Chapter I: Tabooed Days at Critical Epochs (2)

The close resemblances, even in details, between the communal taboos observed in different parts of Borneo must, unquestionably, be attributed to a long-continued process of diffusion among the various Indonesian tribes. These taboos have not been found, at any rate have not been described, among the nomadic hunting tribes, which occupy the interior parts of Borneo and probably represent an aboriginal population. Though our knowledge of Bornean ethnography is still very imperfect, there seems to be no doubt that the present Indonesian inhabitants are descended from immigrants into the island at no very remote date. We are justified, therefore, in seeking a foreign source for various elements of the existing Bornean culture. In particular, the practice of observing communal taboos, in its rudiments, if not in its completely developed form, may reasonably be regarded as an importation into Borneo, if similar customs are found to prevail among other Indonesian peoples.

Between the Andaman Islands in the Bay of Bengal and the northern coast of Sumatra lies the archipelago of the Nicobars. The inhabitants appear to be of Indonesian type, but more or less intermixed with Malays and with the natives of Burma and Siam. In spite of the labours of numerous missionaries the Nicobarese are said to entertain no conception of a Supreme Being or of a future state. They have, however, a very lively belief in evil spirits, which seem to be chiefly the ghosts of the wicked. These malignant beings, the source of all misfortune and disease, are propitiated with offerings or driven out by exorcisms. On such occasions the Nicobarese hold lengthy festivals, some of which are accompanied by periods of communal abstinence. The native name for these enforced rest days or holidays is _anoiila_.[86] Every year the inhabitants of Kar Nicobar observe the ceremony of _kataphang_, at which time the group of buildings, called the _elpanam_,[87] is cleaned out and purified to the accompaniment of much singing and dancing. When this preliminary work is done and the rubbish has been cast into the sea, the doors of the houses in the _elpanam_ are closed and the people return to their private abodes in the village. “Silence has now to be observed for a full month; no fire or light may be seen; no cheroot may be smoked. Women and children are interdicted from coming to the _elpanam_, and, if they have to come during the night on urgent affairs (to purchase things), they have to place a light at the entrance of the _elpanam_ and then come without noise.... The chief sufferers by this festival are the Burmans, because the people cannot supply any nuts nor can they work in making _kopra_, for the reason that they cannot go into the jungle to fetch nuts nor can they come to the _elpanam_.” The natives believe that during this time the evil spirits from the jungle visit the _elpanam_. When the month is up, a great feast is given to the spirits and they are sent back to the jungle.[88] Another Nicobar festival is that of _kiala_. The word means, properly, “to take food.” The _kiala_ is celebrated with much feasting, to which the inhabitants of neighbouring communities come as guests. At midday a cry of supplication is heard from each building: “Let our house be enriched with plenty of food. Let us have many eatable things from other villages. Let there come new women to our villages. Let us be happy.” Then follow in regular sequence a day of rest—_anoiila_—a day of pig-hunting in the jungle, a second _anoiila_, and a second day of pig-hunting. One more rest day ends the festival.[89] The exact meaning of these observances is difficult to make out.

Very similar customs have been found among the people of Bali, an island to the east of Java. When the Balinese are confronted by some real or imaginary danger, such as an epidemic, an earthquake, or a lunar eclipse, they at once take measures to drive away the evil spirits, or _buta_, which have caused the ominous event. This praiseworthy object is supposed to be accomplished partly by verbal commands “go away! go away!” addressed to the _buta_, partly by means of an unearthly uproar of shouting and knocking. Then follow two days of absolute silence, the stillness of the grave. During this period, known as _sepi_, no one ventures out of doors and no strangers are admitted to the village. Even the usual domestic work, including cooking, is discontinued. The interdict against all activity is lifted on the third day, but even then work in the rice-fields and buying and selling in the market are forbidden. The evil spirits, it is believed, would like to return at once to their old haunts, hence they must be led to think that Bali is not Bali, but some uninhabited island.[90] This period of quiescence is clearly a means of avoiding contact with the ghostly powers. The reason given for abstaining from activity—to make the spirits suppose that Bali is not Bali—may be taken as a naïve effort to explain a custom no longer understood. The Balinese have also a New Year’s festival, which shows the influence of Buddhism in the date chosen for its observance, the first five weeks of the Buddhist year. “At this time the gods are supposed to dwell on the earth, and the _pitara_ especially return to the bosoms of their families; hence the constant offerings and the incessant games and amusements, which are regarded as necessary less for the living generation than for the _pitara_ and gods sojourning among them; hence also the cessation from work and the disinclination to intercourse with foreigners during this period. Trade and foreigners are not agreeable to the _pitara_, who desire to see the old institutions and usages faithfully preserved.”[91]

