Chapter LXIII: Act 131: , Par. 8, K. Ja. 6, and the subjects’ liberties, who ought (60)

The assembly ere I came away had voted more than the half. A short time will end the rest; for they study brevity, and have voted to have no other head of divinity into it than is set down in the Confession. This ended, we have no more ado in the assembly, neither know we any more work the assembly has in hand, but an answer to the nine queries of the House of Commons about the _jus divinum_ of divers parts of the government. The ministers of London’s late _jus divinum_ of Presbytery does this abundantly. Also a committee of the assembly has a full answer to all these queries ready. The authors repent much of that motion. Their aim was, to have confounded and divided the assembly by their insnaring questions; but finding the assembly’s unanimity in them, the Independents principles forcing them to join with the rest, in asserting the divine right of these points of government, whereupon the parliament does most stick, the movers of these questions wishes they had been silent. There is no more work before the assembly. The translation of the psalms is passed long ago in the assembly; yet it sticks in the Houses. The Commons passed their order long ago; but the Lords joined not, being solicited by divers of the assembly, and of the ministers of London, who love better the more poetical paraphrase of their colleague Mr Burton. The too great accuracy of some in the assembly, sticking too hard to the original text, made the last edition more concise and obscure than the former. With this the commission of our church was not so well pleased; but we have got all those obscurities helped; so I think it shall pass. Our good friend Mr Zachary Boyd has put himself to a great deal of pains and charges to make a psalter, but I ever warned him his hopes were groundless to get it received in our churches; yet the flatteries of his unadvised neighbours makes him insist in his fruitless design.

When I took my leave of the assembly, I spoke a little to them. The prolocutor, in name of the assembly, gave me an honourable testimony, and many thanks for my labours. I had been ever silent in all their debates; and however this silence sometimes weighted my mind, yet I found it the best and wisest course. No man there is desired to speak. Four parts of five do not speak at all; and among these are many most able men, and known by their writs and sermons to be much abler than sundry of the speakers; and of these few that use to speak, sundry are so tedious, and thrusts themselves in with such misregard of others, that it were better for them to be silent. Also there are some eight or nine so able, and ready at all times, that hardly a man can say any thing, but what others, without his labour, are sure to say as well or better. Finding, therefore, that silence was a matter of no reproach, and of great ease, and brought no hurt to the work, I was content to use it, as Mr Henderson also did.

* * * * *

It is very like, if he had done any duty, though he had never taken the covenant, but permitted it to have been put in an act of parliament in both kingdoms, and given so satisfactory an answer to the rest of the propositions, as easily he might, and sometimes I know he was willing, certainly Scotland had been for him as one man; and the body of England, upon many grounds, was upon a disposition to have so cordially embraced him, that no man, for his life, durst have muttered against his present restitution. But remaining what he was in all his maxims, a full Canterburian, both in matters of religion and state, he still inclined to a new war; and for that end resolved to go to Scotland. Some great men there pressed the equity of Scotland’s protecting of him on any terms. This untimeous excess of friendship has ruined that unhappy prince; for the better party, finding the conclusion of the King’s coming to Scotland, and thereby their own present ruin, and ruin of the whole cause, the making the malignants masters of church and state, the drawing the whole force of England upon Scotland for their perjurious violation of their covenant, they resolved by all means to cross that design.

So when others proposed to the parliament the assistance of the King to recover his government in England, notwithstanding any answer he might give to the propositions, the better sort, before they should give answer to so high a question, desired a publick fast in the parliament, and the advice also of the commission of the church. Both with some difficulty were obtained. But after that fast, and the distinct answer of the church, that it was unlawful for Scotland to assist the King for his recovery of the government in England, if he approved not the covenant, the parliament was peremptor to refuse the King free access to Scotland, unless he satisfied the propositions. This much they signified to him by their commissioners, which we met at Newcastle. It was easy to be grieved, and to find what to reprehend in this resolution; for indeed it was clothed with many dangers and grievances; but to fall at that nick of time on any conclusion, free of more dangers and grievances, seemed impossible.

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_July 13, 1647._—These matters of England are so extremely desperate, that now twice they have made me sick. Except God arise, all is gone there. The imprudence and cowardice of the better part of the city and parliament, which was triple or sextuple the greater, has permitted a company of silly rascals, who call themselves yet no more than 14,000, horse and foot, to make themselves masters of the King, parliament, and city, and by them of all England: so that now that disgraced parliament is but a committee to act all at their pleasure, and the city is ready to fright the parliament at every first or second boast from the army. No human hope remains but in the King’s unparallelled wilfulness, and the army’s unmeasurable pride. As yet they are not agreed, and some write they are not like to agree: for in our particular I expect certainly they will agree well enough, at what distance soever their affections and principles stand. Always if the finger of God in their spirits should so far dement them as to disagree, I would think there were yet some life in the play; for I know the body of England are overweary long ago of the parliament, and ever hated the sectaries, but much more now for this their unexpected treachery and oppression. On the other part, the King is much pitied and desired; so if they give him not contentment, he will overthrow them. If he and they agree, our hands are bound: we will be able, in our present posture, and humour of our highly distracted people, to do nothing. And whom shall we go to help, when none calls? but the King, parliament, and city, as their masters command, are ready to declare against us if we should offer to arm. But if the King would call, I doubt not of rising of the best army ever we had, for the crushing of these serpents, enemies to God and man.

