Chapter XIII: Part 13

The 28th we made _Deseada_, a small high Island, about a league in length and as much in breadth; it is full of Trees, but whether it affords Water or not I know not. It is uninhabited. Next morning we were betwixt _Antego_ and _Montserat_, belonging to the _English_, both pretty large and mountainous. _Antego_ is Peopled with _English_ for the most part, and _Montserat_ by a mixture of _English_ and _Irish_. Their Product is Sugar and Tobacco. We were in the afternoon close by _Redonda_, a small Rock about a mile long, inhabited only by Noddies and Boobies. When we were some leagues from _Redonda_, we saw at the same time _Antego_, _Montserat_, _Redonda_, _Nevis_, _St. Christophers_, and _Statia_. We sailed close by _Nevis_, it bearing North of us; it is a small well Peopled Island, its Product is Sugar. They twisted the Flag at the Harbour, and we shew'd them the Company's Colours. _St. Christophers_ is a large Island, ill Peopled, belongs half to the _English_, half to the _French_. Night parted us from these Islands, and next day, which was the 30th, we came in sight of _Santa Cruz_, belonging to the _Spaniards_. When we were within four leagues they held a Council. The _Unicorn_ and _Snow_ were sent to St. _Thomas_, a small Island belonging to the _Danes_; it is a free Port, and they say is well fortified. We went on to the Southward of the Island, and next Day, being _October 1._ we were about 12 a clock past the S. W. corner. It is very level towards the South. That Night we got a sight of _Crab Island_, and next Day

_October 2._ we came into it, and sent some of our People ashore, and took possession of it in the Companies name. _October_ the 4th we stood to the Leeward, hearing there was a Harbour there; when we came we saw the _Danes_ Colours flying on the Shore, for the Governour of St. _Thomas_ had sent 14 Men and a Captain to take possession of it in the King of _Denmark_'s name. Our Councellors sent to know his Business there, and he told them this, but we found that we had taken possession of the Place before they came from St. _Thomas_. They gave in their Protest, yet seem'd to be glad enough of our Neighbourhood. We had notwithstanding our Flag upon the Shore all the while we stay'd, with 100 Men, and Captain _Melean_ Governour; they stayed till we were gone, but would certainly March next Day, otherwise the _Spaniards_ of _Porto Rico_ would not miss to take them off.

The 6th, Captain _Pinkerton_ and the _Snow_ came in from St. _Thomas_, with old Captain _Alison_ along with them for a Pilot. On the 8th we left this place, and on the 17th made _Nostra Signiora della Popa_, we lay aside there along the Coast, until the 3d Day of _November_, generally losing by Night what we had gain'd all Day.

_Crab Island_ is about 6 Leagues long, and in some places 5 broad, the Soil is very good. It's all full of Trees; all the South side is full of Bays, very fit for anchoring in, but the best of all is to the Leeward, where the _Dane_ hoised his Colours. It would have been worth our while to possess it, had we not been a coming to a better Country. It has this Inconvenience, that nothing but strength of Men, or Peace with every Body, can render it secure. It is called _Crab Island_, from the multitude of Land-Crabs there.

_November 3._ We anchored before _Golden Island_, and sent in our Pinnace to the Bay. The Natives had hoised a White Flag in sign of Peace, and told us a great many Stories of Captain _Swan_, Captain _Davies_, and others, for they took us for _English_, by reason of our red Fly; but we took no notice of the Men they nam'd. At last they ask'd us our Business? we told them we designed to settle among them, and to be their Friends. They told us we were very welcome, and that by prediction they had expected us these two Years; for they say that two Years ago it was foretold them that a People should come and live among them, that would treat them civilly, and teach them good manners. We conversed some time with them, and after viewing the Harbour came aboard.