In the island of Nias, lying off the western coast of Sumatra, the news of an epidemic sickness will cause a quarantine to be established in every community, not only against the inhabitants of the infected village, but against all strangers without discrimination. The quarantine lasts for eight days.[92] Probably this taboo is observed on other occasions, as seems to be the case with the inhabitants of the Pagi Islands, which form the southern extension of the Mentawi group. These islanders are scarcely above the level of culture reached by Bornean tribes: they live in large communal houses, practise tattooing assiduously, and worship the evil spirits which manifest their power in thunder and lightning, earthquakes, tornadoes, and floods. The natives, at certain times, are said to remain in their villages and to exclude all strangers. During this period of separation from the world they may neither give nor receive anything, they must refrain from eating certain articles of food, and they may not engage in trade.[93] A very competent observer, who has made a special study of the taboo system in the Mentawi Islands, describes the seasons of restriction found there under the name of _punän_. The “great” _punän_ arises from any circumstance which vitally affects the welfare of a community: when a chief erects a house for himself, when a village is visited by an epidemic, or when a cocoanut-palm is overthrown by some _force majeure_. Similarly, the inauguration of a superior chief or the choice of a priest requires the imposition of a “great” _punän_. The same propitiatory usage becomes necessary when a villager has been killed by a crocodile. The “little” _punän_ relates rather to individuals and to families. Many are the occasions when it is imposed—at house-building, at the setting-out of a garden, at boat-making, and when a native leaves his village to settle elsewhere. The “little” _punän_ is especially obligatory for women during pregnancy, at birth, and for eight months thereafter. It occurs also as an accompaniment of marriage, when there is sickness in a family, and when some member of the household has died. All crises in the communal and individual life of the Mentawi Islanders are thus kept as periods of restriction; in some cases, however, these rest days have become to all intents and purposes festivals and holidays.[94]

The wild and little-known aborigines of Formosa, who are probably of Indonesian origin, appear to possess similar customs. Of them it is said, generally, that “great fasts are held after a sickness or when any of the tribe have been killed. At such times they will be silent, and will only eat sufficient food to maintain life.”[95] Another traveller refers to these communal fast days under the native name of _hiang_, and adds the further fact that at such times strangers are excluded from the village.[96] A very intelligent observer, describing the superstitions of the Peiwan, mentions a curious custom according to which “one who has unpleasant dreams must confine himself to his house for the day.”[97] This very scanty information will doubtless be supplemented by much more evidence, when the Formosan tribes have been scientifically studied.

The Philippine Archipelago contains a great number of Indonesian tribes, among which are the Subanu of Mindanao, a mountain people occupying the interior portions of the Zamboanga District, where they have taken refuge from the raids of their hereditary enemies, the Moros and Filipinos. The Subanu are described as a suspicious and superstitious people with a pronounced belief in spirits—both good and evil. Ceremonies of propitiation accompany all important undertakings, such as the clearing of a new plantation, the building of a house, the beginning of a journey, hunting, and the harvesting of the crops. Festivals are held to propitiate these spirits, or to celebrate some event in which an entire settlement is interested. From the following account it would seem that the custom of communal abstinence is frequently observed by the Subanu. “In contending against the difficulties of their settlement life the Subanu have gradually adopted an effective quarantine service against the spread of infectious diseases like smallpox, measles, and cholera. Upon the appearance of the first case among any of the settlement families, the _timuai_ [communal chief] orders the establishment of the signals of quarantine, and these are quickly provided. Fences of poles and split bamboo, or _bejuco_, are erected across the main trails leading to the houses of the settlement. On these fences are placed, in fixed positions, carved imitations of war weapons, such as spears, _kampilan_, _barong_, and _pira_, pointed outward to warn the approaching stranger or visitor to remain away. It is a notice that death will be visited upon the person who attempts to enter the settlement while the scourge of disease prevails.... Near the signal fences are erected light wooden stands with offerings of various articles of food to appease the wrath of the gods and cause them to assist in extirpating the disease. Small sheds are also sometimes erected near the stands, under which guards may be stationed to prevent the food from being taken by wild animals, birds, and mischievous persons. But the guards go to sleep and the food (cooked rice, boiled eggs, fruit, tobacco, betel-nut, cooked chicken, etc.) disappears, whereupon the guards report that _diuata_ (god) has accepted the gifts and will drive away the disease. Superstition and good sense are strangely but effectively mingled in this scheme of practical and efficacious quarantine; and the Subanu stand alone among all the tribes and peoples of Mindanao in devising and operating such protective measures.”[98]