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_To a friend in Kilwinning. Edinburgh, August 20, Friday night._

The city’s declaration and diurnal declare in what a brave posture both the city and parliament once were in. The other papers shew how soon all was overturned. The army marched through the whole city by way of triumph; but staid not in it, did no violence to any; only three or four regiments keep the forts about Westminster, and guard the parliament still. For all that, the House of Commons vote sundry things contrary to the mind of the army. How long that courage will remain, I cannot say. It is thought that people, when they have felt a little the burden of the army, will break that yoke by one mean or other. The army’s mind, much of it, may be seen in their propositions, a paper which I purposed to send, but now it is fallen by. By it they are clear enough for a full liberty of conscience, a destroying of our covenant, a setting up of bishops, of inthralling the King, so far, as in my judgement, he and they will not agree, albeit many think they are agreed already. If this were, our case were very hard. Never more appearance of a great discord, both in our church and state, some few days ago; but, blessed be God, the appearances are now much changed. Never assembly more harmonious than this yet has been. Our declaration to England, a very good piece, is passed without a contrary voice. An act against vaigers [strollers] from their own ministers, and a large direction for private worship, drawn by Mr Robert Blair for the correcting all the faults in worship, which offended many here, is past the committee, without a contrary voice; and, I think, shall pass the assembly also, no less unanimously; which demonstrates the truth of what I said in my assembly-speech, “That for all the noise some made, yet truly there was no division as yet in our church.”

Yesterday, and this night, our state, after much irreconcileable difference, as appeared, are at last unanimously agreed to send the Chancellor and Lanerk to the King and parliament of England, to comfort and encourage both to keep our covenant, and not to agree to the propositions of the army. No appearance, as yet, of any stirring in haste in this kingdom.

_To Mr Spang. Edinburgh, September 1, 1647._

—— London has lien like a millstone on my breast now of a long time. The first week we came to this town, my heart was a little relieved. I thought God had answered our prayers much sooner than I expected, and had put London in so good a posture for averting all our fears as I could have wished; but that joy lasted not full eight days. Stapleton and Hollis, and some others of the eleven members, had been the main persuaders of us to remove out of England, and leave the King to them, upon assurance, which was most likely, that this was the only means to get that evil army disbanded, the King and peace settled according to our minds: but their bent execution of this real intention has undone them, and all, till God provide a remedy. We were glad when Leslie was recalled from his Lieutenancy of Ireland, a creature of Cromwell’s, who got that great trust for no virtue at all but his serviceableness to that faction. This was the first sensible grievance to that army. The second was the employing of Skippon and Massie, in the Irish command, and giving to Fairfax such a command in England as made him not very formidable. But when the third stroke came, of disbanding the most of the sectaries, and cashiering of their officers, this put them on that high and bold design, which as yet they follow, as, I think, not so much on great preconception, as drawn on by the course of affairs, and light heads of their leaders. Vane and Cromwell, as I take it, are of nimble hot fancies for to put all in confusion, but not of any deep reach. St John and Pierpont are more stayed, but not great heads. Sey and his son, not _____, albeit wiser, yet of so dull, sour, and fearful a temperament, that no great atchievement, in reason, could be expected from them. The rest, either in the army or parliament, of their party, are not on their mysteries, and of no great parts either for counsel or action, so far as I could ever observe. The folly of our friends was apparent, when at the army’s first back-march, and refusal to disband, they recalled their declaration against their mutinous petitions. Easily might all their designs have been crushed at that nick of time, with one stout look more; but it was a dementation to sit still amazed at the taking of the King, the accusation of the eleven members, the army’s approaching to the city. Here, had the city agreed, and our friends in parliament shewed any resolution, their opposites counsel might even then have been easily overturned; for all this while, the army was not much above 10,000 ill-armed soldiers. But the irrecoverable loss of all, was the ill-managing of the city’s brave engagement. Had they then made fast the chief of the sectarian party in both Houses, and stopt their flight to the army; had Massey and Waller, with any kind of masculine activity, made use of that new trust committed to them; Mr Marshal, and his seventeen servants of the synod, for all Foulks and Gib’s subornation, should never have been bold to offer that destructive petition to the Houses and common council, which, without any capitulation, put presently in the army’s power, the parliament, city, and all England, without the least contradiction. An example rarely parallelled, if not of treachery, yet at least of childish improvidence and base cowardice. Since that time they have been absolute masters of all. Which way they will use this unexpected sovereignty, it will quickly appear. As yet they are settling themselves in their new saddle. Before they got up, they gave the King and his party fair words; but now, when all is their own, they may put him in a harder condition than yet he has tasted of. Their proposals, a part of their mind, give to the King much of his desire in bringing back bishops and books, in putting down our covenant and presbytery, in giving ease to malignants and Papists; but spoil him of his temporal power so much, as many think, he will never acquiesce to; albeit it is spoken loud, that he and they are fully agreed.