The 4th we came into the great Harbour of _Caledonia_: It is a most excellent one, for it is about a League in length from N. W. to S. E. It is about half a Mile broad at the Mouth, and in some places a Mile and more farther in. It is large enough to contain 500 sail of Ships. The greatest part of it is Land-lock'd, so that it is safe, and cannot be toucht by any Wind that can blow the Harbour, and the Sea makes the Land that lies betwixt them a Peninsula. There is a Point of the Peninsula at the Mouth of the Harbour, that may be fortified against a Navy. This Point secures the Harbour, so that no Ship can enter but must be within reach of their Guns. It likewise defends half of the Peninsula, for no Guns from the other side of the Harbour can touch it, and no Ship carrying Guns dare enter for the Breast-work at the Point. The other side of the Peninsula is either a Precipice, or defended against Ships by Shoals and Breaches, so that there remains only the narrow Neck that is not naturally fortify'd; and if 30 Leagues of a Wilderness will not do that, it may be artificially fortified 20 ways. In short, it may be made impregnable, and there is Bounds enough within it, if it were all cultivated, to afford 10000 Hogsheads of Sugar every Year. The Soil is rich, the Air good and temperate, the Water is sweet, and every thing contributes to make it healthful and convenient. The Product of this Place, I mean in the Harbour and Creeks hereabouts, is Turtle, Manatee, and a vast variety of very good small Fish, from the bigness of a Salmon to that of a Perch. The Land affords Monkeys of different sorts, Wild-Deer, _Indian_ Rabbit, Wild Hog, Parrots of many kinds, Parakites, Macaws, Pelicans, and a hundred more Birds we have got no name to. There are moreover Land-Crabs, Souldiers, Land-Turtle, Lizards, Guanha's, Cock-Lizards, and Scorpions: I had almost forgot Partridges, Pheasants, and a kind of Turkey. All the Birds in this Country are beautiful, but none of them that I could observe have any Notes. We have a Monkey aboard that chirms like a Lark, it will never be bigger than a Rat. This Place affords legions of monstrous Plants, enough to confound all the Methods of Botany ever hitherto thought upon. However, I found a shift to make some Specimens, and that is all I can do. I say some Specimens, because if I should gather all, 'twould be enough to load the St. _Andrew_, for some of their Leaves exceed three Ells in length, and are very broad; besides these Monsters, reducible to no Tribe, there are here a great many of the _European_ kindred, (but still something odd about them) as _Lingua Cervina_ of different kinds, _Filix_ of different kinds, _Polypodium_, several of the _Plantæ Papilonaceæ_, _Musci_, _Fungi_, _Convolvuli_, and a great many more I cannot now remember. Now come we to their People. The Men are generally very Civil and Sagacious, have all of them good Faces, are of low stature, but very well built; they are of a Copper Colour, and have black Hair; they us'd to go naked, but are now as well Cloath'd as our selves; they wear a Plate of Gold in their Nose, and a great many rows of Beads about their Neck and Wrists. They cover their Yard with a piece of Bark, or sometimes Silver, of the very shape and bigness of that Paper-case we use to put a dose of Pills in; they seem to be very ill furnish'd, for I never saw any of them have it half an Inch long, yet no doubt it's longer, but I fancy they sheath it up, as Dogs and Horses do. The Women are generally the most pitiful like things that ever Man saw; their Habit differs from the Men, for they ordinarily wear a Ring in their Nose; they have Petticoats and a Veil over their Face. They are under no formal Government, but every Captain commands his own River, Bay or Island, where he lives; the greatest of them all is one Captain _Ambrosio_, he commands particularly the Country about the _Samballoes_ Point, but when he pleases he can Levy all the Men betwixt that and the Gulf about 20 Leagues. There is another Captain _Pedro_, that lives in the House with _Ambrosio_, and is his Nephew and Son in Law; there is a 3d Captain _Andreas_ that commands the River _Das armas_; a 4th Captain _Brandy_, that commands about the _Golden Island_; a 5th Captain _Andreas_, that commands the Country adjoining to our Settlement; and a 6th Captain _Pedro_ his Consort; a 7th Captain _Pacigo_, who commands at _Carret Bay_, and Captain _Diego_ that commands the Gulph. _Ambrosio_ seems to be the greatest, and _Diego_ next, both old Men; they are all very much our Friends, and fond of us. All have been frequently here except Captain _Diego_ who is Goutish. Some of these Captains wear the _Scots_ Flag in their Canoa's. There is no such thing as a King or Emperor of _Darien_, nor, so far as we can gather from all the chief Men hereabout, has been these 40 or 50 Years: The old Men remember such a Man, they say he was a Tyrant, would take as many Wives as he pleased, and allow them but one, and therefore they cut him off. This derogates much from the reputation of the _History of the Buccaneers_. If there were such a Man, he has been an _Indian_ made Emperor by themselves, I mean by the _Buccaneers_. This Country certainly affords Gold enough, for besides that the Natives constantly assure us, that they know several Gold Mines on this side; besides that, I say, the Plates they wear in their Noses, and the quantity of Gold that is among them, is enough to perswade any Man of the truth of it. There was one Night aboard here some _Indians_ that had a hundred Ounces of Gold about them. We are certainly much bound to Providence in this affair; for as we were searching for the place we were directed to, we found this, and though the Privateers had been so often at _Golden Island_, and though _English_, _Dutch_ and _French_ had been all over this Coast, from _Portobelo_ to _Cartegena_, yet never one of them made the discovery; even the _Spaniards_ themselves never knew of this place. Besides, for as great a secret as we thought the Project, it was known all the _West Indies_ over, and yet it was not in their power to crush it. At _Madera_ they seem'd to know it, at St. _Thomas_ I'm sure they knew it; at _Portobelo_ their Intelligence was so good, that they knew the names of all our Councellors and Captains of Ships before we landed, and had that particular observation, that there were four _Roberts_ among them. Our circumstances are in some Respects very good, for we have advice by the way of _Portobelo_, that there is a great Rebellion in _Mexico_, and Captain _Diego_ and all the _Indians_ about him are at present at War with the _Spaniards_. Captain _Ambrosio_ is going to his assistance, and that will divert them on that side; but which is better than all, that we are now in a posture of defence against all the _Spanish_ force in _America_. I have seen already _Dutch_, _French_, and _English_ all at the same time in our Harbour, and all of them wonder what the rest of the World have been thinking on, when we came hither to the best Harbour of _America_, in the best place of it. Captain _Long_ came in eight days after, and I believe we were a great Eye-sore to him, tho' he said nothing. He commanded the _Rupert Prize_, a small _English_ Man of War, fitted out by the King, upon what design we know not, but he pretends it was to search for a Silver Wreck; he was on this coast a Month before sounding it; and conversing with the Natives, he put ashore Men in some places, to take possession for the King of _Great Britain_, but none of them within 15 Leagues of us. Hearing by the Natives that we were here, he came in with his Long-Boat, as he said to see us, but I believe it was only to know the certainty of what he feared was too true. He had told all the _Indian_ Captains that he came only to try their inclinations, and that there was a great Fleet coming with a great many People to settle among them, and defend them against their enemies, he meant _English_ that were to come by his direction; but our Fleet coming within a Month after, they all lookt upon us to be the People he spoke of; so that whatever Presents he made them before that time, was as much for our Advantage as if our selves had given them. He pretends to be a Conjurer, and to foretel things; but that was the truest Prophecy ever he spoke, though he knew not whom he spoke of.

