Chapter XXII: Conclusion (2)

[195] C. Velten, _Sitten und Gebräuche der Suaheli_, Göttingen, 1903, p. 342.

[196] Soury-Lavergne and de la Devèze, “La fête nationale du _fandroana_ en Imerina, Madagascar,” _Anthropos_, 1913, viii, 308.

[197] A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples_, London, 1887, pp. 227 _sq._

[198] “Extracts from Diary of the late Rev. John Martin, Wesleyan Missionary in West Africa, 1843-1848,” _Man_, 1912, xii, 138 _sq._ Compare A. J. N. Tremearne, _The Tailed Head-hunters of Nigeria_, London, 1912, pp. 202 _sq._

[199] A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples_, London, 1894, pp. 107 _sq._

[200] See H. Webster, _Primitive Secret Societies_, New York, 1908, pp. 104 _sq._

[201] Mrs. R. B. Batty, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1889, xix, 160.

[202] Ellis, _Yoruba-speaking Peoples_, pp. 110 _sq._ The Oro rites are attributed by Ellis to the _ogboni_ society, but it is probable that the term “Oro” is also applied to other secret associations of Yorubaland.

[203] R. E. Dennett, _Nigerian Studies_, London, 1910, pp. 41 _sq._, quoting Adesola in the _Nigerian Chronicle_.

[204] J. B. Walker, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1877, vi, 121 _sq._

[205] T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_, London, 1858, pp. 141 _sq._

[206] Scholium on Lucian, _Timon_, 43.

[207] Plato, _Leges_, vii, 800; Lucian, _Pseudologistes_, 12; Plutarch, _De EI apud Delphos_, 20; _idem_, _De defectu oraculorum_, 14; _idem_, _Vita Alexandri_, 14; Hesychius, _s.v._ ἀποφράδες ἡμέραι (ed. M. Schmidt, Jena, 1867, col. 211).

[208] E. Rhode, _Psyche_,⁶ Tübingen, 1910, p. 235; P. Stengel, _Die griechischen Sakralaltertümer_, Munich, 1890, p. 156 (with references to the classical authorities). The fifth day of every Athenian month was regarded as unpropitious, and hence was not dedicated to any divinity. A superstitious avoidance of the “fifths” of the month can be traced back to Hesiod (_Opera et dies_, 802 _sqq._).

[209] Compare Hesychius, _s.v._ μιαροὶ ἡμέραι (ed. Schmidt, col. 1045): “the polluted days of the month of Anthesterion, on which days they think that the souls of the departed are sent up from the nether world.” Photius, _s.v._ μιαρὰ ἡμέρα (ed. S. A. Naber, Leiden, 1864-1865, i, 423), says that on the second day the people used to chew buckthorn and anoint their doors with pitch. See Frazer’s note (_The Scapegoat_, p. 153 _n._¹) on the widespread use of buckthorn and pitch as prophylactics against ghosts and evil influences.

[210] On the Anthesteria, from an anthropological standpoint, see particularly Miss Jane E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, Cambridge, 1903, pp. 32 _sqq._, 49 _sqq._ Dr. L. R. Farnell thinks that only in the ritual for the third and final day of the Anthesteria have we a genuine ceremony of ghost-riddance, this day falling so near the Dionysiac celebration as to become attached to the latter as a mournful finale (_The Cults of the Greek States_, Oxford, 1906-1910, v, 215 _sqq._). But, on this view, it is difficult to see why the second day, the Choes, should have been expressly mentioned as “polluted” (μιαρά), and why the first day, the Pithoigia, should have been described as “totally unlucky” (ἐς τὸ πᾶν άποφράς).

[211] Festus, _De verborum significatione_, ed. C. O. Müller, Leipzig, 1839, p. 156; Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, i, 16, 24. The _dies religiosi_ were sometimes confused, even by the ancients, with the _dies nefasti_ (compare Gellius, _Noctes Atticæ_, iv, 9, 5), which were days marked in the calendar as occasions when the prætor’s court was not open and assemblies (_comitia_) could not lawfully meet. But not all _dies religiosi_ were observed as non-comitial and non-judicial days. It seems, indeed, that the priestly authorities who drew up the calendar did not wish to recognize these products of popular superstition by incorporating all of them, under the guise of _dies nefasti_, in the Roman state religion. On the _dies religiosi_, also described as _dies atri_ or _dies vitiosi_, see G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_, Munich, 1902, pp. 376 _sq._; W. W. Fowler, _The Religious Experience of the Roman People_, London, 1911, pp. 38 _sqq._; T. Mommsen, in _Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum_, i, pt. i,² 296.

