Chapter VI (1)

The King returned from his Continental dominions about the middle of November. On the 16th his Majesty held a Court at Carlton Palace, to receive addresses from the Lord Mayor of London, the Court of Aldermen, and the Common Council. With his return recommenced the usual round of rumours affecting the stability of the Government; but, although there is no doubt it might have claimed the merit of being the best abused one in the world, the principal members of it, at least, held a perfectly secure position. Their conduct, particularly with respect to Sir Robert Wilson, excited Mr. Grenville's severe animadversions.

RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, Nov. 7, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

Your appropriation of the 5_l._ to the purchase of Strutt's
"Engravers" was too late, as I had already paid the money to your
account at Coutts's; moreover, that book can only be had by the
chance of some sale, and I believe is worth about eight guineas
when it is a tolerable good copy; mine, which is large paper, and
therefore most commodious for illustrating, cost me sixteen
guineas. I see you suppose me to carry my objections to the
apologetic language of the _Courier_ to a greater extent than is
in my contemplation. Undoubtedly, the abstract right of Parliament
to call upon Ministers as responsible for their advice in the
exercise of the Royal prerogative, cannot be denied; but the more
or less apologetic tone taken by them upon such questions is often
of the highest importance. Their wretched fears for
themselves--their unworthy submission to insult and indignity of
every kind put upon them by the highest as well as the
lowest--their abandonment of all that is due to the dignity and
authority of the Executive Government, provided they are allowed to
continue in the offices of it; all these circumstances have so
lowered and degraded the Executive power that it would be
difficult, even for a new administration of the most vigorous
character, to restore all that is lost; and instead of any present
effort to recover it, every day is a day of some new disgrace and
indignity, and every topic of debate where Ministers should hold a
high tone, and challenge the responsibility of their situations as
advisers of the Crown, exhibits them crouching under the feet of
the Radicals, and shrinking from the eminence on which they are
placed, in the mean endeavour of interposing the authority of
Parliament to shelter them from dangers which it is incumbent upon
them to meet manfully; and this question of Sir R. W----, if
timidly and apologetically met by them as it will be, may prove to
be of the most dangerous importance, if it shall teach the officers
and the privates of the army to look up to Sir F. B---- and to Sir
R. W----, instead of looking up to the military authorities by
which the army of a limited monarchy must be governed.

No news of the K---- had arrived yesterday of later date than the
24th, and therefore all sort of reports were circulated of illness
of every description, &c. &c.; but I have no reason to believe
these reports have any foundation, as I have seen three or four
persons who must, I think, have been informed if there had been any
foundation for these strange rumours.

MR. HENRY W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llanwnda, Nov. 11, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

I take joy on the King's safe return, and I trust that he will now
give himself time to settle something respecting his
Administration. If report be true, he was not in the best of
humours when he started from Hanover, and this is not likely to
have been improved by German schwagers and roads, unless, indeed,
he spent the whole of it on his cousin of Hesse Cassel. I fear that
there was not time for his Majesty to find a German countess with
more patient ears and sounder form than the Marchioness, and till
then I cannot conceive that her influence is on the decline,
particularly as no quarrel or coldness is likely to have taken
place by letter. Her folly and rapacity will sooner or later have
their effect.

If Ministers are sincere in their professions to you, they cannot
allow any further delay on the part of the King, and a fortnight
will show what his determination is.

Ever yours, most affectionately,

H. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I must preach patience to you, and be assured it is no indisposition
to you, or intentional affront or slight, that the thing rests at
present as it is. I know that they cannot yet bring the King to any
determination, and they are yet firmly resolved to adhere to their
decision of resisting the nomination of Lord Conyngham, and of
strengthening their Government. You must give them credit for doing
the thing eventually, but they are obliged to judge the best
manner. He will resist to the last moment, but I am fully persuaded
he will and must ultimately give way. You have no right to feel
indignant as long as you are not exclusively neglected; and my own
opinion is, that Canning will not be recommended without you and
your friends. I see he is in town, and sees Lord Liverpool
constantly.

The Verulams are here, and have been so some days. Her [Lady V----]
language is, that Lord Liverpool will not remain in office if Lord
Conyngham is appointed Chamberlain, or if his other arrangements
are resisted; and she is loud in her abuse of the King's
flirtations with the Opposition.

He is come back disgusted with Germany; but the insults are all
denied. He was bored to death at Hanover, and his pretended gout
was a bore and a wish to get rid of his subjects. The Verulams are
come from Lord Maryborough's, and their language is also his. Again
I say that things look just the same towards you as they ever did,
and you have the game in your hands. If the Government are foolish
enough to try and tide through another session, I perfectly agree
with you that your line should be to form a junction with Canning,
who will no doubt then feel as indignant as you will do.

The King has seen Lord Wellesley, and I have no doubt is trying to
hatch up something through him, but it is quite impossible he can
belong to the present Cabinet, and I therefore judge he is looking
to a household employment; and there could be no objection to such
an arrangement. But this is not the point; the point of the
Government is the increase to their strength, and Lady Verulam told
me (not knowing that I had heard the same thing from the Duke of
W----) that Lord Liverpool, the Duke of Wellington, and Lord
Londonderry were united and decided on this, and would not meet the
Parliament without it. All this, you see, confirms our histories.
If, after all, they surrender, one can only say what shabby fellows
they are.