_A DISCOURSE tending to prove at what _Time_ and _Place_, _Julius
Cesar_ made his first Descent upon _Britain_: Read before the
_Royal Society_ by _E. Halley_._

Though _Chronological_ and _Historical_ Matters, may not seem so properly the Subject of these Tracts, yet there having, in one of the late Meetings of the _Royal Society_, been some Discourse about the Place where _Julius Cesar_ Landed in _Britain_, and it having been required of me to shew the Reason why I concluded it to have been in the _Downs_; in doing thereof, I have had the good Fortune so far to please those worthy Patrons of Learning I have the Honour to serve, that they thought fit to command it to be inserted in the _Philosophical Transactions_, as an instance of the great Use of _Astronomical Computation_ for fixing and ascertaining the Times of memorable Actions, when omitted or not duly delivered by the Historian.

1. The Authors that mention this Expedition with any Circumstances, are _Cæsar_ in his _Commentaries_ _lib._ 4, and _Dion Cassius_ in _lib._ 39; _Livy_'s account being lost, in whose 105_th._ Book might possibly have been found the Story more at large. It is certain that this Expedition of _Cæsars_, was in the Year of the _Consulate_ of _Pompey_ and _Crassus_, which was in the Year of _Rome_ 699. or the 55_th_ before the usual Æra of Christ: And as to the time of the Year, _Cæsar_ says that _Exigua parte æstatis reliqua_, he came over only with two Legions, _viz._ the 7_th_ and 10_th_ and all Foot, in about 80 Sail of Merchant Ships, 18 Sail that were ordered to carry the Horse not being able to get out at the same time from another Port, where they lay Wind-bound. He says that he arrived about the 4th hour of the Day, _viz._ between Nine and Ten in the Morning, on the Coast of _Britain_, where he found the Enemy drawn up on the _Cliffs_ ready to repel him, which place he thus describes. _Loci hæc erat natura, adeo montibus augustis mare continebatur ut ex locis superioribus in littus telum adjicit possit_, by which the _Cliffs_ of _Dover_ and the _South Foreland_ are justly described, and could be no other Land, being he says in the 5_th_ Book of his Commentaries, _in Britanniam trajectum esse cognoverit circitur millium passum triginta à continenti_, the _Cliffs_ of the _North-Foreland_ being at a much greater distance. Here he says he came to an Anchor, and staid till the 9_th_ hour, or till about between Three and Four in the Afternoon, expecting till his whole Fleet was come up; and in the mean time called a Council of War, and advertised his Officers, after what manner they were to make their Descent, particularly in relation to the Stuff of the Sea, whose motion he calls _celerem atq. instabilem_, quick and uneven. Then, _viz._ about Three in the Afternoon he weighed Anchor, and having gotten the _Wind_ and _Tide_ with him, he Sail'd about Eight Miles from the first place, and Anchor'd against an open and plain Shore.

2. Here he made his Descent, and having told us the opposition that was made, and the means he used to get on Shore, he comes to say, that after he had been _Four Days_ in _Britain_, the 18 Ships with his Horse put to Sea, and were come in sight of his Camp, when a suddain Tempest arose, with contrary Wind, so that some of the Ships put back again, others were driven to the Westwards, not without great danger, and coming to Anchor, they found they could not ride it out: so when Night came on, they put off to Sea and returned from whence they came. _That same Night_ it was _Full-Moon_, which makes the greatest Tides in the Ocean, and they being ignorant thereof, their Gallies, which were drawn on Shore, were filled by the Tide, _&c._

3. Then he says that the Day of the Autumnal Equinox being at hand, after some Days stay, wherein there passed no Action because he kept close in his Camp by the shore; and not thinking it proper to stay till the Winter came on, he returned into _Gallia_: The next Year he made a further Expedition with 5 Legions and a good Body of Horse, but there is but little in the History thereof serving to our purpose, excepting that he says he set Sail from the _Portus Icius_ about Sun Set, with a gentle S. W. Wind, _leni Africo profectus_; that about Midnight it fell Calm, and being carried away with the Tide, by the time it was Day, he found he had left _Britain_ on the left hand; but then the Tide turning they fell to their Oars, and by Noon reached that part of the Island where he Landed before, and came on Shore without opposition: and then March'd up into the Country, leaving his Ships at Anchor _in littora molli & aperto_.

4. This is all in _Cæsar_ that is any thing pertinent, and I find no where else any thing to guide us farther, except one passage in _Dion Cassius_, who speaking of the first Landing of _Cæsar_, says οὐ μέντοι καὶ ᾗ ἔδει προσέσχεν, that is, as I Translate it. But he Landed not where he intended, for that the _Britains_ hearing of his coming, had possest all usual Places of Landing Ἄκραν οὖν τινὰ προέχουσαν περιπλεύσας ἑτέρωσε παρεκομίσθη. Κἀνταῦθα τοὺς προσμίξαντάς οἱ ἐς τὰ τενάγη ἀποβαίνοντι νικήσας, ἔφθη τῆς γῆς κρατήσας, in my English. Wherefore doubling a certain head Land, he made to the Shore on the other side, where he overcame those that Skirmished with him at the Waters edg, and so got well on Land. Here I make bold to translate the Words ἐς τὰ τενάγη, _at the water edge_, which in _H. Stephens_ Edition is interpreted _in paludibus_, but I have the Authority of _Suidas_, who says τέναγος, πελαγία ἰλὺς, or the Sea Mud, and is therefore properly the Ouse on the Sea Shore, and by an easie Figure may be put for the Shore it self, where such Ouse commonly is found.

