
after all that is said and done, it must eventually depend upon the
troops, for sure I am they will be called upon. I took the
opportunity of holding the language you suggested, and indeed it is
what I really feel. He said it was not intended in the first
instance to have troops to guard the avenues of the Commons, but
they would be in the way; the whole arrangements would continue;
and if the House found it necessary to call for them, there they
would be. There has been, as you heard from the K----, a general
quarrel between the K----, Duke of York, Lord Liverpool, and the
Duke of Gloucester, none of them now speaking to the latter. He has
acted like an obstinate ----. What an abominable thing it is the
King not going ashore, and not showing himself to any of his
subjects! His conduct is an excitement to popular hatred. What can
it mean? Lord King is here, and appears to me to chuckle quite at
the thoughts of what is likely to happen. I fancy a great number of
Peers, when it comes to the close, will avoid the vote.

Perry, the editor, who is here, tells me the cry, instead of
diminishing, increases in favour of the Queen; and he does not seem
himself to favour her, or at least he does not speak in her praise.

Lord Bathurst is here, and from his language, and that of the Duke
of B----, I should say the Government is confoundedly frightened;
the latter certainly implied the necessity of strengthening it, and
lamented once or twice the want of energy, and the whole line which
had been adopted. He leaves this for town to-morrow.

Ever, &c.,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Six o'clock.

You have no idea of the state of the town: it is all confusion. The
King and his Ministers are at issue on the question, as it is said,
of the Queen; and the latter have sent in their resignation, unless
the propositions they make are complied with. Lord Castlereagh was
deputed yesterday to notify this decision to him, and he had a
conference of _four_ hours. The King, however, was not to be
persuaded, and was again to have a decision of the Cabinet to-day.
It is at this moment sitting at Carlton House. These are, as I am
well informed, _facts_. The supposed cause is the Queen. The
Council had prepared a Form of Prayer which the King positively
refused to sign or sanction. The Funds fell to-day. As to the King
forming a Government, after the resignation of all his present
servants, with the avowed object of persecuting the Queen, it would
be impossible; it would be making her the popular object, and
throwing the country in a flame. However, be assured that the
general belief is that the Government will be broken up. You may
judge of this when I tell you that my authorities are Lord
Conyngham, Lord Howden, and others in the interior of Carlton
House. I hear you are at Dropmore, and send this to you. Be assured
that the King on this subject is no less _than mad_ He has said
he would rather die, or lose his crown, than submit to any
compromise of any sort with the Queen.

Adieu. You shall hear to-morrow.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

In the months of October and November it became evident that the frenzy outside the Houses of Parliament was exerting an influence within its walls. Notwithstanding Lord Grenville's manly declaration in his place in the House of Lords, on the 6th of November, that the proceedings before that assembly had furnished a mass of evidence that, in nine hundred and ninety-nine cases out of a thousand, would have ensured a conviction, several influential members of the Whig party as boldly declared that nothing of the slightest importance had been brought forward against the Queen.

The proceedings were drawing on, but the aspect of affairs looked blacker every hour. "Matters here are in a critical state," writes Lord Sidmouth to Mr. Bathurst, on the 27th of October. "Fear and faction are actively and not unsuccessfully at work; and it is possible that we may be in a minority, and that the fate of the Government may be decided in a few days."[45] Plumer Ward, in his "Diary," has this entry under the date of November 2nd:--

[45] Dean Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii p. 333.

"Called upon [Wellesley] Pole. He was at breakfast, and we had a
long chat. He thought everything very bad--Ministers, Opposition,
King, Queen, Country--and what was more, no prospect of getting
right. All ties were loosened. Insolence and insubordination out of
doors; weakness and wickedness within. The Whigs, he said, were
already half Radicals, and would be entirely so if we did not give
way. I said his brother, the Duke [of Wellington], felt this too,
but would not give way, nevertheless. He replied that the issue
would soon be tried, for the Queen's question must determine it;
and asked how I calculated it would be. I said I could not hope for
a majority of more than thirty--so many friends of Government were
against us on the policy, though they had no doubt of the guilt."[46]

[46] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 70.

Under these untoward circumstances, sanguine members of the neutral party were, as usual, speculating on a change in the Government. His Majesty, according to some accounts, was taking the matter very pleasantly. "The King," said Wellesley Pole, "to use his expression, was as merry as a grig. At first he had been annoyed, but was now enjoying himself at Brighton. He wished he would show himself more."[47]

[47] Ibid. p. 73.

The same authority affords many other peeps behind the political curtain. We quote one:--

"On leaving Pole, I met Hammond, my quondam colleague when we were
Under Secretaries of State together. He told me it was certain Lord
Grenville would support the Bill, and then asked me, with much
concern, whether the report was true that, if it did not pass,
Ministers had resolved to resign? I answered, that what they had
resolved in their own minds no one could tell, but that I thought I
could answer that no such resolution had been made a Cabinet
measure. He said he was very glad. I related this to ----, who said
with some vehemence, there was no reason on earth why they should
resign. They had been right and straightforward from the beginning,
and for one, he never would consent to it. ---- said, Hammond being
the mouthpiece of Canning, he had no doubt this was set on foot by
his party. I thought this was going too far; nevertheless, it is
surprising what industry they are showing against the Bill."[48]

[48] Phipps's "Memoirs of R. Plumer Ward," vol. ii. p. 73.