As to the Opposition coming in, I don't believe the King will
attempt it. Lord Lansdowne is gone out of town; Lord Londonderry is
still in favour. The King does not come here, but goes to Brighton.
I shall go to town for a day, and whatever I pick up you shall
hear; but I earnestly recommend you not to push the thing, or to
move one step, or to show your offence, but suffer the whole thing
to proceed from themselves, and see the result. You will then stand
on much better ground, and have the strongest complaint against the
conduct of the Duke of Wellington.

Believe me, ever yours,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Gorhambury, Nov. 21, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am just arrived here, and only write three lines to say that the
Verulams and all in the House speak of the change of the situations
of Ministers as a thing decided, though not yet distinctly known.
Canning certainly goes to the Admiralty, as is said, and Melville
and Sidmouth move--but how or when is differently stated. You are
to be offered Ireland, and I take it for granted, C. Wynn your
secretary. They are outrageous with Grant for keeping them in
ignorance with regard to the state of Ireland. He has been all
along saying he wanted no troops, and now he is calling for them at
all risks. Lord Sidmouth has positively refused to let a battalion
of Guards go, saying he cannot spare another man. For some reason,
which I suppose refers to Liverpool politics, Canning's appointment
is not instantly brought forward. My wife saw the Duchess of
Gloucester yesterday, who told her she had seen the King, who was
never in better spirits or health; that he told her he had had an
explanation with his Ministers, that all was now arranged, and he
was more happy and comfortable than he had been for some time. Lord
Cholmondeley has resigned, and Lord Conyngham is Lord Steward; Lord
Rocksavage to be called up to the House of Lords.

I have only written the _on dit_ which I collect here. Lady
Verulam saw her brother, Lord Liverpool, in town on Saturday last,
who, she says, was in excellent spirits, and appeared to be much
more at his ease and satisfied with the K---- than he had before
been, I have no doubt but that the arrangements are settled, and I
have none also that you will be sent to. I only hope you will not
be fastidious. My principle is to take situation, and my advice
would be, to accept Ireland if offered. Be assured it must lead to
all you can desire.

If you are not at the Admiralty, remember I would not wish to go
there; nothing but acting with you would induce me;--otherwise,
either the Treasury or India Board.

W. H. F.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

I have postponed from day to day, my dear B----, thanking you for
your letter, in the expectation of hearing from you again something
more decisive. From this not being the case, I conclude that you
have heard nothing more than common reports, and that the King and
his Ministers have left town, again postponing any arrangement till
January, just as at the opening of last session till Easter, at
Easter till the recess, at the recess till the return from Ireland,
and then till the return from Hanover. The feebleness and
vacillation they continue to show is at least a consolation to
those who have not been called upon to embark in the same boat with
them. But how can it be possible for that boat, as at present
manned, I will not say to weather any breeze, but to swim through
the smoothest water? You have seen last year the indisposition of
the House to support Vansittart even in the common business of his
office, and it cannot be expected that this will be diminished
after it is publicly known that they have failed in making any
arrangement to strengthen themselves, owing to the want of the
King's confidence and support. For myself, if they attempt to go on
thus, I decidedly wish their fall, as I do not apprehend any
calamity from a Whig administration equal to that of the House of
Commons taking into its own hands the executive administration of
the country. To this we are every day making rapid progress, and I
fear that if we go much further, our return to the practice of the
English Constitution will be impracticable, and convulsion
ultimately the inevitable consequence. Till Ministers shall again
guide, instead of following the House of Commons, I have no hope.

The last report I hear is that the dispute about Canning is to be
compromised by his being appointed to succeed Lord Hastings; and I
feel little doubt that this would completely satisfy him, though it
could only strengthen Ministers inasmuch as it delivers them from
the dread of his turning against them. I should regret anything
which takes him from the House of Commons, for though I have no
respect for his character, yet he is of great use to check Burdett,
Hobhouse, Lambton, &c. &c.

If Ministers admit of Lord Conyngham's appointment to be Lord
Steward, it seems as complete a victory to the King as if he were
at once made Chamberlain, and will produce a lasting disgust in all
the quiet and decent from one end of the country to the other, who
have hitherto been the chief supports of Administration. Lord
Cholmondeley's promise of the next blue ribbon is not worth much,
since he is just as likely to drop as any one of your noble
brotherhood.

If one is to believe the newspapers, Lord Londonderry is to go into
Norfolk on a shooting-party before Henry could reach town from
Askrig. At all events, I have little hope that he will not put him
off with the same sort of postponements as he has hitherto used. I
quite agree with you that they at present consider us as
hackney-coaches bound to remain on the stand whatever the weather
may be, till they shall make up their minds to call us; and I hope
that you will be disposed to reject any continuation of similar
communication to that which they have already made to you, unless
it is accompanied with a direct and intelligible proposal.