Another Indonesian people of the Philippines are the Bontoc Igorot, a non-Christian folk dwelling in northern Luzon. They are mountain farmers and live in towns made up of political divisions, or _ato_, analogous to the wards of an American city. The business of each _ato_ is conducted by a council of elders. These Bontoc Igorot observe a sacred rest day, called _tengao_.[99] It occurs, on an average, about every ten days during the year, though not with absolute regularity. Three men, belonging to what might be described as a hereditary priesthood, fix the time for the _tengao_, as for all other ceremonials of the pueblo. They then inform the elders of each _ato_, who, in turn, make a public announcement on the evening preceding the day. “The small boys, however, are the true ‘criers.’ They make more noise in the evening before the rest day, crying _Tĕng-aó! whi tĕng-aó!_ (‘Rest day! hurrah! rest day!’) than I have heard from the pueblo at any other time.” The _tengao_ appears to be marked by the cessation of agricultural work, but not by abstinence from all activity. “If a person goes to labour in the fields on a sacred day—not having heard the announcement, or in disregard of it—he is fined for ‘breaking the Sabbath.’” The lawbreaker has to surrender firewood or rice or a small chicken to the value of about ten cents, or the wage of two days. The fines are then expended in buying chickens and pigs for certain religious ceremonies, known as _patay_. These rites are performed every new moon for the general well-being of the pueblo.[100] We are further told that the rest days are selected in order that “such intimate, important interests as agriculture and beneficial weather may be given the amount of attention they deserve. The people have no calendar for succeeding ceremonial observances, so a priesthood has developed to fix such days at the opportune time when needed. They are sacred because all petitions are made to Lumawig their god, a living, spirit, hero, and benefactor.”[101]

There seems to be every reason for supposing that this remarkable institution of an almost periodic Sabbath is of native origin. The Bontoc Igorot dwell in a remote and inaccessible region; and they are a fairly primitive people whose religious ideas have been unaffected by either Christianity or Mohammedanism. The _tengao_ itself is apparently confined to this single tribe of northern Luzon. At the same time the sacred rest day does not stand without relation to the other observances of the Igorot. Like the Bornean tribes they have a number of agricultural ceremonies, religious in character, and designed to secure an abundant harvest. Some of these ceremonies are accompanied by periods of rest. Every year, on the occasion when _camotes_ are planted, the pueblo priest kills a chicken or a pig, and petitions Lumawig for so many _camotes_ “that the ground will crack and burst open.” This rite takes place in the fifth period of the Igorot year, called _baliling_. A similar rite is performed when black beans are planted. The end of _baliling_ (about the first of September) is marked by a three days’ rest, known as _kopus_. At this time one of the priests charged with the performance of the _patay_ rite addresses a short supplication to Lumawig and then solemnly kills a chicken. It is a critical moment for the people of the pueblo. Should the gall of the fowl be found white or whitish, this means that disaster will overtake the community. But a gall with a dark green colour implies that the spirit enemies of Bontoc are not revengeful and that the pueblo will enjoy prosperity. Another occasion when the Igorot rests from labour comes at the _fakil_ ceremony for rain. It occurs four times each year, on four succeeding days, and is performed by four different priests. There is the usual sacrifice of a pig by the priest, and each night, just before this rite takes place, all the people cry _I-tĕng-aó ta-ko nan fa-kilʹ!_, an expression meaning, “Rest day! We observe the ceremony for rain!”[102] These and other instances cited by Professor Jenks indicate clearly that the Igorot festivals are intended to propitiate evil-minded spirits and to secure material blessings from Lumawig, the supreme being.[103] The evidence from Borneo and other regions suggests that here in Luzon the rest accompanying some of the festivals has likewise a propitiatory character, quite as much as the prayers and sacrifices. The same interpretation would accordingly apply to the _tengao_, though that day seems now to be regarded in some degree as a holiday. Furthermore, the conjecture is plausible that the _tengao_ in its earlier form was not a periodic but an occasional observance, called forth only by particular emergencies in the communal life. The present form of this institution gives evidence of a tendency, doubtless directed by the Igorot priesthood, to calendarize seasons of taboo at definite and regular intervals. And the dedication of this “Sabbath” to Lumawig may be only a natural outcome of the preëminence assigned to that supreme god, who stands out in such bold relief against the crowd of ancestral spirits, good and bad, investing the Igorot world.[104]