"Lord Grenville," adds the diarist, "voted for the second reading, and spoke very ably, but so as to make us regret he had not spoken earlier."[49]

[49] Ibid. p. 77.

The second reading of the Bill was carried, and this, according to Lord Grey, stamped the Queen with a verdict of guilty. Having done this, Ministers prepared to get rid of the proceedings as soon as possible.

How the affair terminated is well described in Plumer Ward's "Diary," under the date November 10th. We can only afford space for a few lines:--

"The debate was now drawing to a close, and most of the peers who
were speaking, whether for or against the third reading (the Duke
of Northumberland very emphatically), were declaring their
conviction that the Queen was guilty. At length the division was
called, and Lord Gage enforced the standing order, that each peer
should give his vote in his place, _seriatim_. The result was the
small majority of 9; the numbers being 108 to 99. Lord Liverpool
then got up and withdrew the Bill, resting it upon so small a
majority _in the circumstances of the country_."[50]

[50] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 91.

The Opposition were, of course, in raptures with this conclusion of the contest; but Ministers were still more delighted, the Duke of Wellington especially. "Well," said he, "we have done exceedingly well, and have avoided all sort of mischief, I think, with safety and without dishonour. The votes put the question of guilt or innocence out of doubt; the withdrawing is grounded upon mere expediency, and has nothing to do with the verdict; had we given up before the third reading, it would have been different."[51]

[51] Ibid. p. 93.

The metropolis was illuminated in consequence of the Government having abandoned the prosecution.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Nov. 12, 1820.

Upon the whole, my dear B----, with the very imperfect means of
information which, at the distance of a hundred and eighty miles
from the scene of action, I possess, I am inclined to think the
conclusion to which this business has been brought, the best that
circumstances admitted of, and such as will afford the least
triumph to the Radicals. Still, though the least, it is far too
great for the safety of the country; and after the saturnalia which
the shameful supineness and cowardice of Ministers have allowed, I
know not how popular commotion is to be avoided. I feel as strongly
as you do the claim of duty which the country possesses upon every
man in such a conjuncture; yet I should most deeply regret if
circumstances should oblige us to connect ourselves with men from
whose previous conduct we could expect nothing but the shipwreck of
our own character, and the loss of those means, which we may
possibly possess by that character, of being of service hereafter.

After their inconsistency and vacillation upon so important a
subject as the Divorce clause, and voting against their own
declared opinion on a measure which they had themselves originated,
what dependence could _we_, small as could be our power, place
upon their support and co-operation in measures which we might
think necessary, and which, on the faith of that support, we might
pledge ourselves to?

At all events, I am most anxious that we should, for the present,
stand aloof, when there has been so much to disgust us in the
conduct of both parties, till we see what effect is produced by
what has happened. Something certainly might depend upon the nature
of the split which might take place in the Administration; but I
fear that there could scarcely be any one which would not ensure
the retirement of the only man whom it would be important to
retain--Lord Liverpool. Castlereagh might, perhaps, try as Premier;
but surely you would not think those encouraging auspices to start
under, insisting as you must do absolutely on the dismissal of the
Doctor and his whole train.

I had much rather myself if an opportunity offered of coming in
with the Whigs, trust to the usual and never-failing effect of
office in making them vehement anti-Radicals, in case we could make
some conditions for immediate measures, or rather against immediate
concessions; but I feel that this is, at the present moment, too
visionary a speculation. On the whole, I should repeat that we must
at present wait the course of events; and, above all, avoid
courting any offer from either party. Place and power are not
objects which you can be bound to seek, though it may be your duty
to accept them at a moment so perilous.

I expect company here, which would make it difficult for me to join
you at Stowe for some time. Of course, there will be a prorogation
on the 23rd; and it should seem most probable that, unless the next
three or four days should produce a general resignation, they will
endeavour to wait over the first ferment produced by the
abandonment of the Bill before they attempt any new arrangement.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

That the King was dissatisfied with his Ministers, is very apparent from the following communications:--

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 23, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Such a scene was never witnessed as that which took place in the
House of Commons this afternoon. After a petition had been
presented, and certain new members had been sworn, Denman got up to
make a communication from the Queen. Sir Thomas Tyrrwhit instantly
made his appearance; a clamour beyond all imagination arose; and
the Speaker descended from the chair, amidst cries of "Shame!
shame!" re-echoed through the House. The interpretation of this I
understand to be, that Denman saw the Speaker yesterday, who
advised him to change his form of proceeding from a Message from
the Queen to a communication from her; and _told him_, if he would
be in the House a quarter before two, he should have an opportunity
of making it. The Speaker having left the House in this state of
ferment and indignation, preparations were made to receive him on
his return (to read, as he usually does, the King's Speech) with a
sharp volley; but the Lords Commissioners, it seems, delivered no
speech, and the Speaker, instead of returning to us, retired to his
own home. It is but just to add, that I was not an eyewitness of
all these proceedings, for I reached the House just as the Speaker
was entering the House of Peers; but I heard the relation from
every one, and the indignation expressed at the Speaker's conduct
was not confined to the members of Opposition.