[212] Gellius, _op. cit._, iv, 9, 5; Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi, 29 _sq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, v, 419-486; W. W. Fowler, _The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_, London, 1899, pp. 106 _sqq._, 306 _sqq._ The first eight days of the Parentalia belonged only to the sphere of family worship, but the ninth day (Feb. 21) was also a public celebration, known as the Feralia. The Lemuria, at least in historic times, was not a state festival, but a purely domestic affair.

[213] Varro, _ap._ Macrobius, _op. cit._, i, 16, 18; Festus, _op. cit._, p. 156. Compare Fowler, “Mundus Patet,” _Journal of Roman Studies_, 1912, ii, 25-33.

[214] Both expressions are commonly derived from the Babylonian _shabattum_; see below, p. 235.

[215] _Leviticus_, xvi, 31, xxiii, 26-32; compare _Numbers_, xxix, 7.

[216] _Leviticus_, xxv, 9; _Ezekiel_, xl, 1.

[217] _Leviticus_, xxiii, 23-25; _Numbers_, xxix, 1-7. It has been suggested that the first ten days of the seventh month were epagomenal, bridging the gap, as it were, between the old lunar year of 355 days and the solar year (J. Wellhausen, _Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels_,³ Berlin, 1905, p. 105 _n._²; see below, p. 247 _n._²). In the ritual of the Jewish church they are described as days of “penitence.”

[218] See Sir J. G. Frazer, _The Scapegoat_, London, 1913, pp. 170 _sqq._

[219] On the relation of the Hebrew _kipper_, or atonement, to the Assyrian _kuppuru_ and the connection of both with ideas of taboo, see R. C. Thompson, _The Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia_, London, 1904, ii, pp. 1 _sqq._ It is unnecessary to accept his conclusion that the Hebrew ceremony was directly borrowed from Babylonia. The view advanced in the text as to the antiquity of the Atonement rite may now claim the support of Professor Grimme, who sees in this ceremony one of the oldest elements of the Law and finds the prototype of Azazel in the hairy demons which were believed to haunt the wilderness of northern Arabia. See H. Grimme, “Das Alter des israelitischen Versöhnungstages,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1911, xiv, 130-142.

[220] E. Westermarck, “The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,” _Folklore_, 1911, xxii, 157 _sq._, 180 _sqq._

[221] Strabo, _Geographica_, x, 3, 9.

[222] The best study of holiness in its relation to the concept of taboo is still that of W. Robertson Smith (_The Religion of the Semites_,² London, 1894, chaps. iv-v). See further N. Söderblom, “Holiness (General and Primitive),” Hastings’s _Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, vi, 731-741.

[223] “In economic theory,” writes Dr. Thorstein Veblen, “sacred holidays are obviously to be construed as a season of vicarious leisure performed for the divinity or saint in whose name the _tabu_ is imposed and to whose good repute the abstention from useful effort on those days is conceived to inure. The characteristic feature of all such seasons of devout vicarious leisure is a more or less rigid _tabu_ on all activity that is of human use.... Sacred holidays, and holidays generally, are of the nature of a tribute levied on the body of the people. The tribute is paid in vicarious leisure, and the honourific effect which emerges is imputed to the person or the fact for whose good repute the holiday has been instituted. Such a tithe of vicarious leisure is a perquisite of all members of the preternatural leisure class and is indispensable to their good fame. _Un saint qu’on ne chôme pas_ is indeed a saint fallen on evil days” (_The Theory of the Leisure Class_, New York, 1899, pp. 309 _sq._).

[224] Above, pp. 13, 15, 47, 49, 79.

[225] J. W. Breeks, _An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nīlagiris_, London, 1873, p. 44.

[226] P. Dehon, in _Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1906, i, no. 1, p. 144.

[227] W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, London, 1907, p. 232.

[228] C. K. Menon, “Some Agricultural Ceremonies in Malabar,” Madras Government Museum, _Bulletin_, 1906, v, 104 _sq._

[229] Henry Whitehead, “The Village Deities of Southern India,” Madras Government Museum, _Bulletin_, 1907, v, 128 _sq._ The whole subject of these Dravidian festivals has now been carefully investigated by my former pupil Mr. W. T. Elmore. See his monograph “Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism,” _University Studies_, Lincoln, Nebraska, 1915, xv, 1-152.