The foregoing examples suffice to show how numerous are the occasions on which the natives of Indonesia subject themselves to the rule of abstinence. Assuming, with modern ethnographers, that the Indonesian peoples represent an admixture in various proportions of primitive Indian and southern Mongolian stocks, we need not be surprised to discover that in certain parts of southeastern Asia, and notably among the Tibeto-Burman tribes of Assam and Burma, there flourishes a system of communal regulations strikingly similar to those which have just been described.

The Naga tribes, who are said to resemble more closely the natives of the Indian Archipelago than any of the other peoples occupying the hills of Assam, apply the name _genna_[105] to their system of taboos.[106] The following description refers particularly to the Naga of Manipur. Here, as in Borneo, the regular communal taboos are for the most part connected with the crops. Every stage of the rice cultivation is marked by a village _genna_, the duration of which varies. Thus, among the Mao Naga the rice-sowing necessitates a ten days’ _genna_, the transplanting of the rice calls for only one day of restriction, the beginning of the harvest for four days, and the harvest home for ten days. At such times the village gates are shut and neither egress nor ingress is allowed. “Among all these tribes from the day of the first crop _genna_ to the final harvest home all other forms of industry and activity are forbidden. All hunting, fishing, tree- and grass-cutting, all weaving, pot-making, salt-working, games of all kinds, bugling, dancing, all trades are strictly forbidden—are _genna_—lest the grain in the ear be lost.”[107]

It is obvious that some of these taboos tend, indirectly, to produce beneficial effects. The prohibition of all labour, except agricultural, during the season of rice-planting and harvesting permits the inhabitants of a village to devote their time and attention solely to the care of the crops. And the practical result of the taboo against hunting is to provide a much-needed close season for wild animals, “for these sportsmen spare not the game.” It is equally obvious, however, that the regulations in question have had no utilitarian origin. Identical taboos are imposed on a great variety of other occasions. A rain-compelling ceremony, when the headman works magic for the benefit of the entire village, is accompanied by a _genna_. General _genna_ are also proclaimed after the occurrence of unusual phenomena, such as earthquakes, eclipses of the sun or moon, and the appearance of comets. These events are attributed to supernatural activity.[108] The destruction of a village by fire occasions a general _genna_, sometimes for three days, before any steps are taken to rebuild the houses. Such an event indicates that spirits inimical to the people are about and active; consequently the mere sight of the burning of a neighbouring village is enough to require the imposition of a _genna_.[109] The outbreak of epidemic sickness necessitates a _genna_, the purpose of which is clearly prophylactic. Animal sacrifices of a propitiatory nature are made at such times. Some of the Mao Naga even hold a regular village _genna_, as a means of preventing all sickness during the year, while the Kabui Naga observe an annual _genna_ in order to protect themselves from being hurt by bamboos. The occurrence of mysterious cases of death requires a _genna_, for the purpose of separating the living as soon as possible from the dangerous dead; in the Mao group it is customary to hold a village _genna_ when a villager dies, irrespective of the immediate cause of his decease.[110] All the Naga communities hold a _genna_ devoted to the praiseworthy object of finally laying to rest the ghosts of those who have died during the preceding year. The rite takes place at the time of cold weather, after the crops have been reaped. At this annual festival, “they restore to the living those of their members who have been in jeopardy of the contagion of death.”[111] Communal _genna_ are also enforced in connection with the first death in the year of any domestic animals; on the return to the village of a party of warriors with human heads taken in a foray; when a python—a serpent closely associated with sickness—is killed and eaten; during the deliberations of the village council; and also when a man rashly allows his private or secret name to be mentioned in public.[112] We may agree with an early writer, who, commenting on these practices among the Angami Naga, remarks that there is “no end to the reasons on which a _kennie_ must or may be declared, and as it consists of a general holiday when no work is done, this Angami Sabbath appears to be rather a popular institution.”[113]