I hear no account of changes, &c., on which I can at all rely. The
Government, since the abandonment of their Bill, seem to have lost
their senses. They have done, I think, everything they ought not.
In my opinion, they are irretrievably gone. I have no idea that
they can long stand against the storm they have been so
instrumental in raising against themselves; and this is the
persuasion among many of those who have hitherto supported them.

Excuse haste. But believe me your Lordship's obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Sunday, Two o'clock P.M., Nov. 26, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

Lord Grenville has been employed this morning in making a note of a
very long conversation which the King held with him yesterday,
having sent for him to his Cottage. Lord G---- had intended to have
added a few words to you upon this subject, but he has such a
violent headache that he has been obliged to desire me to enclose
to you his memorandum of what passed yesterday. He desires that you
would return it by his servant as soon as you have read it, and
strongly urges me to dwell upon the indispensable necessity of no
part of that memorandum being _either copied or quoted by you_. You
will see that he desired the K---- to mention to Lord L---- that
such a conversation had taken place; and as it occupied five hours,
it will probably be very generally known that Lord G---- was at the
Cottage. The way in which Lord G---- means to speak of it when it
is mentioned in his presence is, that "everybody knows his absolute
determination not to embark in any official business, or in any
possible Administration; but that the public danger appears to be
so great, that it is very natural for the K---- to wish to converse
with anybody on whose integrity and experience he places any
reliance; and that, instead of being surprised that the K----
should wish to discuss these dangers with Lord G----, it is only
surprising that he does not extend the same discussion to many
others whom he may believe equally attached with Lord G---- to the
constitution of our limited monarchy."

This general observation seems quite sufficient, and is, in truth,
a very fair picture of all that is fit to be said in public on such
a topic. My brother thought that the K---- looked thin and worn,
but said that he spoke with feeling and good sense throughout the
whole conversation.

My own speculation is, that C---- means to oppose the Cabinet in
their exclusion from the Liturgy, and that he will quit on that
ground; but we shall see whether any middle course will be adopted.
I think Lord G---- did all that became him in declining to advise
between the two parties of Government and Opposition; and that he
will have done some good if, at his suggestion, the K---- forces
his Ministers to look into their situation and to ascertain it,
instead of going a-shooting and revelling.

Lady L---- has broken a bloodvessel. Lord Kirkwall is dead. Lord
G----'s servant returns early to-morrow.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 23, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

I found Lord Shaftesbury at Lord Verulam's, and I think I never saw
anybody so sore or so depressed as he appeared to be. I found from
him that there is a considerable difference between Lord Liverpool
and the Chancellor; and the history of the protestors, I am quite
sure, arises from a wish of the latter to wound the former. Lords
Bridgewater and Verulam have been persuaded by Lord Shaftesbury
into it, and fancy they are acting a very independent and manly
part by so doing.--The King has been urging the Government to go on
with the business _now_ without adjournment, and was most eager
that the question of Income, Palace, and Liturgy should be
immediately discussed; and in this he has again been advised by
L----. He is very angry with his Ministers for not complying with
his orders, and has abused both Lords Liverpool and Castlereagh.
Notwithstanding all this, however, they are determined to try the
game as they stand, and will meet Parliament without change. The
Whigs and Radicals are both fearful of the Grenville party joining
the Government; and Cobbett has been attacking you violently in his
last number, which I do not think will lessen you in public
opinion.--I did not go up to-day, for Lord Shaftesbury told me it
was determined, if possible, to prevent any discussion.--I hope you
continue to mend. You shall have whatever I pick up.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. Fremantle.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 26, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Of course, before you get this, you will have heard that the King
sent for Lord Grenville. Bloomfield went on Friday to Dropmore, and
yesterday Lord G---- came to the Cottage at eleven, and stayed till
three.--It happened that I dined with the King afterwards, at the
Princess Augusta's, at Frogmore, who called me aside to tell me of
the conference, saying how much satisfied he had been with Lord
Grenville.--Of course he said nothing further to me, excepting that
he had told Lord G---- all that was intended to be done; by which I
implied that the interview was more for the purpose of consulting
and asking his advice, than for any object of change.--Previous to
dinner, I thought his Majesty looked dreadfully dejected and
thoughtful; but when he had dined (professing to have no appetite),
and ate as much as would serve me for three days, of fish--but no
meat--together with a bottle of strong punch, he was in much better
spirits, and vastly agreeable. There were only six people, four of
which were ladies. He did not sit a quarter of an hour after they
left us; and excepting talking a little on the indecent behaviour
of the _Mountain_ in the House of Commons, and telling an anecdote
or two of the women who went up with addresses to the Queen, not a
word was said of politics. He remained till twelve o'clock, and he
and Princess Augusta and myself sang glees.--He leaves the Cottage
to-morrow.--You may suppose how very anxious I am to learn
generally what has been the object of the interview at the Cottage.
If for a change, I am persuaded Lord G---- would recommend in the
first place Lord Lansdowne; but if I were to judge of what the King
said of Tierney's conduct on the day of the meeting, this would not
suit his present feelings.--What a game has Lord Grenville now in
his hands! and what an influence he might possess in the country,
could he be tempted to take a lead, which I am sure he will
not!--Pray let me hear from you, as I am dying to know something
about it.--Possibly this may reach you at Dropmore, if it leads to
negotiation.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.--The King spoke kindly of you, and about Wootton.