As things are, I feel no temptation to quit the comforts of my own
fireside. When we know the time and complexion of the meeting of
Parliament, it may be advisable to discuss further what will then
be to be done.

Adieu.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Several intimations have been given in Mr. Fremantle's letters, of a negotiation on the part of the Ministers for an increase of strength; the following letter brings this more tangibly before the reader, and shows something like earnestness in the intention.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO MR. W. H. FREMANTLE.

Teddesley, Nov. 21, 1821.

MY DEAR FREMANTLE,

The period is now arrived at which Lord Liverpool thinks he can
make his arrangements for strengthening his Government, and
according to what I stated to Lord Buckingham by his desire last
summer, he is very desirous of communicating with him. I don't know
where Lord Buckingham is at present; and I think that you had
better come to town if not inconvenient to you, and see Lord
Liverpool, who wishes to speak to you.

I shall be in town myself on Tuesday evening.

Ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The long pending arrangement of the junction of Lord Buckingham and his friends with Ministers, was now drawing to a close; a sense of its necessity induced Lord Liverpool to renew the negociation, and Mr. W. H. Fremantle was invited by the Premier to a discussion with him on the subject. The result of the interview is given by him in the following report, and the effect of the official arrangements proposed, will appear in the correspondence which it precedes.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE'S REPORT OF CONVERSATION WITH LORD LIVERPOOL.

He begun by saying, that the situation of the Government at the
end of the last session was such that he did not know how far
its stability could be depended upon; that a variety of untoward
circumstances had arisen which made their situation precarious,
and under these impressions he did not feel himself authorized or
justified in proposing a connexion with the Government to any
person or party at that time. The case was now altered, for he had
to say that there was no doubt or question as to the continuance of
the Government, and as to the complete confidence and support of
the King, and therefore he wished to make known to me, for the
information of Lord Buckingham and his friends, what steps the
Government were enabled to take with a view of forming a connexion
with them.

The great and material point to which the Government looked was
strength in the House of Commons, and therefore whatever changes
would take place in the Cabinet were to be grounded on this
consideration alone. The vacancies that would take place in the
Cabinet arose from the retirement of Lord Sidmouth, and by the
opening of the Presidentship of the Board of Control. It was
intended, in the event of Lord Hastings' return from India, that
Mr. Canning should succeed him, but not belong to the Cabinet
previous thereto. That Mr. Peel should hold a very prominent
situation (which I took for granted meant Lord Sidmouth's office),
and that the Board of Control or the Secretaryship of War, with a
seat in the Cabinet, could be offered to Mr. Charles Wynn; that
knowing Lord Buckingham's and Lord Grenville's anxious wishes for
Mr. Henry Wynn, the appointment to Switzerland was now open to him,
and a seat at one of the principal Boards for any friend whom Lord
Buckingham might recommend. That it was right to advert to the
situation of Ireland, and I must be aware of the confidential
communication he had had with Mr. Plunket when he was last in
England; that since that time the King had satisfied himself that
measures might be pursued which would keep the Catholic question in
a state in which neither of the contending parties would
preponderate, and that in this spirit of conciliation he had
communicated lately with Mr. Plunket, and had reason to think he
was satisfied with the views of Government on this subject, and
would be disposed to accede to an arrangement which was now in
progress for making him Attorney-General of Ireland, retaining his
seat in Parliament, and taking an active part in the House of
Commons. That in his communications with the King, knowing what had
been the object of the late Marquis of Buckingham and of the
present, and also the conditional engagement which had been made by
the late King of a Dukedom in case any Duke were created, the King
had authorized him to tell Lord Buckingham, that although he had
not meant to grant that dignity, and did not now mean to create
any other person, he was willing to grant the dignity to Lord
Buckingham on the present occasion. These were the principal
points and engagements held out by Lord Liverpool. In the course
of stating them he added a variety of observations, which chiefly
rested on the difficulties of an arrangement, but always adverting
to his wish to meet the objects of Lord Grenville and Lord
Buckingham by bringing forward Mr. Charles Wynn.

Without entering into the state of the country, or of the
Government, or the difficulties of the House of Commons, I said I
feared such an arrangement would not be satisfactory to Lord
Buckingham; that I knew his object was office; that whatever might
be his feelings with regard to a Dukedom, I was quite satisfied he
would not connect himself with a Government unless he formed a
part of it; that his habits were those of active employment, and
by accepting a Dukedom he was placed on the shelf; and therefore,
though I should feel it my duty to convey the offer, I thought it
right to tell Lord Liverpool what I considered would be the
result--namely, that it would not lead to a connexion with the
Grenville party. That I thought Lord Buckingham's talents were
such as would essentially serve a Government in times like the
present, even if his rank, and station, and influence, were out of
the question; but without entering into a discussion on these
points, I was only expressing my own opinion, but it would be for
Lord Liverpool to receive from Lord Buckingham his answer. To
these observations, which were short, Lord Liverpool only dwelt on
his high opinion of Lord Buckingham, and in the course of further
discussion I said that the Admiralty or Ireland were situations
suitable to the dignity and to the pretensions of Lord Buckingham.
He observed that Lord Talbot had nearly served his time in
Ireland; he had been there near four years, but at the present
moment there were insurmountable objections to removing him; by
which observation it strikes me that he meant to imply that Lord
Buckingham could succeed him, but this was never said. After a few
more observations immaterial, he asked me when I should
communicate with Lord Buckingham; I said I should go to Avington
to-morrow, and as he said he was going next week to Bath, he
should be happy to receive a communication from Lord Buckingham
any day the end of this week, and that if Lord Buckingham would
honour him by an interview, much more could be done, and more
explained, than by letter, and he should be happy to see him.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 2, 1821.