Our state here, after long expectation to have heard something of the King’s own mind and desires, as yet have heard nothing from him to account of. Although he should employ their help against his oppressors, yet he being still altogether unwilling to give us any satisfaction in the matter of our covenant, we are uncertain what course to take; only we do resent to our commissioners to oppose the proposals, and to require a safe-conduct to the Chancellor and Lanerk to come up to the King and parliament. It cost many debates before it came to this conclusion. Our great men are not like to pack up their differences. Duke Hamilton and his friends would have been thought men composed of peace on any terms, and to have cast on other designs of embroiling Scotland in a new war. But when all were weary of jangling debates, the conclusion whereto the committee was brought, was so far to espouse the King’s quarrel on any terms, that Argyle and Wariston behoved to protest against our engagement on any such terms. To avoid invidious protestations, both parties agreed to pass an act of not engagement. The proceedings of some are not only double and triple, but so manifold, that as no other, so, in my mind, themselves know not what they finally intend. They who made themselves gracious and strong, by making the world believe that it was their opposites who had brought the country in all the former trouble, and would yet again bring it into a new dangerous war, when it came to the point, were found to precipitate us into dangers, and that in such terms as few with comfort could have undertaken. We have it from divers good hands at London, that some here kept correspondence with Sir Thomas Fairfax, which to me is an intolerable abomination. The present sense of many is this: if the King and the army agree, we must be quiet and look to God: if they agree not, and the King be willing to ratify our covenant, we are all as one man to restore him to all his rights, or die by the way: if he continue resolute to reject our covenant, and only to give us some parts of the matter of it, many here will be for him, even in these terms; but divers of the best and wisest are irresolute, and wait till God give more light.

David Leslie, with a great deal of fidelity, activity, and success, has quieted all our highlands and isles, and brought back our little army; which, we think, shall be quartered here and there, without disbanding, till we see more of the English affairs. The pestilence, for the time, vexes us. In great mercy Edinburgh and Leith, and all about, which lately were afflicted with more of this evil than ever was heard of in Scotland, are free. Some few infections now and then, but they spread not. Aberdeen, Brechin, and other parts of the north, are miserably wasted. St Andrew’s and Glasgow, without great mortality, are so threatened, that the schools and colleges now in all Scotland, except Edinburgh, are scattered.

While I had written thus far, by the packet this day from London I learn, that the army daily goes higher and higher, which to me is a hopeful presage of their quicker ruin. The chief six of the eleven members were coming to you, Stapleton, Esler, Hollis; the second gentleman, for all gallantry in all England, died at Calais. I think it will be hard to the parliament and city to bear these men long; and I hope, if all men were dead, God will arise against them. Munster is not like to be a school to them long. Cromwell and Vane are like to run on to the end of Becold and Knipperdolling’s race. Northumberland has feasted the King at Swahouse; hence he went to Hampton-court. They speak of his coming to Whitehall. If he agree no better with the sectaries than yet he does, that journey may prove fatal. He is not likely to come out of London willingly; and if the army should draw him, that violence may waken sleeping hounds. If they let him come to London, without assurance of his accord with them, they are more bold and venturous than wise; and if the King agree to their state-designs, I think he is not so consonant to all his former principles and practice as I took him.