The Queen immediately tried to make the most of her "triumph," as it was called, and wrote to Lord Liverpool, demanding a palace. This was refused, though a handsome allowance was offered. She then agitated for a restoration of her name to the Liturgy, which was also firmly opposed.

The result of the withdrawal of the Bill was remarkable. A delirium of triumph appeared to have seized the entire country, and more particularly the populations of the large cities; but singularly true was Lord Castlereagh's prophecy, that in six months the King would be the most popular person in his dominions. The madness of the multitude necessarily brought about a reaction. "When the struggle was over and the victory gained," observes an historian of these events, "the King and his Ministers defeated, and the Queen secured in her rank and fortune, they began to reflect on what they had done, and the qualities of the exalted personage of whom they had proved themselves such doughty champions. They called to mind the evidence in the case, which they had little considered while the contest lasted; and they observed, not without secret misgivings, the effect it produced on the different classes of society. They saw that the experienced hesitated at it, the serious shunned it, the licentious gloated over it. The reaction, so usual in such cases when the struggle is over, ensued; and, satisfied with having won the victory, they began to regret that it had not been gained in a less questionable cause."[52]

[52] Alison's "Europe," vol. ii. p. 467.

The last entry in Plumer Ward's "Diary" of this date is very characteristic of the Duke of Wellington:--"Met the Duke just come to town. He took me under the arm, and walked me to Lord Bathurst's. He was in excellent humour, and asked what news--having, as he said, been a country gentleman for two days. I said, I thought the heat a little, and but a little, subsiding. He observed, he thought so too; and that it would more after to-morrow--the prorogation. He was more convinced than ever of the wisdom of that measure, and of withdrawing the Bill."[53]

[53] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 101.

As may be exemplified by a familiar hygrometer, this change of atmosphere sent the lady out of notice, and brought the gentleman again before the public gaze.

The Government have been much censured for their proceedings in the Queen's case, but it was quite an exceptional one; and their treatment of it, however open to objections it may be, is equally open to justification. Their task, from the first, was an up-hill one, which nothing but their devotion to their master's service made them continue; but when a thousand unmistakeable signs foretold a rebellion if they persevered, they had no alternative but to put an end to the thing with all convenient despatch. The value of this movement soon became apparent. It possessed advantages which a victory could not have secured.

Notwithstanding the opinions expressed by the heads of the great Whig families in favour of the Queen, they could scarcely have desired her to be at the head of the female aristocracy of the kingdom--their example, guardian, and liege mistress. The stout lady in the magnificent hat and feathers was very well as a source of Ministerial embarrassment; but much as some of them pretended to decry the evidence against her that was elicited during her trial, they took especial care not to allow her anything resembling an intimacy with their wives and daughters.

Plumer Ward describes in his "Diary" one of the Opposition peers who had been very active for the Queen during the discussion of the Bill, though acknowledging that he entertained no doubt of her guilt. "I suppose," observed Ward, "you mean to present Lady ---- at Brandenburg House? He, with a sudden change to solemnity, and with great emphasis, exclaimed, '_Never!_'"[54]

[54] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 95.

The Queen soon began to discover that her victory was a sensible defeat. "She is striving to keep the flame alive," we are told, "and blow it to fury."[55] But the mob, having nothing to clamour about, nothing to break windows for, ceased to shout and to throw stones. The better educated became influenced quite as strongly from a different source. The cause of the Queen had enjoyed every assistance which a considerable portion of the press could afford it; and Thomas Moore and George Cruikshank manufactured the most stinging satires and the most ludicrous caricatures upon every person of distinction who opposed her; but a writer had entered the field on the other side, whose caustic humour told more damagingly on the popular idol and her chief supporters than the pen of the poet or the pencil of the artist; and Theodore Hook, in the columns of the _John Bull_, made the respectable portion of the Queenites heartily ashamed of their cause.

[55] "Wilberforce," vol. v. p. 81.

The Queen went in state to St. Paul's, to offer her thanks for the signal advantage over her enemies Providence had afforded her,[56] and omitted nothing likely to maintain her _prestige_; but the careful observer might easily have seen that the tide was turning. Brandenburg House was losing its attraction, while Carlton Palace again became the main channel of loyal interest. Addresses from several of the most influential communities in the kingdom were received by the Sovereign in quick succession; and in one from the University of Oxford, the deputation was headed by Lord Grenville, who was honoured with a most gracious reception.

[56] This exhibition the Bishop of Llandaff stigmatizes as "a
mockery of religious solemnity, at which every serious Christian
must shudder."--Pellew's "Life of Sidmouth," vol. iii p. 336.

"I shall be very glad to hear of your loyal addresses coming up,"
writes Sir William Scott. "We want to be reinforced in our spirits
by friendly declarations from respectable bodies and individuals.
The Whigs appear too much disposed to a coalition with the
Radicals, in order to compel the King to dismiss the Ministers, and
that coalition is of itself a sufficient reason for a firm
resistance to their admission into power; for they will be
compelled to make very unpleasant concessions to their new allies,
at the expense of the constitution."[57]

[57] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 36.