The two facts which your two letters have successively communicated
have in the first instance highly delighted, and in the second
proportionably dispirited me. Wellesley's appointment I verily
believe to be the best that could be made. But what can I say of
that of his secretary?--a man who may, for what I know, have
virtues and talents of which it never fell in my way to hear a
word, but who is known to the public here, and in Ireland, by
nothing but the having made in the Catholic debates in the very
last year, the most absurd speech and motion that could have come
from the lips of Duigenan himself.

If one could laugh on such a subject, and when such interests are
at stake, what can exceed the ridicule of thus systematically
coupling together a friend and an enemy to toleration, like fat
and lean rabbits, or the man and his wife in a Dutch toy, or like
fifty other absurdities made to be laughed at, but certainly never
before introduced into politics as fixed and fundamental systems
for the conduct of the most difficult and dangerous crisis of a
country.

What is to result from this disheartening folly? Is Wellesley a
man likely to submit, like some of his predecessors, to be made a
cypher in his Government? Is Plunket disposed to see the whole
detail of daily business, and the whole character and temper of
the Secretary's office fall back into the old channels; and that
after the nomination of Grant, and his conduct since he went to
Ireland, had both been among the principal inducements to him to
look at a situation so far beneath his just pretensions? And what,
I might ask, would be Wellesley's own situation between the
Secretary at home from whom he receives orders, and the Secretary
at Dublin to whom he is to give orders, if I did not believe that
with all his failings he possesses a high and independent spirit,
which will lead him to assert himself decisively in the very first
moment of the counteraction, which is thus studiously and
systematically provided to embarrass him in all his operations.

But above all, what a picture does it present of the councils to
which you are invited to unite yourself!

I really had, after receiving your first letter, begun to accustom
myself to look at the bright side of the question alone, and to
indulge soothing visions of honour and happiness to you both in
the new course which is opened to you. And I will endeavour, and
for my own peace of mind I _must_ endeavour, still so to do.

But the decision must rest, where it ought to rest, with yourself
and with Charles; and I can have no other sentiment or feeling on
the subject, but that which leads me to offer up the most earnest
wishes and prayers that it may be such as shall be most honourable
and happy to yourselves, and through you to the country.

I have shown this to my brother, who desires me only to add on his
part, that Wellesley's nomination had made the same impression on
him, as offering a new and most important change in the _face_ of
the Government, and _that_ (as Lord Londonderry would say) in one
of its largest _features_; and that this feeling is with him, as
with me, more than _neutralized_ by a measure to which, forming, as
it will do, a part of the new proposed arrangements, you and yours
are directly made parties.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO MR. W. H. FREMANTLE.

London, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY DEAR FREMANTLE,

Since I saw you this morning I have learned that Lord Sidmouth is
to remain in the Cabinet by the King's particular desire. I have
not seen Lord Liverpool, but I conclude that he omitted to mention
this from forgetfulness. Indeed, I had myself forgotten that the
King had in the discussions of last summer, desired it.

I beg you, however, to recollect that ours is not, nor never has
been, a _controversial_ Cabinet upon any subject; and that a man
more or less of any particular opinion will not have the slightest
influence on the decision of any question.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Richmond, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I received your kind note just as I was going to dinner. I will not
detain your servant longer than to return you my sincere thanks. I
will write more fully in the course of the evening, and will take
care that you shall receive my letter early to-morrow. In the
meantime I beg leave to inform you that I wrote to Lord Grenville
as soon as I was authorized to write to any person, and I wrote to
your Lordship at the same period of time. In my letter to Lord
Grenville I requested an interview previous to my departure, for
the purpose of receiving his inestimable advice; at that moment I
had no idea of any other object. I could have attended Lord
Grenville to-morrow, but I have received the King's commands to
wait on him at Brighton, and I must depart early. On my return I
shall be happy to pay my duty at Dropmore or in London, according
to Lord Grenville's convenience.

I was very insufficiently informed of the circumstances mentioned
by you, and was not aware even of their general tenor until
yesterday.

I need not state what my ardent wishes are. The Duke of Wellington
did not know of the commands which I had received from Brighton
when he spoke of the possibility of my visiting Dropmore to-morrow.

Ever, my dear Lord, yours most faithfully,

WELLESLEY.

THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Richmond, Dec 3, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

In my short note this evening I stated to your Lordship generally
the restraints which precluded my earlier communication with you
and Lord Grenville; my desire, expressed to him, of receiving the
great benefit of his advice previously to my departure for Ireland;
and my earnest and anxious hope that Lord Grenville, your Lordship,
and your friends, might concur in acting with the Government which
had called me to the administration of the affairs of Ireland.

I was informed a few days ago (but in no distinct statement) that
it was probable that your Lordship and Lord Grenville might give
your countenance to the Government, and that some of your friends
might accept office; but it was not until yesterday that I
understood the arrangements for that desirable object to be in any
advanced state, and from what I then collected, I had hoped that
all difficulties had been removed.

My desire to see Lord Grenville rested entirely on my sense of the
advantage of receiving his opinions, which I was satisfied he would
impart to me with all the freedom and confidence of
long-established friendship, and of mutual esteem and affection;
but I should not have presumed, without his express injunction, to
suggest any opinion respecting the conduct of his friends or his
own in the present crisis. With regard to the settlement of the
Roman Catholic grievances, my general opinions are unalterable; but
the course to be pursued by the Executive Government in Ireland in
the existing state of the law, and in the present condition of that
country, must be regulated by practical considerations, in which
persons may cordially concur whose sentiments may greatly differ on
the great and final question. My view of the present state of
affairs in Ireland would lead me to think that an impartial,
equitable, and mild administration of the law (of which the
alteration cannot be effected or attempted by a Lord Lieutenant),
is the only safe course which can now be pursued, and the only
channel through which we can ever reach a happy and permanent
settlement.

With this view I entertain no apprehension of interruption in my
government from the influence mentioned by your Lordship, as the
subject of alarm in some most respectable minds. I really do not
believe that any person now in high office, or likely to be in high
office in either country, would attempt to contravene the liberal
and benevolent spirit of the King's gracious and conciliatory
admonitions to Ireland; and I trust that, by general consent, the
system of government is abolished by which the laws respecting the
Catholics were administered in a spirit much more severe than their
letter. This is a step towards more substantial improvement, and
every step in this salutary career must advance us still more near
the complete attainment of general union and harmony. This is my
plan, from which I cannot deviate, and in the execution of which I
apprehend no interruption.

I understand from the Government here, and I most ardently hope,
that our highly respectable and admirable friend Mr. Plunket is
likely to hold a high official station in Ireland, where I shall
place the most firm confidence in him, and receive the constant
benefit of his council and assistance. This will be a great comfort
and strength to me in a situation of great and arduous exertion;
where, however, the course to be observed cannot be doubtful,
whatever doubt the uncertainty of all human affairs must cast over
the prospect of success.

If your Lordship had desired my opinion, I should certainly have
declared, that as your junction with the Government cannot fail to
be of great advantage to the country, so it could not be injurious
to the Catholic cause, which can prosper only by the regular and
steady progress of a prudent and temperate system. On this point,
however, I repeat that I would not venture to obtrude my weak
judgment. I am obliged to attend the King to-morrow, otherwise I
should have endeavoured to see your Lordship and Lord Grenville; on
my return I hope for that advantage.

Believe me always, my dear Lord,

With true esteem and regard,

Yours most faithfully,

WELLESLEY.

My brother Arthur has mentioned Lieut.-Col. Fremantle to me with
great regard. I shall be very happy, if it should be in my power,
to promote his wishes; but, in the very extended state of my old
engagements, I cannot make any decision before my arrival in
Ireland.

MR. W. C. PLUNKET TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dublin, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY LORD,

The mails have arrived here after a continuance of eight or nine
days of storm, and I have just received your Lordship's letter of
the 30th. I hasten to acknowledge it, and to express the strong
sense I entertain of your Lordship's kindness and confidence. When
I was in town last March, I took the liberty of asking Lord
Grenville's advice, with reference to an overture which had been
made to me on the part of his Majesty's Ministers, and on which I
had declined to act, until I should have the opportunity of
learning his sentiments; finding that he had formed a decided
(and I must say most unfortunate) resolution not to become a
member of administration, but knowing, at the same time, how
entirely his views and opinions on the state of public affairs
coincided with those of the Government, I felt disposed to accede
to the proposal which had been made, of resuming my former office
of Attorney-General in Ireland. Your Lordship was not then in
town, or I should certainly have availed myself of your confidence
and friendly interest in my affairs, and have asked the benefit of
your advice. Lord Grenville agreed with me that there was _no
possible objection to the proposed arrangement_; at the same
time he suggested the propriety of holding myself free as to the
time and mode of dealing with the Roman Catholic question.

The business has hung over from that time to the present, and
though the measure was understood, nothing effectual has been done
towards its accomplishment till within this few days. On the
subject of the Roman Catholics, or as to the policy to be pursued
respecting the bringing forward this question, I never have given,
or indeed formed, any definite opinion, and with respect to it I
hold myself just in the same situation as if I were to remain
utterly unconnected with Administration. It appears to me that
great advantages may be derived to that cause from the introduction
of its known and steady friends to some share in his Majesty's
counsels, and I own I should grieve if any circumstance was to
withhold your Lordship's services, and those of some of your near
friends, at this critical period.