[230] Several of the Hindu festivals are accompanied by prayer, fasting, bathing, and oblation. One of the minor ceremonies during the month of February is intended to “avert smallpox.” See E. W. Hopkins, _The Religions of India_, Boston, 1895, p. 452 _n._²; H. H. Wilson, _Essays and Lectures chiefly on the Religions of the Hindus_, London, 1862, ii, 209 _sq._

[231] _Leviticus_, xxiii, 21; _Numbers_, xxviii, 26.

[232] The ethnographic evidence relating to first-fruits has been very fully collected by Sir J. G. Frazer (_Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, London, 1912, ii, 48-137). See also J. A. MacCulloch, “First-fruits (Introductory and Primitive),” Hastings’s _Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, vi, 41-45; E. N. Fallaize, “Harvest,” _ibid._, vi, 520-525.

[233] On the Tongan _inachi_ see above, pp. 18 _sq._

[234] Below, pp. 250 _sq._

[235] Plato, _Leges_, ii, 653.

[236] E. E. Sikes, “Folk-lore in the ‘Works and Days’ of Hesiod,” _Classical Review_, 1893, vii, 390. The Hesiodic injunction (_Opera et dies_, 742-743):

μηδ’ ἀπὸ πεντόζοιο θεῶν ἐν δαιτὶ θαλείῃ
αὖον ἀπὸ χλωροῦ τάμνειν αἴθωνι σιδήρῳ

stripped of its metaphorical setting, means simply, “Do not cut your nails with iron on a joyous festival of the gods.” This taboo may be compared with the rule observed by the Flaminica Dialis at Rome, who, during the celebration of the festival called the Vestalia, might not cut her hair or nails (Ovid, _Fasti_, vi, 225-226). The Roman antiquarian, Pliny the Elder, refers to the belief that it is ominous to pare the nails on market days (_nundinæ_), but to cut the hair on the 17th and 29th days of the month is a preventive of baldness and headache (_Historia naturalis_, xxviii, 5). These pagan superstitions have passed into modern European folklore, being widely current, for example, in England (W. Henderson, _Notes on the Folk-lore of the Northern Counties of England and the Borders_, London, 1879, pp. 17 _sq._), as in the familiar lines:

“Better a child had ne’er been born
Then cut his nails on a Sunday morn!”

Or, as another old English rhyme runs:

“Sunday shaven, Sunday shorn,
Better hadst thou ne’er been born!”

In certain parts of Ireland people will not shave on Sunday (G. H. Kinahan, in _Folk-lore Record_, 1881, iv, 105). Besides Sunday, Friday is often considered an unlucky day for cutting hair or nails, and sometimes a distinction is made between the two days, as in Northumberland, where it is unlucky to cut hair on a Friday or to pare nails on a Sunday (_Denham Tracts_, ed. J. Hardy, ii, 343). In Macedonia Wednesday and Friday are the two days when the nails should not be cut, while Sunday is unpropitious for bathing (G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folk-lore_, Cambridge, 1903, p. 190). Similar taboos are found outside of Europe. The Egyptians hold Saturday to be particularly unfavourable for shaving and cutting the nails (E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_,⁵ London, 1871, i, 331), while the Jews in Jerusalem think that the nails should be cut early in the week, so that they may not start growing on the Sabbath (Miss A. Goodrich-Freer, in _Folklore_, 1904, xv, 187). These superstitions may rest ultimately on the notion that such acts as hair-cutting, shaving, and nail-paring are ritually unclean, and hence that their performance on a sacred day would defile the festival. See in general on this subject, E. E. Sikes, “Hair and Nails,” Hastings’s _Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, vi, 474-476.

[237] Plutarch, _Alcibiades_, 34; Xenophon, _Hellenica_, i, 4, 12; Pollux, _Onomasticon_, viii, 141.

[238] Compare Miss Jane E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, Cambridge, 1903, pp. 114 _sqq._

[239] Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi, 32; Ovid, _Fasti_, vi, 219 _sqq._, 707 _sqq._; Festus, _De verborum significatione_, ed. C. O. Müller, p. 250; Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, pp. 145 _sqq._

[240] In addition to the Parentalia, Lemuria, and Vestalia, the occasions on which the Salii performed their dances in March and October (Ovid, _Fasti_, iii, 393 _sqq._; Livy, xxxvii, 33; Suetonius, _Otho_, 8) and the two days succeeding the _feriæ Latinæ_ (Cicero, _Ad Qu. frat._, ii, 4, 2) were included among the _dies religiosi_.