The following correspondence will further illustrate the transactions of this period:--

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 17, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Since I wrote to you last, I have been manufacturing an address
from this neighbourhood, which has been carried with great success,
and has pleased, _particularly_ in the quarter where I was anxious
it should. I received a communication from the King through
Princess Augusta, who was commanded to deliver it to me, that he
should make an exception for his neighbours, and receive it in
person, and that he should afterwards invite the principal persons
to dine with him, directing me to make a proper selection for him
to invite. This has placed me in great awkwardness, for I dare not
avow this permission for fear of offending all my neighbours, and
it is difficult to make a selection where all are perfectly unfit.
However, I have endeavoured to get rid of it, by recommending it to
be confined to those only who have been presented, or to noblemen
and men of rank. Though highly flattering all this, I think you
will agree with me it is highly absurd and _infra dignitate_. My
own opinion is, that he will not come to the neighbourhood this
week, as he proposed; for you may rest assured he is extremely
unwell--I _think_, seriously so. He has been bled twice or three
times; the greatest pains are taken to keep this illness from the
public; but my authority is _good_, and what I can depend upon. He
looked very ill when I last saw him, and I think Lord Grenville
must have found his appearance much altered. The impression of my
mind is that the complaint is in the _head_. He has been agitated
to a degree by the birth of this Clarence child, and by all the
difficulties surrounding him; and not less from finding that he has
no resource, but must submit to whatever his Ministers may decide
as to the Queen. He still presses further resistance, and fancies
the public will open their eyes to all the history which you know
regarding the Princess Charlotte, which they will not believe one
word about, but will only consider a further proof of conspiracy.
On this point, however, he is uncontrollable, and nothing will
convince him. What confirms me in his illness is, that Bloomfield
was to have written to me two days ago to settle about our
reception, &c. &c; he has not done so, and I am persuaded the King
cannot leave town, and he don't like to acknowledge this.

I heard a story--I don't vouch for the truth of it--that the Duke
of Gloucester and Lord Craven had had some very high words at
Coombe Abbey, where the former was on a visit. It began from strong
opinions expressed by the former regarding the Queen, which the
latter attacked; and it ended in the Royal personage going from his
visit under great displeasure, and the visited declaring that he
should never come to his house again. There may be no truth in
this; but I rather believe it, because I _know_ Lord Craven
informed the King that he was to have this visit; that he regretted
it, but it was an old invitation, and he could not put it off;
otherwise, the behaviour of the Duke of Gloucester regarding the
Queen was such that he never should have invited him. The King is
outrageous with the Duke of Gloucester for not attending the
University Address. I take it for granted Lord G---- goes with his,
which will mark the neglect still stronger.

I hope you observed our personal allusions to the King's conduct in
our Address; I doubt if he will receive such another from any part
of the kingdom.

If I hear anything further, you shall immediately know it; and I
probably shall in a few days.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Dec. 19, 1820.

I hear that Canning has given way to the continued omission of the
Queen from the Liturgy, as conceiving it preferable to an omission
in the payment of his salary, and will continue the same cordial
support to Castlereagh which he has hitherto afforded.

I suppose that the Opposition will be compelled to move an
amendment to the Address, though they are fully aware how
disadvantageous and injudicious a mode of attack that is.

The next question, and that on which they will get the best
division, will be the omission in the Liturgy. I have not yet heard
what the sum to be proposed for her establishment is. I think that
she is in equity, under her marriage settlement, entitled to
L50,000, which has been, in a great degree, recognised by the vote
of the House of Commons in 1814, though, on a _quantum meruit_,
pence might be a fitter allowance than pounds. I hope, therefore,
that that will be the sum proposed; and cannot conceive that she
will have a dozen to vote for putting her on the same footing as
the late Queen, agreeable to the notice which has been given. As
far as I can judge, I believe the _reaction_ now going on in the
public mind to be very strong against her, and that the parlour,
and even the shop, are becoming nearly as unanimous that way, as
the servants'-hall and alehouse the other.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

On the 20th December Mr. Canning resigned the Presidentship of the Board of Control and his place in Council, as was alleged, in consequence of dissatisfaction with the recent proceedings of the Government in reference to the Queen.