That the Roman Catholic question cannot, for any great length of
time, be kept back, appears to me evident; but it seems equally
clear that there is great occasion for caution, and much room for
accommodation, as to the time of bringing it forward; nothing
could be more injurious than the risking the loss of the vantage
ground which we have taken possession of during the last session;
and one cannot but apprehend that such might be the consequence of
bringing the measure forward, without some better prospect of good
sense and good temper on the part of the Roman Catholic clergy,
than they displayed on the late occasion. Of some improvement in
that quarter I am led to entertain hopes, as well as on the part
of those of the laity who were least manageable. All these are
arguments for delay; at the same time, this should be entirely
kept open for discretion, and above all, should not be liable to
be considered as the result of contract or stipulation, especially
with any portion of the Government, which would unavoidably tend
to throw the Roman Catholic body into dangerous hands. Under these
circumstances, and reserving this perfect freedom, I am quite
disposed to attend in Parliament, and render whatever services I
can to the general measures of Administration.

I write to your Lordship, as you desire it, fully, my opinions on
a subject, when I should be much more disposed to ask yours, were
I on the spot or the time admitted it. Will you have the goodness
to communicate what I write to Mr. Wynn, and to him only. I trust
I shall soon learn that the public cause has been strengthened by
your Lordship's accession, and by his.

We are in a state of extreme agitation and disturbance here; the
accounts are much exaggerated, however, _as I believe_, for I have
not had the honour of the slightest communication from any person
connected with the Irish Government. The state of this country,
whilst it furnishes the fullest proof of the necessity of disposing
of the question to which I have adverted, does not, perhaps, afford
strong encouragement for bringing it forward just at present; but
on this and all other matters connected with it, I shall look with
great anxiety to learn the opinion of Lord Grenville.

I beg your Lordship to believe how sensible I am of the honour you
do me by consulting me on the present occasion, and that I am with
great truth and regard always my Lord,

Your Lordship's much obliged

And very faithful humble servant,

W. C. PLUNKET.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 4, 1821.

We have had a full talk with Charles, and have laid before him the
good and the bad, as far as I can judge of it. His decision and
yours (not ours) must ultimately regulate your conduct.

I have strongly recommended to him to see Lord Liverpool and Lord
Londonderry, and also Lord Wellesley, who has written to me in
very kind terms to announce his appointment, and to whom I write
to offer to go to Richmond to see him, if it is inconvenient to
him to come here. I hope you and Charles will endeavour to learn
from him the plain English of this metaphor about balances, and
what it is that he understands himself to be sent to Ireland to
do.

It is a bad feature of this business, that every day presents some
new difficulty not previously announced to you.

The _Courier_ now informs us,--1, That Lord Sidmouth is to continue
of the Cabinet; and 2, That Canning is _not_ to go to India; or, in
other words, that Charles is to go alone into the Cabinet at the
very moment that is studiously chosen for making it _more_ orange
in its complexion _than it was before_; and secondly, that what is
called _strengthening_ Government in the House of Commons consists
in driving Canning into opposition, who was before the best speaker
on the Government side, and having Peel in Government, who was
before a speaker also on their side.

I wish I could say _I_ approved all these things, because I see
_you_ wish it; but I must speak the truth or hold my tongue, and my
affection to you both makes me very reluctant to do the latter,
though for your sake I have certainly expressed myself much less
strongly to Charles on some of these points than I should otherwise
have done.

As for saying of each of these things separately, that there are
personal objections to A---- and B---- and C----, and that they
are each and all of them individuals of too little consequence for
you to hang your decisions upon, of what does a discussion of this
nature consist, except first, of measures, the explanation of the
most important of which is now wrapped up in metaphorical
ambiguity; and secondly, of the men who are to execute them; and
if these really are severally as insignificant as you deem them,
what better argument can be found against putting them or keeping
them in the first ranks of a new arrangement, the professed object
of which is to supply strength which was confessed to be wanting?

But I have done, and have only as before most earnestly to wish
that you may do what is best, whether I am able ultimately to
think it so or not.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 5, 1821.

I return you Wellesley's letter, with which I am much pleased. I
wish I could say the same of the other parts of the business; but I
am old-fashioned enough to be thoroughly scandalized at the want of
the common forms of civility and respect so singularly shown in
Lord L----'s sending up for Charles from Wales to receive a
proposal of coming into the Cabinet, and in the interim taking
himself off to Bath, and leaving behind him not even a letter, but
a _message_ that he is not to be back till near the meeting of
Parliament.

Of the substance of the matters now depending, I have nothing more
to add; but do not take it ill if an old man tells you plainly
that if you do not on such an occasion so express and conduct
yourself as to ensure the attention and respect which is due to
you, it will be in vain to attempt to claim it afterwards, and
that if you abandon it, you give up with it the hope of being
really useful.