[241] See G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_, Munich, 1902, pp. 365-381; _idem_, in Pauly-Wissowa’s _Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, vi, coll. 2211-2213; A. S. Wilkins, in Smith, Wayte, and Marindin’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_,³ ii, 836-838; and especially C. Jullian, in Daremberg and Saglio’s _Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines_, iv, 1042-1066. The plural form _feriæ_ indicates that the festival day recurs periodically; compare the similar usage as respects _nundinæ_ (below, p. 120). _Feriæ_ seems to have been first written _fesiæ_, whence the word _festus_. On the derivation of _feriæ_ see A. Walde, _Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch_,² Heidelberg, 1910, pp. 270 _sq._

[242] Above, pp. 25, 38 _sq._, 43 _sq._, 53.

[243] Festus, _De verborum significatione: denicales feriæ colebantur, cum hominis mortui causa familia purgabatur_ (ed. Müller, p. 70); compare Cicero, _De legibus_, ii, 22, 55. It was not lawful to bury a corpse on a public holiday, doubtless through fear of polluting the sacredness of the occasion. See Columella, _De re rustica_, ii, 22, 5.

[244] Cato, _De agri cultura_, 138. Compare the Mosaic injunction relating to the Sabbath (_Deuteronomy_, v, 14).

[245] Ovid, _Fasti_, i, 664 _sq._:

_Pagus agat festum: pagum lustrate, coloni;_
_Et date paganis ennua liba focis._

Some ancient authorities (Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi, 26; Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, i, 16, 6) appear to distinguish the Paganalia from the _feriæ sementivæ_. On this festival see Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, pp. 294 _sqq._; _idem_, _The Religious Experience of the Roman People_, London, 1911, pp. 61 _sq._

[246] Macrobius, _op. cit._, i, 16, 8. On the taboos affecting the Flamen and Flaminica see F. B. Jevons, _Plutarch’s Romane Questions_, London, 1892, pp. lxxiii _sqq._; Sir J. G. Frazer, _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 13 _sq._ The Flamen was in a condition of permanent taboo—_Dialis cotidie feriatus est_ (Gellius, _Noctes Atticæ_, x, 15, 16).

[247] Appian, _Bellum civile_, i, 55; Plutarch, _Sulla_, 8; Dio Cassius, xxxviii, 6.

[248] Cicero, _De legibus_, ii, 8, 19; compare ii, 12, 29; _idem_, _De divinatione_, i, 45, 102.

[249] Macrobius, _op. cit._, i, 16, 9: _Pollux ferias, si ... opus aliquod fieret_; Festus, _s.v._ _præciamitatores: ut homines se ab opere abstinerent, quia his opus facientem videre irreligiosum erat_ (ed. Müller, p. 248).

[250] Macrobius, _op. cit._, i, 16, 10.

[251] _Ibid._, i, 16, 11; compare _Matthew_, xii, 11; _Luke_, xiv, 5.

[252] Cato, _De agri cultura_, ii, 4.

[253] Vergil, _Georgica_, i, 268-272, with the commentary of Servius. An entire chapter of Columella’s treatise on husbandry (_De re rustica_, ii, 22) is devoted to a discussion of what may and what may not be done by a farmer on ferial days. The pontifical law in such matters was as minute, tyrannical, and absurd as the rabbinical ordinances relating to the proper observance of the Sabbath. See below, p. 263.

[254] Livy, i, 31, iii, 5, vii, 28, xxi, 62, xxv, 7, xxxiv, 55, xxxv, 40, xli, 21, xlii, 2; Suetonius, _Divus Claudius_, 22. Many more instances are given by Julius Obsequens in his curious work, _De prodigiis_, 22, 33, 54, 58, 68, 104, 111.

[255] Gellius, _Noctes Atticæ_, ii, 24, 11; compare Horace, _Carmina_, ii, 3, 6-9.