It has been surmised that an instinct, of which he had already given some examples, prompted him to desert what many considered a sinking ship. The affair is thus described by one of his colleagues:--"The interval since I last wrote to you has been an unpleasant one. Liverpool went to Walmer in a very uneasy state of mind and spirits, and during his absence I had some painful communications at C---- H---- [Carlton House]. C---- [Canning] followed him to Walmer, where he stayed three or four days, and on Saturday he returned. On Tuesday, C---- circulated a draft of a letter from himself to the King, containing his resignation, and on Wednesday the letter was laid before his Majesty. I was immediately sent for to C---- H----. The King, however, I know, was taken by surprise. * * * It is a most unfortunate circumstance, and involves us in very serious difficulties. He means to go abroad. It appears to me to be very doubtful, from the irritability of one great house, and the restlessness of a greater, whether the Government will hold together."[58]

[58] Dean Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 337.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 26, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Since I wrote to you last, I have dined with the K----, who was all
gracious and civil; but nothing passed on the subject of politics.
I thought him infinitely better in health and spirits for the few
days' quiet he had enjoyed in this neighbourhood. The party did not
break up till past twelve o'clock. The only persons besides the
Princess's families were, besides Mrs. Fremantle and Miss Hervey,
Lord and Lady Harcourt.--He eat a great quantity--but no meat--and
sang the whole evening, and was in much more cheerful spirits.--He
is gone to Brighton, where there is a little _snug_ party,
consisting only of his own men, Lady Blomfield, and Lord and Lady
Conyngham; and I have no doubt he will remain there as long as he
can. He talked of coming here again, in which case I should
probably see him.

From all I learn, I am quite persuaded his Ministers have now made
up their minds to try the experiment of fighting the question of
the Liturgy. It is certainly right that he should know that the
thing is not totally to be abandoned if they fail--for this was his
impression, I am quite sure, when I last wrote to you. I have no
doubt I shall, somehow or other, have the means of letting him know
this, and your opinions; but it must depend on the accident of
meeting him. A trip to Brighton is quite out of the question; it
would create suspicion; and ten to one I should not see him.

I doubt if Peel will be prevailed on to take office. They are
trying hard; but I cannot see how it can answer to him, nor in
truth do I think he would be any great gain to them. My own opinion
is, that they will shuffle and cut and make some change of
office--that is, by putting Wellesley Pole or B. Bathurst, or
something of this sort, in the India Board, and bringing Huskisson
or some minor character forward.

I have great fears about your Bucks Address; I think it is better
altogether to let _well alone_, for fear of raising a flame you
cannot subdue. However, you must be the best judge; and if numbers
are wanted for a meeting, I shall not fail to attend.

You may depend on hearing from me if anything occurs.--The Duke of
Gloucester is returned to Bagshot; I shall probably see him in a
day or two. Nothing can _go_ on _so bad_ as this _menage_. I doubt
if it can last, with all the exertions which are making to make it
worse. _She_ will not give up her family, and _he_ will not
associate with them.--The Duke of Sussex is seriously ill. I don't
know his complaint, but I hear something spinal.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dec. 26, 1820.

I return you Fremantle's letter; it tells me no more than I had
already collected from what is passing.

I do believe that there is arising in the country enough of a
Royalist spirit and feeling to have enabled such a man as Pitt,
with his courage and abilities, and with some foundation of natural
personal popularity, to avail himself of it, and by putting a
speedy end, _quoquo modo_, to the discussions about the Queen's
business, to make a good stand for the maintenance of Government.

But it is needless to remark, that these people have neither
decision of mind to view their situation in its true light, nor the
means of acting upon it in such a course as could alone extricate
their master and themselves from all their difficulties.

On the other hand, it is no less evident that _he_ satisfies
himself with talking about his situation, and does not feel
reliance enough upon himself to act upon it in either of the two
ways which are alone open to him--that of making himself the active
partisan and supporter of his present system, and lending himself
fully to every exertion of personal aid which he could still give
them, by appearing in public, holding his levees, opening his
house, &c. &c.; or, on the other hand, of opening immediate
communication for a capitulation, the terms of which, irksome as
they would now be, must daily become more and more so by the
inevitable course of events, independently of those peculiar
circumstances of personal temper which are unhappily so evident
even in this moment, and will certainly not lose their force by the
continuance of the contest.

The Ministers have chosen for their field of battle precisely the
very weakest post in their whole position; and though personally
(if I took any personal part in these things) I should not have an
instant's hesitation in voting against any party interference with
the manner in which the K---- in Council, as head of the Church,
has directed his family to be prayed for, yet I have hardly a
doubt, from what I hear, that the majority of this House of Commons
will think otherwise.

As to Canning, I am certainly no admirer of any part of his
conduct, past, present, or likely to come, on the subject of the
Q----; but I must, after all, in fairness, say that the past having
been such as it has, I do not see how he could at this time
continue in office to advise, conduct, and answer for the K----'s
measures against her.

I know nothing of Peel, nor have any clue to guess his intentions;
but I am clear that it would be little short of an act of direct
insanity for any man not already involved in this mass of
difficulty to go voluntarily and implicate himself in it.

If I had no other ground for this opinion--and, unfortunately,
there are a thousand good reasons for it--I should think it quite
enough to look at the way in which, in such a moment, these
Ministers are up, running about in every direction--the Duke of
Wellington to Chester, Bathurst to Longleat and I know not where
else, Harrowby to Dawlish, and letting the K---- himself go to
Brighton, leaving everything at sixes and sevens, and trusting to
live through the next month as they can, till the meeting of
Parliament brings on the great crisis.

Truly, if they can, or think they can, do anything to prop up their
Government, they ought to be actively employed in the measures for
that purpose; and if they cannot, they owe it to him to tell him so
at once, and plainly.