A survey of these Naga ordinances indicates that here in Assam they have much the same purpose as in other regions: they are protective and conciliatory; to a certain extent they are even compelling, in so far as the observance of the taboos is supposed to prevent the evil spirits from inflicting further harm. The coercive quality of a _genna_ is also illustrated by the idea that, while the ill effects of an interruption of a village ceremony are sometimes irremediable, there are other cases where a repetition of the rite is enough to avert all disastrous consequences.[114] It is to be observed, furthermore, that all _genna_ are declared and supervised by the _khullakpa_, the secular and religious head of the village. He acts in a representative capacity, whenever a rite is to be performed which requires the whole force of the community behind it, a force which operates through him. “These village _genna_,” declares Mr. Hodson, “seem in many cases to be inspired by the belief that man, _the man_, the _khullakpa_, when fortified by the whole strength and will of the village, is able to control and constrain forces which are beyond his control if unaided. He relies on coöperative strength.”[115]

In addition to the village _genna_ the Naga are subject to numerous regulations which affect individuals or families only, and do not extend to the community at large. Household _genna_ are occasioned by such events as the birth of children or of domesticated animals, the first hair-cutting and ear-piercing, the naming of children, and finally the death of domesticated animals in the house. The restrictions apply to all who are normally inmates of the house, and to any others, such as midwives, who may be temporarily members of the family. The duration of these _genna_ varies not only from tribe to tribe but also from village to village. The Mayang Khong Naga, in particular, have worked out an elaborate scale for _genna_ following the birth of domestic animals. “When a cow calves, the _genna_ lasts for five days; when a sow litters, three days’ _genna_ is necessary; while when a bitch has pups, or a cat has kittens, two days are ample. A hen hatching out a brood of chickens brings on a _genna_ of one day.”[116] Such observances may be said to mark the acme of the Naga taboo system, or, from another point of view, to reduce it to an absurdity.

The _genna_ custom, which seems to have attained its most complicated and grotesque development among the Naga, prevails, or in the past has prevailed, throughout a wide area of Assam. The Hinduised Meithei of Manipur, whose affinity to the wild hill tribes such as the Naga and Kuki is admitted, no longer possess the custom itself, though preserving the memory of it in their word _namungba_, or taboo.[117] General seasons of restriction seem to be unknown among the Khasi, who inhabit the Khasi and Jaintia hills, except in a single instance.[118] Their neighbours on the west, the Garo, a people of Tibeto-Burman stock, have the equivalent of _genna_ in the word _marang_, conveying the ideas of “unlucky” and “unlawful.” But the Garo custom itself is scarcely socialized: the taboos relate to individuals, and in only one case extend to the community at large. This is the prohibition for any one in a village to labour in the fields on the day when a child is born. It is believed that should a farm be visited at such a time the crop would be cursed and blighted.[119] Another Tibeto-Burman people, the Mikir, who dwell in the Mikir Hills to the northwest of Manipur, have individual taboos of various kinds and, in addition, a compulsory village festival called _rongker_. It is held annually at the beginning of cultivation. At this time the gods are invoked for good crops, good health, and preservation from tigers. There is no music or dancing during the festival.[120] The _genna_ exists among the Mishmi and Abor on the frontiers of northeastern Assam and Tibet.[121] The Lushei (sometimes called Kuki) of the Lushei Hills to the south of Manipur have a well-developed system of taboo, here known as _hrilh_. Persons subject to _hrilh_ “must do no work, except necessary household tasks, and must not leave a prescribed area.”[122] These restrictions sometimes affect households only, sometimes entire villages. They are communally imposed in connection with the sacrifice performed before a large hunting party starts out, at the harvest festival, when an epidemic sickness rages, and on other occasions.[123] West of the Lushei dwell the Tippera and Mro tribes, among whom the communal taboo observed in consequence of an epidemic goes under the name of _khang_. “The quarantine is inaugurated and declared with a certain degree of ceremony. A sacrifice is offered, and the village is encircled with a fresh-spun white thread. The blood of the animal sacrificed is then sprinkled about the village, and a general sweeping and cleansing takes place, the houses and gates being decorated with green boughs. They attach great importance to the quarantine being kept unbroken. It generally lasts three days, and during that time no one is allowed to enter or leave the village. I have known several murders committed, owing to persons persisting in breaking the _khang_.”[124] The same communal taboo is observed when a village is being built, and regularly in July, when the rice requires cultivation.[125] These tribes formerly lived in the Arakan Hills of Lower Burma, where identical regulations, known as _ya_, are also enforced.[126]