[256] The Indians of Cape Flattery, state of Washington, are said to keep the month of August as a period of repose when no berries are picked and no fish are taken from the sea, except occasionally by children (J. G. Swan, in _Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge_, xvi, no. 220, p. 91). Perhaps the practice was consciously designed to establish a “close season,” though this is probably attributing too much foresight to the Indian. The fish or berries may have been considered unfit for eating in August. After gathering the yam harvest the Bini of Benin keep the first month of the dry season as a time of idleness (R. E. Dennett, _At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind_, London, 1906, p. 216). Here a period of rest is observed by an agricultural people because they have no special labour to perform. Among the Akikuyu of British East Africa there are three months in the year when little or no work is done, since the crops are then ripening (K. R. Dundas, in _Man_, 1909, ix, 38). The Yuchi Indians, now in the state of Oklahoma, keep autumn as “a period of combined rest, hunting, and enjoyment.” The winter, also, is passed in idleness and recreation (F. G. Speck, _Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians_, Philadelphia, 1909, p. 67). Dr. C. G. Seligmann has sent to me, in manuscript, some curious information regarding a division of time observed by the Sinaugolo, a hill-tribe to the east of Port Moresby, British New Guinea. It seems that long ago, according to Sinaugolo tradition, the people had to labour incessantly and enjoyed no opportunity to celebrate their dances and other festive ceremonies. So they instituted what was called the _kaba_ period as a relaxation from the hard work of ordinary life. During this period, which recurred every other year or oftener, the Sinaugolo danced and held their most important feasts. The division of time into _kaba_ and _dauka_ (specially devoted to labour) has now lapsed.

[257] _The Evolution of the Aryan_, translated by A. Drucker, London, 1897, p. 117.

[258] On primitive markets see Karl Andree, _Geographie des Welthandels_, Stuttgart, 1867, i, 40-81; C. Köhne, “Markt-, Kaufmanns- und Handelsrecht in primitiven Kulturverhältnissen,” _Zeitschrift für vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft_, 1895, xi, 196-220; R. Lasch, “Das Marktwesen auf den primitiven Kulturstufen,” _Zeitschrift für Socialwissenschaft_, 1906, ix, 619-627, 700-715, 764-782; H. Schurtz, _Das afrikanische Gewerbe_, Leipzig, 1900, pp. 115-122; P. J. Hamilton Grierson, _The Silent Trade_, Edinburgh, 1903, pp. 54-62; H. L. Roth, “Trading in Early Days,” _Bankfield Museum Notes_, Halifax (Eng.), 1908, no. 5, pp. 23 _sqq._; N. W. Thomas, “The Market in African Law and Custom,” _Journal of the Society of Comparative Legislation_, 1908, n.s., no. 19, pp. 90-106.

[259] Some observers use ambiguous language, when referring to the length—four, five, six days, etc.—of market weeks. Throughout this chapter I have regularly translated by “every fifth day” such expressions as “tous les cinq jours,” “de cinq en cinq jours,” “alle fünf Tage,” “einmal in fünf Tagen,” and “einmaal in de vijf dagen.”

[260] A. W. Howitt, _The Native Tribes of South-east Australia_, London, 1904, pp. 714 _sqq._ On Australian barter see G. C. Wheeler, _The Tribe and Intertribal Relations in Australia_, London, 1910, pp. 93-97.

[261] A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters, Black, White, and Brown_, London, 1901, pp. 265, 269.

[262] James Chalmers, in Chalmers and Gill, _Work and Adventure in New Guinea_, London, 1885, pp. 40 sq. Compare M. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, Berlin, 1899, p. 335. Sir William MacGregor observes that the institution of the Sabbath, as a day of rest, “is not quite new to the Papuan, but ... the Papuan Sabbath of Keapara [Kerepunu] exceeds the Hebrew in dividing time into weeks of three days. The great majority of the tribes, however, do not seem to have a regular week, and work or rest capriciously” (_British New Guinea_, London, 1897, pp. 44 _sq._). See above, p. 26 _n._¹

[263] C. G. Seligmann, _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_, Cambridge, 1910, pp. 48, 94 (Koita).

[264] J. S. A. van Dissel, in _Tijdschrift van het koninklijk nederlandsch aardrijkskundig genootschap_, 1904, second series, xxi, 644.

[265] J. Graf Pfeil, _Studien und Beobachtungen aus der Südsee_, Brunswick, 1899, p. 116.

[266] J. J. Atkinson, in _Folklore_, 1903, xiv, 245. Mr. Atkinson in this passage probably has in mind the European week introduced into New Caledonia by the French.

[267] Basil Thomson, _The Fijians_, London, 1908, p. 288; Wilkes, _Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition_, iii, 300 _sq._ (Somu-Somu, in the Fiji group); J. J. Jarves, _History of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands_,² Boston, 1843, p. 77.