I know you expect some account of our assembly. Take it, if you have patience to read what I have scribbled in haste, on a very ill sheet of paper. I have no leisure to double; for our commissioners enter every day at seven, and we are about publick business daily till late at night. At our first meeting, there was clear appearance of formed parties for division; but God has turned it so about, that never assembly was more harmonious and peaceable to the very end. The last year, a minister in the Merse, one Mr James Simson, whose grandsire was, as I take it, an uncle or brother to famous Mr Patrick of Stirling, a forward, pious, young man, being in suit of a religious damsel, sister to Mr James Guthrie’s wife, had kept with Mr James Guthrie, and others, some private meetings and exercises, which gave great offence to many. When they came before the last general assembly and commission of the kirk, Mr David Calderwood and sundry other very honest men, opposite to malignants, were much grieved, and by that grief moved to join with Mr William Colvil, Mr Andrew Fairfoul, and such whom some took to be more favourable to malignants than need were. These two joined together, made a great party, especially when our statesmen made use of them to bear down those who had swayed our former assemblies. The contest was at the chusing of the moderator. The forementioned party were earnest for Mr William Colvil. Many were for me; but I was utterly unwilling for any such unfit charge, and resolved to absent myself from the first meeting, if by no other means I could be shifted the leet. At last, with very much ado, I got myself off, and Mr Robert Douglas on the leets; who carried it from Mr William Colvil only by four voices. God’s blessing on this man’s great wisdom and moderation has carried all our affairs right to the end; but Mr David Calderwood having missed his purpose, has pressed so a new way of leeting the moderator for time to come, that puts in the hand of base men to get one whom they please, to our great danger. We spent a number of days on silly particulars. Mr Gillespie came home at our first downsitting. He and I made our report to the great satisfaction of all. You have here what I spoke. Mr Calderwood was much offended with what I had spoken in the end; but my apology in private satisfied him. He, and others of his acquaintance, came with resolution to make great din about privy meetings and novations, being persuaded, and willing to persuade others, that our church was already much pestered with schism. My mind was clean contrary: and now, when we have tried all to the bottom, they are found to be much more mistaken than I; for they have obtained, with the hearty consent of these men whom they counted greatest patrons of schism, all the acts they pleased against that evil, wherein the wisdom and authority of Mr Blair has been exceeding serviceable. This yielding on our side, to their desires, drew from them a quiet consent to these things we intended, from which at first they seemed much averse. We agreed, _nemine contradicente_, to that declaration, which was committed to Mr Gillespie and me, but was drawn by him alone; also, after much debate in the committee, to the Confession of Faith; and to the printing of the Directory for government, for the examination of the next general assembly; of the Catechism also, when the little that remains shall come down; likewise for printing to that same end two or three sheets of Thesis against Erastianism, committed to Mr Gillespie and me, but done by him at London at Voetius’s motion; which we mind, when approven here, to send to him; who is hopeful to get the consent of your universities and of the general assembly of France to them, which may serve for good purpose. We have put the new Psalter also in a good way.—— We have this day very happily ended our assembly with good concord; albeit Mr David Calderwood, serving his own very unruly humour, did oft very much provoke. He has been so intolerable through our forbearance, that it is like he shall never have so much respect among us. His importunity forced us, not only to a new ridiculous way of chusing the moderator, but on a conceit he has, that a minister deposed should not again be reposed almost in no case, he has troubled us exceedingly about the power of the commission of the kirk to depose a minister in any case; yet we carried it over him. We have obtained leave to print all our English papers, Catechism, Confession, Propositions, and Directory for government and ordination, our debates for accommodation against toleration, our papers to the grand committee, the propositions for government, albeit passed both in our assembly and parliament 1643. Mr David opposed vehemently the printing, and his grand followers, Mr John Smith and Mr William Colvil with him, because they held forth a session of a particular congregation to have a ground in scripture, which he, contrary to his Altar of Damascus, believes to have no divine right, but to be only a commission, with a delegated power from the presbytery, tolerated in our church for a time. With great difficulty could we get the printing of that paper passed for his importunity; but at last we got all.

An express from London this day tells us, that the army’s parliament press the concurrence of our commissioners to send to Hampton-court the propositions to the King. This seems to import the King’s refusal of the proposals, and disagreeing yet with the army. And what they will do with the King, if he refuse the propositions also, we know not; only their last remonstrance shews their resolution to cast out of the parliament many more members, and to take the lives of some for example. The spirit that leads them, and the mercy of God to that oppressed people, will not permit these tyrannous hypocrites to rest, till, by their own hands, they have pulled down their Babel.

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_October 13, 1647._—— We gave in this day to the states a remonstrance of the hazard of religion and covenant, if our army should disband. We hope that plot, long hatched, and with too great eagerness driven on, shall this day or to-morrow be broken. Our dangers of farther confusion are great, if God be not merciful. The persecution at London is very intolerable. I am very confident that party, so much opposite to God and man, cannot long stand. Ere long, at my leisure, I may give you a particular account of all our affairs.

1646.—August 1.

2. _His Majesty’s Answer to the Propositions._[359]

Charles Rex,

The Propositions tender’d to his Majesty by the Commissioners from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, (to which the Houses of Parliament have taken twice so many Months for deliberation, as they have assigned Days for his Majesty’s Answer) do import so great Alterations in Government both in the Church and Kingdom, as it is very difficult to return a particular and positive Answer, before a full debate, wherein these Propositions, and the necessary Explanation, true Sense and Reasons thereof, be rightly weighed and understood; and that his Majesty upon a full view of the whole Propositions, may know what is best, as well as what is taken away and changed. In all which he finds (upon discourse with the said Commissioners) that they are so bound up from any capacity either to give Reasons for the Demands they bring, or to give ear to such Desires as his Majesty is to propound, as it is impossible for him to give such a present Judgment of, and Answer to these Propositions, whereby he can answer to God that a safe and well-grounded Peace will ensue (which is evident to all the World can never be, unless the just Power of the Crown, as well as the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject, with the just Liberty and Privileges of the Parliament, be likewise setled:) To which end his Majesty desires and proposeth to come to London, or any of his Houses thereabouts, upon the Publick Faith and Security of the Two Houses of Parliament, and the Scotch Commissioners, That he shall be there with Freedom, Honour, and Safety; where by his Personal Presence he may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt him and his People, but also have these Doubts cleared, and these Difficulties explained unto him, which he now conceives to be destructive to his just Regal Power, if he shall give a full Consent to these Propositions, as they now stand.