5. From these _data_, That it was in the Year of the _Consulate_ of _Pompey_, and _Crassus_; That it was _Exigua parte æstatis reliqua_, and Four Days before a Full-Moon, which fell out in the Night time. The time of this Invasion will be determined to a Day: For by the Eclipse of the Moon, whereof _Drusus_ made so good use to quiet a Mutiny in the _Pannonian_ Army, upon the News of the Death of _Augustus_, it follows that _Augustus_ Died _Anno Christi_ 14. which was reckoned _Anno Vrbis conditæ_ 767. and that this Action was 68 Years before, _viz._ in the 55_th_ Year before Christ Current. In which Year the Full Moon fell out _August 30._ after Midnight, or 31 in the Morning before Day; and the preceeding Full-Moon, was _August 1._ soon after Noon; so that this could not be the Full-Moon mentioned, as falling in the Day time: nor that in the beginning of _July_, it being not 10 Days after the Summer solstice, when it would not have been said _exigua parte æstatis reliqua_. It follows therefore that the Full-Moon spoken of, was on _August 30._ at Night, and that the Landing on _Britain_ was _August 26._ in the Afternoon, about a Month before the Autumnal equinox; which agrees to all the Circumstances of the Story in point of Time.

6. As to the Place, the high Land and Cliffs described, could be no other than those of _Dover_, and are allowed to have been so by all, it remains only to examine whether the Descent was made to the Northward or Southward of the place where he first Anchored. The _data_ to determine this are first that it was Four Days before the Full-Moon. 2. That that Day by Three of the Clock in the Afternoon the Tide ran the same way he Sail'd. 3_dly._ That a S. by E. Moon makes High-Water on all that Coast, the Flood coming from the Southward: hence it will follow, that that Day it was High-Water there about Eight in the Morning, and consequently Low-Water about Two, wherefore by Three the Tide of Flood was well made up, and it is plain that _Cæsar_ went with it, and the Flood setting to the Northward shews that the open plain Shore where he Landed was to the Northward of the Cliffs, and must be in the _Downs_; and this I take to be little less than Demonstration. A second Argument is drawn from the Wind wherewith he set out on his second Expedition, _viz._ S. W. as appears by the Words _leni Africo profectus_, with which the Navigation of those times would hardly permit a Ship to Sail nearer the Wind than Eight Points, or a N. W. Course; which would serve indeed to go into the _Downs_, but would by no means fetch the Low-land towards _Dengyness_, which is much about West from _Calais_, and not more than W. N. W. from _Boulogne_, if it shall be said that that was the _Portus Icius_ from which _Cæsar_ set out. Whence I take it to be evident that if _Cæsar_ was not bound more Northerly than the _South-Foreland_, he could not have thought the _Africus_ or S. W. Wind proper for his passage, which was then intended for the place where he first Landed the year before.