The _genna_ custom may be traced in various parts of Burma. From the Naga, Lushei, and other tribes of Assam the ethnical transition is unbroken to the Chin, who occupy the Chindwin valley and the hills to the west. Probably these aborigines are not unfamiliar with the _genna_ as a device to avoid a visitation by demonic powers identified with smallpox, cholera, and other diseases. We are told that once, when cholera broke out among some Chin on a visit to Rangoon, they spent the day hiding under the bushes so that the cholera-spirit might not find them.[127] The Kachin (Chingpaw) on the upper Irawadi River, a people generally regarded as closely akin to the Chin on the one hand and to the Karen on the other, recognize six occasions during the year, when no one is supposed to do any work. The rest days, numbering sixteen in all, are known collectively as _na na ai_, which may be translated “ceremonial holiday.” They all occur in connection with agriculture—when the jungle is fired, before and after seed-planting, while the crop is ripening, and at harvest—as a means of securing the good will of the _nat_, or spirits.[128] Similar customs are still observed by some of the Karen tribes. Of the Tsawku Karen it is said that their religion consists entirely in attempts to appease various malignant spirits. When the inhabitants of a village or the members of a household are engaged in ceremonies of propitiation, “they put up a bow with an arrow ready fitted to the string, or some other sign to indicate that there is ‘no admittance,’ or that ‘trespassers will be prosecuted according to law,’ and these insignia are scrupulously respected.”[129] The Sawngtung Karen forbid any one to leave the village on the day of the birth of a child in it, and no eggs may be kept in the village while the fields are being reaped. The Taungthu Karen believe that giving away anything at all on sowing or planting days means blight for the crop.[130] These superstitions no doubt represent decadent forms of a once-extensive _genna_ system among the Karen. The _genna_, again, has been noticed among the Muhso, or Lalu, a large tribe which has emigrated from China to the Shan States. The Muhso close their villages against strangers for five days during an annual festival, which begins on the Chinese New Year’s Day. Bamboo gateways and symbols are erected along the paths approaching a settlement, in order to warn possible intruders. If an outsider persists in entering a village, he is kept a prisoner there till the festival is over. All his possessions, even his clothes, are taken away from him and he is returned naked to the world. In explanation of this conduct the natives say that the spirits, in whose honour the feast is held, are displeased at the presence of strangers.[131] The Wild Wa, a head-hunting tribe on the northeastern frontier of the Shan States, are said to have no regularly recurrent festivals, but hold them as often as they are confronted by “particular dangers or necessities.”[132] The Miao (Miao-tse), one of the little-known tribes of southwestern China, celebrate musical festivals throughout the year. These seem now to be _fêtes_ pure and simple, though at one time possessing a religious character. “If asked why they hold these festivals, they say that if they failed to do so their crops would be bad; and yet they do not profess to understand how the harvests are influenced by this custom.”[133]