As likewise, that he may make known to them such his reasonable Demands, as he is most assured will be very much conducible to that Peace which all good men desire and pray for, by the setling of Religion, the just Privileges of Parliament, with the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject: And his Majesty assures them, That as he can never condescend unto what is absolutely destructive to that just Power which by the Laws of God and the Land he is born unto; so he will chearfully grant and give his Assent unto all such Bills, at the desire of his Two Houses, or reasonable demands for Scotland, which shall be really for the Good and Peace of his People, not having regard to his own particular (much less of any body’s else) in respect of the Happiness of these Kingdoms. Wherefore his Majesty conjures them as Christians, as Subjects, and as Men who desire to leave a good Name behind them, that they will so receive and make use of this Answer, that all Issues of Blood may be stopped, and these unhappy Distractions peaceably setled.

Newcastle, Aug. 1, 1646.

To the Speaker of the House of Peers
_pro Tempore_, to be communicated.

POSTSCRIPT.—Upon Assurance of a happy Agreement, his Majesty will immediately send for the Prince his Son, absolutely expecting his perfect Obedience to return into this Kingdom.

1646.—September.

3. _His Majesty’s Answer to the Scots Commissioners at Newcastle._[360]

MY LORDS,

I shall begin, by answering what you have now said: For I assure you I had not thus long delay’d my Answer, but to weigh fully those Reasons and Arguments which you have laid before me, whereby to use the uttermost of my Endeavours to give you all possible Satisfaction; for you having told me nothing but what I have heard before, the Change of Answer could hardly be expected. And now I do earnestly desire you to consider what it is that I desire, which is, To be heard; which if a King should refuse to any of his Subjects, he would for that be thought a Tyrant. For this, if I had but slight Reasons, it were the less to be regarded; but they are such, upon which such a Peace as we all desire, doth depend: For albeit it is possible, that if I should grant all you desire, a Peace might be slubber’d up, yet it is impossible that it should be durable, unless there be right understanding betwixt Me and my People; which cannot be without granting what I desire.

Yet I desire to be rightly understood; for tho’ many like to Æsop’s Fable will call Ears Horns, yet let men say what they will, I am far from giving you a Negative, nay, I protest against it, my only desire being to be heard; For I am confident that upon Debate I shall so satisfy them in some things, as likewise I believe they may satisfy me in many things, that we shall come to a most happy Agreement. This I believe is not much needful to satisfy your Judgments; for I am not ignorant how really your Commissioners at London have endeavoured a Satisfactory Answer to my Message, as likewise what good Instructions have been sent them out of Scotland; so that the Force of Power more than the Force of Reason, hath made you so instant with me as you have been; with which I am so far from finding fault, that what you have done, I take well, knowing that it proceeds out of the abundance of your Zeal to my Service: Therefore as you see I do not mistake you; so I am careful not to be mistaken by you; wherefore again I desire you to take notice, that I do not give a Denial, my desire being only to be heard; as likewise that you will take things as they are, since neither you nor I can have them as we would; wherefore let us make the best of every thing, and now as you have fully performed your Duty to me, so I cannot doubt but you will continue to press those at London to hear Reason: And certainly you can expect little fair dealing from those who shall reject so much Reason, and of that sort, which you have, and I hope will offer them. Not to stay too long upon so unpleasing a Subject, I assure you, that nothing but the Preservation of That which is dearer to me than my Life, could have hinder’d me from giving you full Satisfaction: For upon my word, all the Dangers and Inconveniences which you have laid before me, do not so much trouble me, as that I should not give full Satisfaction to the Desires of my Native Country, especially being so earnestly press’d upon me: And yet here again I must tell you (for in this case Repetitions are not impertinent) that I do not give you a Denial, nay I protest against it; and remember, it is your King that desires to be heard.

1646.—September.

4. _Another paper sent by the King to the Scots Commissioners at Newcastle._[361]