But as for any idea of their asking others to join them, in the
very moment of their approaching, and, as they themselves seem to
consider it, inevitable defeat, it does seem that they are not
absurd enough to expect it; nor, if they did, could any reasonable
man entertain the notion, without very different ideas of their
personal fitness for taking their part in such a contest than the
past can allow us to entertain.

I am sure you know I say this from no personal indisposition to
them. My early habits and predilections were with them. I have long
since and totally forgotten whatever of personal controversy the
events of political life interposed between us, and I have with
great pleasure resumed with some of them the course of old
friendships. Nor am I indisposed--but quite the contrary--to the
cause which, unhappily for itself and for us all, is now committed
into their hands.

I wish it success; and as far as the conduct of an independent and
disconnected man goes, I think you are bound to contribute to it if
you can. But your worst enemy could wish you nothing worse than
that you should mix yourself up with all the mischief which must, I
fear, inevitably result from their unfitness to contend with such a
storm, though in peace and in calm they might, as others far
inferior to them in qualifications have done, navigate the vessel
safely in a course already tracked and known.

So, here ends my sermon.--God bless you.

I have not read Grey's Durham speech--I have no pleasure in such
reading, and abstain from it all I can. But it is only justice to
say that Grey did in the House of Lords declare that his vote was
given on the ground of _not guilty_--admitting and condemning what
he thought great _improprieties_ in her conduct, but not thinking
the case of _adultery_ sufficiently proved.

I do not agree with him, as you know, in this opinion; but it is
not fair to impute it to him now as an inconsistency.

As for Bucks, I know not who your sheriff is, but I trust he is one
who will refuse, as his Berkshire neighbour has done, to call a
meeting; and if one is called by the four or five gentlemen of that
party in this county, I should most strongly _dissuade_ your giving
it so much countenance as to attend it and make it the scene of a
contest. You would be much stronger in the shape of a
counter-Address in that case.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 29, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Since I wrote to you last, we have had a great deal of discussion
regarding our presenting the Address. Lord Sidmouth interfered, and
said it would give offence to others if it were received as a body;
and the King then deputed me to select six gentlemen, which was
utterly impossible without giving offence; so that it has ended at
last in its going to the Secretary of State. This negotiation,
however, has brought me in contact with the King, who was
graciously pleased to see me yesterday, and kept me nearly an hour.
After the first two or three sentences about the Address, he
entered upon politics and the Queen and, in short, as you may
suppose, talking the whole time, there was hardly anything he did
not touch upon. It was evident from his language that his Ministry
was undecided up to the moment when he left town; for he said more
than once, "If my Government remain, or if partial changes take
place, which must be the case, it is necessary for them now to meet
the questions manfully. The tide of public opinion has changed, and
they must profit by it. If they surrender, they give up the
monarchy--the constitution--all that we hold sacred; for Lord Grey,
by his speech at Durham, has shown his connexion and his
determination to unite with the Radicals. He has declared (contrary
to his declaration in the Lords) that, if he had had to decide on
the Queen, he should have said Not guilty. This was at once
deciding against him, and against all that ought to be held sacred
and moral." I only give this as a small specimen; but his invective
against Lord Grey was stronger and more violent than I can possibly
repeat. At the same time, I should imagine, though undoubtedly he
did not say anything that approached it, that he was doubtful
whether his Government meant to stand stout. The language of the
Ministers' friends is, that they mean to try the question of the
Liturgy; and if they are beat, then to resign in a body. I believe
this to be the real truth, and I know they have been urged to this
by several county members. It is impossible to describe how full
the King was of the Oxford Address. Pray tell Lord Grenville this,
if he is with you (which the papers state). He described over and
over again all the enthusiasm of loyalty betrayed in the
forgetfulness of all decorum after he had left the throne. He spoke
of their clapping him on the back; of their great numbers; but,
above all, of the dignified and proper manner in which the
Chancellor read the Address, every word of which he praised in the
highest terms. I thought he looked very ill--certainly worse than
when I had before seen him, though a short time since; and
conversing with Bloomfield he said the same thing; but he was
greatly collected, his eyes animated, and full of the subjects he
discussed--unfortunately still harping on all the idle and
miserable intrigues about the Princess Charlotte. What, however,
most struck me, and what I am most anxious to observe to you, was
his increased hostility and indignation against the Opposition, and
more personally against Lord Grey.

I see they are trying hard to manufacture Addresses against the
Government from different counties. Here in Berks they will get a
flaming one; but I doubt their success in many others. I own I have
great fears in your attempting a loyal one in Bucks; I have no
doubt of the northern side, but I am sure you would find a strong
opposition from the southern quarter; and as it must be held--the
meeting--at Aylesbury, this would operate very much against it.
_Any failure would be most unfortunate_--and they would move
heaven and earth to beat you; any amendment, even, would have the
effect of a victory. The Russells, Cavendishes,--everything that
could be mustered would come forward; so that I own I should fear
the attempt. Pray let me know if it should take place, as I would
certainly attend; and should the Radicals attempt an Address on
their part, then I think we should at once muster every strength,
and fight them. I hope, in such a case, we should beat them.

I cannot find out the full extent of Lord S----'s history. I
believe it exaggerated; but I have no doubt, from what I have
heard, that there has been a scene. He is not recalled; but I
believe it is understood he is to come home. I rather expect that
Sir Henry Wellesley, from Madrid, will succeed him, provided this
Government stands.