7. Justly to determine which the _Portus Icius_ was I find no where sufficient grounds; only _Ptolemy_ calls the Promontory of _Calais-Cliffs_ by the name of Ἴκιον ἄκρον, whence there is reason to conjecture, that the _Portus Icius_ was very near thereto, and that it was either _Ambletuse_ on one side, or _Calais_ on the other. The same _Ptolemy_ places Γισοῤῥίακον ἐπίνειον in the same Latitude with the ἴκιον ἄκρον, but something more to the East, which seems to refute those that have supposed the Ancient Port of _Gessoriacum_ to have been _Boulogne_, whereas by _Ptolemy_'s position, it must be either _Dunkirk_ or _Graveling_, but the former most likely, both by the distance from the Ἴκιον ἄκρον, being about 20 Miles or half a degree of Longitude to the East, or ⅔ of the whole Coast of _Flanders_, which he makes but a degree and quarter from the _Acron Icion_ to the mouth of the _Scheld_ which he calls _Ostia Tabudæ_: As also for that _Pliny_ l. 4. c. 16. speaking of _Gessoriacum_, says the _Proximus Trajectus_ into _Britain_ from thence is 50 Miles, which is too much unless _Gessoriacum_ were something more Easterly than _Calais_. _Dion Cassius_ makes the distance between _France_ and _Britain_ 450 _stadia_ or 56 Miles, and says likewise 'tis the nearest, τὸ Συντομώτατον. But this is in part amended by the explication given in the _Itinerary_ of _Antoninus_, where the space between _Gessacorum_ and _Rutupium_ is said to be 450 _stadia_ (for this was the ordinary passage of the _Romans_ into _Britain_,) _Rutupium_ being more Northerly and _Gessoriacum_ more Easterly than the _termini_ of _Cæsars_ Voyage, and consequently the distance greater than 30 Miles which _Cæsar_ had observ'd; and now lately an accurate Survey has proved the distance between Land and Land to be 26 _English Miles_ or 28½ _Roman Miles_, which shews how near _Cæsars_ estimate was to the Truth.

A farther Argument (but not of equal force with the former because of the modernness of the Author, who writ above 250 Years after) may be drawn from the words of _Dion Cassius_, where he says ἄκραν τινὰ προέχουσαν περιπλεύσας ἑτέρωσε παρεκομίσθη, that after his first Anchoring he Sail'd about a Promontory to the place where he Landed: Now there are no other Promontories on all that Coast but the _South-Foreland_ and _Dengyness_; the latter of which it could not be, because _Cæsar_ says he Sail'd but 8 Miles, and the _Ness_ it self is about 10 Miles from the South and nearest end of the _Chalk-Cliffs_ by the Town of _Hith_; and to have gone round that Point to the other side, the distance must have been much greater. So that the Promontory spoken of by _Dion_, must needs be the _South-Foreland_, and _Cæsar_ must Anchor near over against _Dover_, from whence Sailing 8 Miles, he would double a Head-land and come to the _Downs_; which is such a Coast as he describes in one place by _apertum ac planum littus_, and in his 5_th_ Book by _molle ac apertum littus_. As to _Dions_ word εἰς τὰ τενάγη, what I have already said about it seems sufficient to prove that he means no more than the Waters edg; and the _Etymologists_ derive it from τέγγω _madefacio_, because the wash and breach of the Sea does always keep it wet. And this word τὰ τενάγη is used by _Polybius_ for the Sea Ouse; and in another place he speaks of the difficulty of Landing at the mouth of a River, Διὰ τὴν τεναγώδη πάροδον, _ob limosum accessum_, so that it is not to be doubted that it ought to be rendred in this place, _ad vadum maris_ rather than _in paludibus_. And so this objection against the assertion that _Cæsar_ Landed in the _Downs_, which is known to be a firm Champain Country without Fenns and Morasses, will be removed; and the whole Argument will 'tis hoped be admitted by the Curious.

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TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES

In the texts of Greek inscriptions, original letter forms have been
normalised as follows:

Lunate epsilon ϵ (the usual form in the inscriptions), curly
epsilon Ɛ (in the plate facing p. 235), and two reversed lunate
epsilons ϶ (both probable misprints) have been replaced by
ordinary epsilon Ε.

Lunate sigma Ϲ (the usual form in the inscriptions) and
rectangular sigma ⊏ (in the inscription on pp. 118 and 149) have
been replaced by Σ.

ω-shaped omega (the usual form in the inscriptions) has been
replaced by Ω.

Inverted mu ꟽ (throughout the inscription on p. 130) has been
replaced by upright mu Μ.

ου-ligature ȣ (in the inscription on pp. 118 and 149) has been
replaced by ΟΥ.

In the illustration facing p. 232 the columns illustrating Chinese
characters in the caption are ordered from top to bottom then from
right to left across the columns.

Silently corrected simple spelling, grammar, and typographical
errors.

Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.

Enclosed italics markup in _underscores_.

Enclosed bold markup in =equals=.

Enclosed Greek underline markup in _underscores_.

End of Project Gutenberg's Miscellanea Curiosa. Volume 3, by Various