MY LORDS,

’Tis a very great Grief to me, that what I spoke to you yesterday, and offer’d to you in writing, concerning Religion, hath given so little Satisfaction: Yet lest the Reasons I then told you, should not be so fully understood, I think it necessary at this time to set them down to you in this Paper: I then told you, that whatsoever was my particular Opinion, I did no ways intend to persuade you to do any thing against your Covenant; wherefore I desire you to consider, whether it be not a great step to your Reformation (which I take to be the chief End of your Covenant) that Presbyterial Government be legally setled. It is true, that I desire that my own Conscience, and those that are of the same Opinion with me, might be preserved, which I confess doth not as yet totally take away Episcopal Government; but then consider withal, that this will take away all the Superstitious Sects and Heresies of the Papists and Independents; to which ye are no less obliged by your Covenant, than the taking away of Episcopacy: And this that I demand is most likely to be but Temporary; for if it be so clear as you believe, that Episcopacy is unlawful, I doubt not but God will so enlighten mine Eyes, that I shall soon perceive it; and then I promise you to concur with you fully in matters of Religion: But I am sure you cannot imagine that there is any hope of converting or silencing the Independent Party, which undoubtedly will get a Toleration in Religion from the Parliament of England, unless you join with me, and in that way I have set down for the Re-establishing my Crown, or at least that you do not press me to do this (which is yet against my Conscience) until I may do it without sinning: Which as I am confident none of you will persuade me to do, so I hope you have so much Charity, not to put things to such a desperate Issue, as to hazard the loss of us all, because for the present you cannot have full Satisfaction from me in point of Religion: Not considering, that besides the rest of the Mischiefs which may happen, it will infallibly set up the innumerable Sects of the Independents; nothing being more against your Covenant, than permitting of those Schisms to increase. As for the Message which I think fit at this time to send, I have chosen rather to mention the Point of Religion in a general than particular way, lest (not knowing all these Reasons which I set down to you, which are most unfit for a Message) it may give less Satisfaction than I desire: Nevertheless I do conjure you, by that Love and Loyalty you have always professed unto me, That you make use of what I offered yesterday in writing, with these Reasons which I have now set down to you, and those further Hopes I have now given you, for the best advantages of my Service; with this particular Explanation, That whereas I mentioned that the Church-Government should be left to my Conscience, and those of my Opinion, I shall be content to restrict it to some few Diocesses, as Oxford, Winchester, Bristol, Bath and Wells, and Exeter; leaving all the rest of England fully to the Presbyterian Government, with the strictest Clauses you shall think upon, against Papists and Independents.

* * * * *

POSTSCRIPT.—I require you to give a particular and full Account hereof to the General Assembly in Scotland, shewing them that I shall punctually make good my last Letter to them, and that this is a very great step to the Reformation desired, not only by the present putting down all Sects and Independents, but likewise presently establishing Presbyterian Government; hoping that they, as Ministers of God’s Word, will not press upon me untimously the matter of Church-Government and Discipline, until I may have leisure to be so persuaded, that I may comply with what they desire, without Breach of Conscience, which I am confident they as Churchmen cannot press me to do.

* * * * *

1646.—December 17.

5. _A Solemn and Seasonable Warning, to all Estates and Degrees of
Persons throughout the Land; By the Commissioners of the General
Assembly._[362]

The Conscience of our duty, and of the great trust reposed in us, suffereth us not to be silent, nor to connive at the present dangers which may justly be apprehended and expected from the Enemies of this Cause and Covenant; Who although they cannot in this conjuncture of time appear in the same manner as formerly they have done; yet having retained the same principles (while they seem to lay aside their former practices) do in a more covert and dangerous way still drive at their own ends; And as Sathan is neither sleeping nor idle, though he appear not always as a roaring Lion; So these who are inspired and acted by him, have their wheels still moving, though sometimes they make no great noise. Wherefore that we may truly and faithfully contribute what is incumbent to us, for preventing or removing any occasions of new troubles or differences between the King and his People, in both, or either of those United Kingdoms, or between the Kingdoms themselves; And least the Church of Christ, and the true Reformed Religion be again tossed with another, and perhaps a greater Tempest in the depth, after we seemed to be near the Harbour; We have found it, not only competent to our Place and Calling, but necessary for us (according to former laudable Presidents both old and late) To emit this new Seasonable Warning to the People of God in this Land, and to all Estates and Degrees of men therein; Whom we exhort, That first, and above all things, they apply their thoughts to make peace with God, to take notice of the remaining and renewed tokens of divine displeasure against the Land, To tremble at the remembrance of former, and appearances of future judgments, To lament after the Lord, To lye low before the Throne of Grace, To cry mightily to Heaven for dispelling that cloud of sin which separateth between our God and us, and for turning away that cloud of wrath which hangeth over our heads. There is cause to be humbled and to repent, as for all our iniquities, So for the too little assistance which hath been given to such as have born the heaviest burthen, and suffered most in this cause; And for the too much compliance with, and indulgence to many who have been active in the late execrable Rebellion. We know that none can reach the perfection of their duty, neither will the Lord reckon with his People according to his Justice, but spare them who walk in the integrity of their Spirits, as a man spareth his own Son, so that they may rejoyce in his mercy, notwithstanding of their short-comings, wherein they do not allow themselves; But wilful neglects are just grounds of a great controversie on the Lord’s part, and of deep humiliation on ours: And we conceive that the failings of many are such, because the word of the Lord is a burthen unto them; And though they walk in the ways of their own heart, yet they say they shall have Peace; We would have none that are thus guilty to account light of it, and say, Is it not a little one? Every duty whereto we are obliged in the Covenant, is of great consequence, and breaches even in smaller things prove inlets unto more grievous revoltings.