I have known many such discussions, some ending well, others ill.
But I never yet witnessed one in which such arrangements were (as
in this case) presented _crudely_, to be accepted or refused,
without any previous discussion as to the mode of shaping them, or
any facility offered, or even intimated, for softening down such
difficulties as such proposals are always more or less attended
with.

I must say there appears to be, with respect to both of you, a
total misunderstanding of your real rank and station in the
country, and in its public estimation.

Do not think that I wish your acceptance or refusal to be
influenced by feelings of temper or personal offence. Far from it.
The question involves much higher considerations, both public and
private; but what I do most earnestly wish is that you should
maintain your own dignity against aggressions which are never
neglected without leading to future inconvenience, but least of
all in such cases as these.

The negotiation, like various others that had preceded it, had obstacles to surmount. One of the most active members of the party invited to strengthen the Government insisted upon an understanding on certain great political questions, on which a perfect Ministerial understanding had more than once before been extremely difficult to establish. The letters sent and received will speak for themselves.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 13, 1821.

MY DEAR B----,

The post has brought me no letter from Lord Liverpool. Perhaps the
reservation in writing of my right to originate any measure which
may appear to me desirable for the amelioration of the state of
Ireland, either in Parliament or in Council, and of declaring that
as the hope of contributing to that object is my principal
inducement to accept office, so I should not hesitate at any time
to relinquish it, if that would more effectually assist the
object; and also of stating that Goulburn's appointment could not
have had my concurrence--which are the three points insisted on in
my letter--may, though agreed to by Lord Londonderry most readily,
be of more difficult digestion to the Earl, particularly if, as
begins to be reported, there is at the same time some hitch on the
part of Peel, and that the Earl may find himself somewhat
embarrassed between conflicting reservations. Still, I do not
myself think that it is possible for him now to go back, as he is
too deeply committed. Henry in to be in town to-night, which I am
glad of, for, as Lord Londonderry goes a-shooting into Norfolk on
Saturday, to-morrow will be his only opportunity of seeing him. I
wish much, if Liverpool's answer is affirmative, to press forward
the appointment as much as I can, in order that I may have the
more time to work quietly at learning the business of the Board
before I am called up to town to attend the Councils before the
meeting of Parliament.

Upon sending to the Foreign Office, I find that Lord Londonderry
is not expected there till to-morrow. Whatever Liverpool's answer
is, it will be desirable that I should see Londonderry; and if it
is in the affirmative, I should also wish to see Courtenay to
learn the state of the office.

One o'clock, P.M.

Liverpool's answer has just arrived by a messenger, accepting all
my scruples and reservations most amply. I enclose to you copies
of both letters. I must see Henry to-night, and Lord Londonderry
to-morrow, but will come down to you afterwards--if I can, in the
evening; but I think that hardly can be done, and therefore I will
say next morning, by the earliest coach, if you will send some
conveyance to meet me. I think that there can be no reason for
your delaying to send your letter to the King. I am inclined to
think that both for the general interests of the Government and my
own convenience, it would be far better that it should be at once
distinctly understood that Plunket's appointment should take place
before the meeting of Parliament, which you will find is eight
weeks hence, so that his writ may be moved the first day, and his
assistance secured at the earliest possible moment in Parliament;
and that the other arrangements should not wait for his.

Liverpool's letter is, I think, a weak one, particularly on the
subject of the appointment of Goulburn. I will write a few lines
of acknowledgment to him, informing him that I have transmitted
his letter to you, and expressing satisfaction in his explanation.
If you like to write a letter of acceptance before I come down, I
think there can be no objection; but probably you will think that
we had better talk over the other arrangements before you write to
him upon them. I wish I could come down to-morrow; but I really
feel anxiety to see both Londonderry and Courtenay before I leave
town, as I think it probable they may both be absent next week.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

I have written a line to inform Wellesley of our acceptance, in
the event of no difficulty arising on your part, and desiring to
be allowed to see him, in order to communicate to him my letter to
Liverpool.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL.

Dropmore, Dec. 11, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

Although I understood from Lord Londonderry that he had fully
detailed to your Lordship the conversations which have passed
between us, and stated the difficulties which pressed upon my mind
respecting the flattering proposal conveyed to me through Lord
Buckingham, I feel it due to your Lordship, both as the head of
his Majesty's Government and also one of those members of it from
whom I differ on the Catholic question, that before any final
determination be taken I should explain without reserve the
feelings and opinions by which my conduct must be actuated in the
event of my acceding to the proposed arrangement.