As to what is to become of the Board of Control, I have not a
guess. I can't believe Peel will, at such a moment, plunge himself
in such a troubled lake, nor can I see to what quarter they can
look, in their present distracted and unsettled state, for a
connexion; it is another thing supporting the measures that may be
brought forward.

I am invited to meet the King at dinner to-morrow; and if I hear
anything worth relating, you shall have a letter.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

LORD CASSILIS TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Culzean Castle, Dec. --.

I received your letter, my dear Lord Buckingham, when writhing
under a fit of the gout, the legacy of the Bill of Pains and
Penalties which you made me vote for. God help us! as the saying
is; for what is to become of us, He only knows. There seems nothing
but chaos and desolation whatever way a man turns himself: the
middle classes of the people waging war upon the higher orders; the
tenantry taking advantage of the times to conspire against their
landlords; and the lower orders existing only from the circumstance
of the produce of land being unmarketable: barley two shillings a
bushel, oats nearly the same, and no sale for wheat at any price.
The weavers are certainly all employed here, but cannot earn more
than from six to eight shillings a week. Such is our state. The
finance of the country is "opportunely" a little improved. Had it
retrograded a little, the King was over with us; and there yet
hangs out insurmountable evil. I think I hear you say, "_What a
gloomy dog!_" _And so I am_, because I cannot see _daylight_ in any
direction. I cannot agree about a reduction of our army: a soldier
less, and we shall have revolution and civil war. Those people
under whose protection we should be put if the army was reduced,
would, as Rollo says, "cover and devour us." It's all really
dreadful. I have not since I saw you heard a reasonable conjecture
even about the Administration's fate or plans. I think that Canning
will stick to Liverpool; Morley told me _he would positively_. I
should not be displeased to see a separation between Liverpool and
Castlereagh. I think it very probable that the Opposition will take
the King by storm, backed as they are and will be by the people, as
they are called. The Addresses to the King as yet are feeble and
poor, nothing like _heart_ appearing. If the Opposition get in,
they will let fly a set of measures calculated to secure popularity
at starting, but which in the end will bring ruin, _absolute_, upon
the country. It does not appear possible to me for the Government
to get on, when Parliament meets, if the present fever in the
public mind does not abate. I will not bore you any more with my
lamentations. Pray do give me some consolation if you can, and at
any rate be kind enough to let me know when anything political is
stirring. What would I not have given to have been _behind the
screen_ at Lord Grenville's audience!--The weather here is nearly
as bad as the times.

Ever, my dear Lord Buckingham,

Your truly faithful

CASSILIS.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Dec. 31, 1820.

MY DEAR B----,

I hear from Phillimore that the successor to Canning still remains
undetermined. If Peel would accept it, or were rather to succeed
Vansittart, my opinion of the probability of the present Government
standing would be more strengthened than by any other event
whatever. My estimate of Peel is, I am aware, higher than yours. I
agree with you that he cannot supply the effect of one of Canning's
glittering, eloquent speeches; still, he combines greater
advantages at this moment than any other man in the House of
Commons.

Talent, independent fortune, official habits and reputation, and,
above all, general character both in and out of Parliament, have, I
am persuaded, disposed more men to follow and more to unite with
him than any person whom you can name among us. I do not deny the
objections arising from want of family and connexion, from the
irritability he has shown of late, and from the drubbing which
Brougham gave him last year; but still you must remember that you
can name no one who has not greater difficulties to encounter, and
fewer advantages to assist him. Phillimore tells me that he hears
that he has refused to connect himself with the Administration,
from disapprobation of their gross mismanagement during the late
business. If this were true, I should have more hope of the
possibility of forming a fresh Government, in the event of the
present falling, than I have yet entertained. I think he is not
ill-inclined to back out of the Catholic question, and that that
was the meaning of his proposed going abroad for a twelvemonth
after his marriage; but I have no personal acquaintance with him to
make my opinion on this subject worth anything.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

"The King is improved in health and spirits," writes the Home Secretary to Lord Exmouth, "and you may rest assured he will be firmly supported by his Government, which, however, cannot serve him usefully unless they are also firmly supported by Parliament. We have taken our determination. The Queen will neither be harassed nor molested; but to a palace, and to the insertion of her name in the Liturgy, we shall never consent; and if Parliament should differ from us on these points, the Government must fall. But the reports from our friends are extremely satisfactory."[59]

[59] Dean's Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 340.

CHAPTER IV.

[1821.]

LETTER FROM THE KING TO LORD ELDON ON LIBELLOUS PUBLICATIONS. CLAIMS OF THE QUEEN. LORD CASTLEREAGH'S ATTACK ON LORD ERSKINE. POSITION OF THE GOVERNMENT. CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. FAMILY QUARRELS. SUGGESTED JUNCTION OF THE GRENVILLES WITH THE GOVERNMENT. MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM PROPOSED BY THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AS LORD-LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND. PREPARATIONS FOR THE CORONATION. NEGOTIATIONS. INFLUENCE OF "THE LADY". QUEEN CAROLINE AT THE CORONATION.