When we consider how many who were once open opposers or secret underminers, being received to the Covenant, yet remain disaffected to the ends of the same; We cannot but think that we walk in the midst of snares, and that mysteries of iniquity work amongst us, which may produce most sad and lamentable effects, unto the prejudice of our Religion and Liberties. Therefore, Because God hath no greater quarrel against a Nation than that of a broken Covenant; Let all who fear an Oath, remember the vows of God which are upon them, Watch and Pray, and take good heed that they be not cheated nor charmed into a violation of all, or any of the Articles of that Sacred and Solemn League and Covenant; And let those especially be observed and avoided, who do, or shall endeavour a division and breach between the Kingdoms, or the making of any factions or parties contrary to the Covenant, under pretence of preserving the King and his Authority, whilst they do not constantly and sincerely prosecute and press our frequent desires of his subscribing the League and Covenant, and giving satisfaction in all things to the just desires of both Kingdoms; which underhand dealing can prove nothing else, but an abusing of His Majesty for mens own designs: We wish that none suffer themselves to be deceived by any false glosses of the Covenant, under which some may possibly urge the keeping of it, so as to draw us into a certain breach thereof, and press the defence of the King’s Authority and of Religion, to engage us in those ways that would tend to the ruin of both: We are not now to press the want of full satisfaction in the much desired work of Uniformity, as the ground of a breach between the Nations; Though we still conceive, this Nation will never be wanting to prosecute that work to the uttermost of their power in all lawful ways, according to the League and Covenant.

These Kingdoms, after many fervent Supplications and faithful endeavours of all the Lovers of Truth and Peace, have been happily united into a League and Covenant, which to this day hath been kept inviolably, notwithstanding of all the opposition of open Enemies, and plotting of secret Underminers; And we are confident that none but such as have hearts full of Atheism and Treachery, will attempt the violation thereof, in whole, or in part; And that if any shall do the same, they shall expose themselves to the Curse of Almighty God, who will be avenged upon all that Swear falsly by his Name. We know that men of perverse minds, wanting the fear of God, and measuring all things by their own ends, may conceive of it as alterable, or at least, that all the Clauses or Heads thereof are not so to be stuck upon, but that some one or more may be dispensed with upon civil advantages: But we have not so learned Christ or his Word: Both Nations have Covenanted with God, and each of them with another, in things most lawful and necessary for the preservation and good of both, without any limitation of time: And therefore we and our Posterity are obliged before God unto the Observation thereof, as long as the Sun and Moon shall endure. The Sense of these things ought to be so deeply engraven upon the hearts of all that are in trust, That as they should from their Souls abhor every thought of a breach with England; So should they carefully and wisely study to avoid everything that may prove a snare and tentation unto the same. Amongst other things, if his Majesty shall have thoughts of coming to this Kingdom at this time, he not having as yet subscribed the League and Covenant, nor satisfied the lawful desires of his Loyal Subjects in both Nations, We have just cause to fear that the consequences of it may be very dangerous, both to his Majesty and these Kingdoms; Which therefore we desire may be timely prevented.

For so long as his Majesty doth not approve in his heart, and seal with his hand the League and Covenant, we cannot but apprehend, that according to his former Principles, he will walk in opposition to the same, and study to draw us unto the violation thereof, and the dissolution of the Union so happily begun between Us and our Brethren, To weaken the Confidence and Trust, and to entertain jealousies, and make divisions amongst our selves; Neither is it possible, but that our receiving him in this present posture of Affairs, will confirm the suspicions of the English Nation, of our underhand dealing with him before his coming to our Army; And make them, not without cause, to think that we purpose to dispose of him without their consent, and to their prejudice; which is contrary to the Profession of those that were in trust at his Majesty’s first coming to the Scots Quarters, and overthroweth all the Arguments that have been used by the Commissioners of our Parliament in their Papers concerning The disposing of his Majesty’s Person by the joynt advice and common consent of both Kingdoms given in to both Houses of Parliament in England; Nor do we see how we can vindicate such a practice from a direct breach of our engagements to them by Covenant and Treaty; which were not only to expose us into the hazard of a Bloody War, but to involve us in the guilt of Perjury. And what greater disservice could be done to his Majesty and his Posterity, than to give way to a course that might prove prejudicial to their interest in the Crown and Kingdom of England.

Our carriage now for many years past, in the midst of many tentations, hath put us beyond all suspicion in the point of our Loyalty; nor have we the least thoughts of deserting the King’s Majesty in a just and good cause, being bound by our Covenant in our several Vocations to endeavour with our Estates and Lives, to preserve and defend his Person and Authority, in the defence and preservation of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms: And so far as his Majesty shall be for these, we really are, and we trust the rest of his Kingdoms will be for him: Yet we cannot deny, but openly avouch it, That if his Majesty (which the Lord forbid) shall not satisfie the just desires of his People; Both Nations stand mutually obliged by that inviolable Covenant to pursue the ends therein expressed (which cannot be divided) against all lets and impediments whatsoever. It is therefore our most earnest and longing desire, That as those who are in trust with the Publick Affairs of this Kingdom have heretofore with all earnestness and care in all their addresses dealt with his Majesty, with much strength of Reason and vehemency of Affection, so they would still deal with him, to grant his Royal consent to the desires of both Kingdoms, for setling Religion according to the Covenant, and for securing a perfect and durable Peace (which we look upon as the only hopeful means of preserving himself, his Crown, and Posterity) That his Majesty may return to his Houses of Parliament in England as a reconciled Prince to satisfied Subjects; And that acclammations of joy may be heard in all his Majesty’s Dominions, and no sound of War heard therein any more, except against the bloody Irish Rebels, under whose barbarous and cruel persecution, our distressed Brethren, both in this Kingdom and in Ireland, are still groaning and crying out to us and to our Brethren in England, Be at peace among yourselves, and come to help us.