Regretting, as I do, the difference of sentiment to which I have
already adverted, I must premise distinctly, and in terms which
cannot be misunderstood, that it would be impossible for me to
form a part of any Government without reserving to myself, in the
most ample manner, the full liberty not only of supporting and
advocating, but of originating, either in Parliament or in
Council, any proposition which may appear to me desirable to
promote the amelioration of the general state of Ireland; and it
is scarcely necessary for me to add, that in my judgment
concession to the Catholics is a primary step towards the
accomplishment of this inestimable object. It would be moreover
essential that I should not only posses, but also, at my own
discretion, avow the perfect liberty of speaking and acting, which
I retain on this subject; and it is probable that I might feel
myself called upon to declare publicly that as the hope of
contributing to the success of this measure had been my principal
inducement to accept of office, so I should not hesitate one
moment to relinquish it from the time of my being convinced that
this purpose might be more effectually assisted by my resignation.
The circumstance which mainly encouraged me to act upon this hope
is the intended appointment of Lord Wellesley and Mr. Plunket.
This appears to hold out to Ireland in general the fairest
prospect of a firm, impartial, and conciliatory Administration,
while their known sentiments with regard to the Catholics in
particular will, I trust, excite in that great body of his
Majesty's subjects, a confidence from which the most beneficial
results may be expected. These nominations are, however,
accompanied by that of another gentleman as Chief Secretary, whose
opinions are known to be directly at variance with those of Lord
Wellesley and Mr. Plunket on this most momentous subject. To Mr.
Goulburn's merits and general character every man must do justice
who has observed his conduct in the department which he has
hitherto filled, but I am so deeply impressed with the
inconvenience and irritation which may arise from the apprehension
in the public mind of counteraction and opposition between the
Lord Lieutenant and his Secretary at a period of so much
disturbance as the present, that if this should be made the
subject of Parliamentary discussion, I may, besides referring to
my not having participated in his Majesty's councils when the
appointment took place, find it necessary to declare that it is
one in which I could not have concurred. Lord Londonderry has
already, I have no doubt, fully stated to your Lordship the
various discussions which have taken place on public measures in
my conversations with him; but the points I have adverted to in
this letter are of such paramount importance that I am sure you
will agree with me in thinking them fit to be the subject of a
direct and specific communication to your Lordship. Upon these
points, therefore, as upon that of the confident expectation which
I collected from Lord Londonderry of Lord Wellesley's and Mr.
Plunket's appointments being both completed before the meeting of
Parliament, I shall hope to hear from your Lordship as soon as is
consistent with your convenience.

I have the honour to be my dear Lord,

Your Lordship's most faithful and obedient servant,

C. W. WILLIAMS WYNN.

THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL TO MR. CHARLES W. WYNN.

Bath, Dec. 12, 1821.

MY DEAR SIR,

I was prepared by Lord Londonderry for the letter which I have
received from you this morning, and he has, of course, communicated
to me the substance of the conversations which he has had with the
Marquis of Buckingham and yourself since my departure from London.

Agreeing, as I have every reason to hope we now do, in all the
other leading principles of Government, foreign and domestic, the
difference of opinion which unfortunately exists between us on what
is called the Roman Catholic question must be a matter of sincere
regret to me.

You will do me the justice, however, to believe that this
difference can only be founded on an opinion that the beneficial
consequences supposed by yourself and others to be likely to follow
the proposed alteration of our laws on this subject, would not in
fact result from it. But I think it material further to add, that
whether I may or may not be mistaken, I am fully persuaded that in
the state in which that question now is, and under all the
circumstances of the country, fewer public evils are likely to
arise from the adoption or rejection of the Catholic claims under a
Government of a mixed character, than might occur under one which
for brevity I designate as exclusively Protestant or exclusively
Catholic.

With a knowledge of the sentiments entertained by you and by those
immediately connected with you on this question, I could never have
ventured to have asked the King's permission to be the bearer of
the proposition which has been made to you, unless I had been
prepared to have it distinctly understood that you would be at full
liberty to support, to advocate, and even to originate, if you
should deem it necessary, any measure of which the removal of the
disabilities of the Roman Catholics might form a part, or the
whole; and you can certainly not be precluded from adopting
hereafter any line of conduct which, in the discharge of your
public duty, a consideration of what is due to this question,
combined of course with what is due to other great national
interests, may appear to you to require.

I trust that the explanation will prove satisfactory to you, and I
have only to say, with respect to the appointment of Mr. Goulburn,
that upon the principle upon which the Government is acting I can
never consider the opinion of any individual, whether in support or
in opposition to the Roman Catholic claims, to be in itself a bar
to his appointment to office in Ireland, provided he is in all
other respects duly qualified, it being understood that the
existing laws, whatever they may be, are to be equally administered
with respect to all classes of his Majesty's subjects, and that the
Roman Catholics are in any case to enjoy their fair share of the
privileges and advantages to which they are by law entitled.

With respect to the appointments of Lord Wellesley and Mr. Plunket,
the appointment of the former has already taken place, and he will
leave London for Ireland as soon as his private arrangements can be
made.

Lord Wellesley will have instructions to take measures for carrying
into immediate effect the intentions respecting Mr. Plunket. In the
mode of accomplishing this most necessary and important object,
some consideration ought and must be had for the feelings of the
gentleman now in office; but in order to obviate any eventual
embarrassment on this head, I can have no objection to the other
arrangements being suspended until Mr. Plunket's appointment is
effectually secured.

I cannot conclude without assuring you of the cordiality of my
feelings towards you, and without expressing the sincere pleasure
and satisfaction which I shall have in an official connexion with
yourself and your friends.

Believe me to be, with sincere regard,

My dear Sir,