The _genna_, either in vigorous activity or in attenuated survival, has now been traced throughout a wide area in southeastern Asia, and particularly among the Tibeto-Burman tribes of Assam and Burma. Modern ethnographers recognize in the Indo-Chinese an immigrant population, probably from western China, which for many centuries has been gradually moving southward along the course of the great rivers emptying into the Bay of Bengal. The custom of the _genna_ appears to be one of the most characteristic features of Indo-Chinese culture; its presence, therefore, throughout this area must be explained as the result of diffusion and not of independent origination. Furthermore, we have found that in the various Indonesian islands as far as New Guinea, and especially in Borneo, customs closely akin to that of the _genna_ also belong to the native culture. It is likely that the ancestors of the Polynesians passed through these islands on their way to the Pacific; if this be so, we can understand why _tabu_ in Polynesia should present so many obvious resemblances to _lali_ in Borneo and to _genna_ in Assam. The student whose primary concern is the wanderings of peoples cannot neglect such evidence of extensive diffusion, showing how for ages cultural elements have been drifting from the interior of Asia over the Indo-Chinese region and the Indian Archipelago, and thence into the island world of the Pacific.

What general conclusions may be drawn from a comparative survey of these communal taboos in the several areas under consideration? In the first place it seems clear that the various negative regulations, such as those imposing idleness, fasting, and continence, closely resemble some of the pains and penalties to which the savage subjects himself on other occasions. For instance, the well-known custom of the _couvade_ imposes on the husband, during the pregnancy of his wife or after the birth of the child, a number of restrictions, which often include abstention from various sorts of work, and sometimes from all occupations whatsoever. The practice of the _couvade_ appears to be an outgrowth of the idea that under special circumstances the close ties uniting husband and wife engender a mystic sympathy between them, so that the acts of the one affect the welfare of the other. Similar ideas underlie the numerous rules of abstinence observed by hunters, fishers, and warriors when absent from home, and by the relatives and friends whom they have left behind.[134] We cannot always fathom the savage logic which has generated the numberless regulations observed at such critical seasons; but they would seem to be particular expressions of an ancient doctrine—“In quietness shall be your strength.”

In the second place it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that, however vexatious and burdensome may be the restrictions resting on a primitive community, these are not without a definite psychological value. The consciousness that all the omens have been duly taken and that all taboos have been properly observed is itself invigorating; the community goes forward, henceforth, with renewed strength and confidence to the tasks which lie before it.[135]

Finally, it may be pointed out how directly these communal regulations make for social solidarity. Students of early society have long recognized the fact that the institution of taboo, in its individualistic aspects, has helped to nurse in man a sense of reverence and a power of self-restraint greatly needed under primitive conditions. Such beneficial results are even more manifest in the case of communal taboos. For, when the restrictions are violated by any one, there is always the feeling that misfortune will overtake the entire social group, and hence a duty devolves on each man to see that his neighbour obeys the law. Altruism becomes a coercive process, and social cohesion is secured by each member of the group making himself his brother’s keeper. It is desirable to keep in mind these positive benefits inherent in the taboo system, since perhaps excessive attention has been directed to its hampering influence on society.

In the three regions which have been selected for close examination—the Hawaiian Islands, Borneo, and Assam—it thus appears that there are certain occasions when the normal current of life is interrupted, and when what may well be called a crisis presents itself.[136] In general any time of special significance, inaugurating a new era or marking the transition from one state to another, any period of storm and stress, any epoch when untoward events have occurred or are expected to occur, may be invested with taboos designed to meet the emergency in the communal life and to ward off the threatened danger or disaster. Periods of abstinence are imposed because of such unusual, and therefore critical, events as a conflagration, an epidemic sickness, or an earthquake; after a death; at the changes of the moon; at the end of the old year and the beginning of the new year; during a time devoted to the banning of ghosts and demons; and in connection with such important undertakings as the commencement of a war, seed-planting, and harvest, and the celebration of a solemn religious or magical ceremony. The peoples whom we have just studied have, so to speak, institutionalized their fears, working out thereby a protective procedure highly complex and elaborate. But the conceptions which generated the tabooed day in Polynesia, Indonesia, and southeastern Asia are not local and confined; on the contrary they underlie a wide range of social phenomena.