* * * * *

_Note of Proceedings in the Convention of Estates relative to the Church, betwixt the Assemblies of 1647 and 1648._

1648.

_March 27._ Answers of Parliament to the desires of the Commissioners of the General Assembly, represented by them to Parliament, vol. vi., p. 290.

_March 29._ Answers of Parliament to the representation of the Commission of the General Assembly, of their sense on the Parliament’s Answer to their right desires, p. 291.

_April 11._ Act anent the Resolutions of Parliament concerning the Breaches of the Covenant and Treaties betwixt the Kingdoms of Scotland and England, and Demands for Reparation thereof, p. 292.

_April 16._ Act concerning the Desires of the Commissioners of the General Assembly, p. 295.

_April 19._ A Declaration of Parliament to all his Majesty’s good Subjects, concerning their Resolutions for Religion, King, and Kingdoms, in pursuance of the ends of the Covenant, p. 305.

_April 26._ A Letter from the Parliament of Scotland to the Parliament of England, p. 309.

_April 27._ Desires of the Parliament of Scotland, to the Honourable Houses of the Parliament of England, p. 309.

_May 2._ Answer of the Parliament of Scotland to the Commissioners’ Papers of the 10th and 29th of April, 1648, p. 310. A Letter sent from the Parliament of Scotland, to the several Presbyteries within the Kingdom, p. 321.

_June 10._ Act Ordaining all Ministers to exhort their People to obedience to the Laws of the Kingdom, and assuring these Ministers of their Stipends during their lifetime, p. 331. Act and Declaration of Parliament, in Answer to the Supplications from Synods and Presbyteries, p. 332.

THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY,

AT EDINBURGH, 1648.

The period in our history to which our attention is now attracted—extending from the beginning of August, 1647, to the 12th of July, 1648—embraces a variety of striking occurrences, and presents, in the progress of the great national drama which was rapidly hastening to its tragical termination, a complication of circumstances well calculated to affect the most sober-minded as well as the more sanguine student. The pillars of society were then indeed shaken to their foundations and utterly overthrown.

When we last paused in our narrative, we left the Sovereign of the British kingdom a prisoner in the hands of a mutinous army in England—the usurping Parliament truckling to an armed force of its own creation—the capital of that kingdom in the possession and under the dominion of the army—and the people suffering from an intolerable load of burdens, and all the horrors of social anarchy. It is unnecessary for our purpose, however, to dilate on these particulars; and we do not intend to enter on them further than is absolutely necessary for illustrating the relative movements in Scotland, which it is our more immediate object to record.

In the Acts of the Assembly 1647,[363] our readers will find a Declaration and brotherly Exhortation to their brethren of England, in which they deplore the many obstructions to the triumph of the Covenant and Presbytery, in the variety of pestilent sectaries which had sprung up; and, referring to the Declaration of the Scottish Parliament, of 16th January preceding, they declare that their zeal in that cause does not abate nor diminish anything at all from their loyalty and duty to the King’s Majesty; they profess that the Covenant and presbyterial government are so far from hindering or excluding their duty to the King, that it was thereby strengthened and supported. Nothing, however, would induce the clerical party to abate one jot of the Covenant; and they demanded of the King that which he could not, without an utter dereliction of honour and conscience, comply with—an adoption of the Covenant and extirpation of prelacy and all the diversified heresies which abounded in England, under the protection of the English army, then in complete ascendancy over all the authorities of the State.

In these circumstances, many of the nobility, and all of the Scottish nation who had shewn any opposition to the Covenant, and hence acquired the designation of _malignants_, bestirred themselves in behalf of the King and the restoration of social order. In pursuance of these objects, and with the view, doubtless, of also wiping off the stigma which, well or ill founded, attached to the nation—as having sold the King to his rebellious English subjects, who had ever after kept him a prisoner—the Scotch resolved to make another effort; and the Committee of Estates, after much debate, agreed to send the Chancellor and Lanerick on a mission to the King and the English Parliament, in order to unite with Lauderdale, who was in England, and, if possible, to effect some reconciliation by persuading the King and the English Parliament to adopt the Covenant. Even this proposition (which was no concession whatever to the King) was unpalatable to the Kirkmen and their friends in Parliament. Argyle and Wariston protested against it as too favourable for the King, and the clergy failed not to declaim against it as an artifice of hated malignancy.