[268] P. Sarasin and F. Sarasin, _Reisen in Celebes_, Wiesbaden, 1905, ii, 324.

[269] W. Marsden, _The History of Sumatra_,³ London, 1811, pp. 379 _sq._; F. Junghuhn, _Die Battaländer auf Sumatra_, Berlin, 1847, pp. 227 _sq._; J. v. Brenner, _Besuch bei den Kannibalen Sumatras_, Würzburg, 1894, p. 291; B. Hagen, in _Petermanns Mitteilungen_, 1883, xxix, 173 (Batta of Lake Toba); W. Volz, _Nord-Sumatra_, Berlin, 1909, i, 267.

[270] Sir T. S. Raffles, _History of Java_,² London, 1830, i, 531; P. J. Veth, _Java_,² Haarlem, 1907, iv, 296 _sqq._ The names of the days in the _pasar_ were considered to bear a mystical relation to colours and the divisions of the horizon, the first day (white, east), the second (red, south), the third (yellow, west), the fourth (black, north), and the fifth day a mixed colour, and _focus_, or centre. See John Crawfurd, _History of the Indian Archipelago_, Edinburgh, 1820, i, 289 _sq._ These fancies must be explained by the colour symbolism which so frequently attaches to the cardinal points.

[271] R. Friederich, in _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, 1878, n.s., x, 88 _sqq._; compare _ibid._, 1876, n.s., viii, 198.

[272] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, London, 1900, pp. 545 _sq._

[273] J. Richard, _Histoire naturelle, civile, et politique du Tonquin_, Paris, 1778, i, 151.

[274] Lillian J. Curtis, _The Laos of North Siam_, Philadelphia, 1903, p. 132.

[275] Mrs. Leslie Milne, _The Shans at Home_, London, 1910, p. 132.

[276] C. E. D. Black, in _Geographical Journal_, 1895, vi, 30 (Shan of Upper Burma). Compare also _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States_, edited by Scott and Hardiman, Rangoon, 1900, pt. i, vol. i, p. 536 (Shan of Lower Burma).

[277] R. G. Woodthorpe, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1897, xxvi, 19.

[278] P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_, London, 1907, p. 189. According to C. Becker (_Anthropos_, 1909, iv, 894) the market is called _jeu duh_.

[279] Gurdon, _op. cit._, p. 190. Compare Sir J. D. Hooker (_Himalayan Journals_, London, 1891, p. 487), who attributes the fourth-day markets to the Khasi generally.

[280] J. L. Krapf, _Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours_, London, 1867, pp. 82, 365.

[281] W. W. A. Fitzgerald, _Travels in the Coastlands of British East Africa_, London, 1898, p. 111, quoting W. E. Taylor, _Vocabulary of the Giryama Language_, London, 1897. The name applied to the first day of the week—_jumwa_—is directly taken from the Arabic _al jum‘a_ (Friday, the Mohammedan day of worship), from which circumstance it may be concluded that the Wagiriama observe _jumwa_ both as a market day and a rest day. Similarly, the name of the weekly market held at Antananarivo, the capital of Madagascar, is _zoma_, or Friday (_Antananarivo Annual_, 1889-1892, iv, 372).

[282] K. R. Dundas, in _Man_, 1909, ix, 38.

[283] W. S. Routledge and Katherine Routledge, _With a Prehistoric People_, London, 1910, pp. 105 _sq._

[284] A. Widenmann, in _Petermanns Mitteilungen_, 1899, Ergänzungsheft, no. 129, p. 69; M. Merker, _ibid._, 1902, no. 138, p. 25; G. Volkens, _Der Kilimandscharo_, Berlin, 1897, p. 239; B. Gutmann, “Feldbausitten und Wachstumsbräuche der Wadschagga,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1913, xlv, 502.

[285] Horace Waller, editor, _The Last Journals of David Livingstone in Central Africa_, New York, 1875, p. 367. See also V. L. Cameron, _Across Africa_, London, 1877, ii, 3.

[286] E. Torday, in _Mitteilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, 1911, xli, 192.

[287] H. v. Wissmann _et al._, _Im Innern Afrikas_,³ Leipzig, 1891, p. 252.

[288] H. v. Wissmann, _My Second Journey through Equatorial Africa_, London, 1891, p. 125.

[289] Torday and Joyce, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1906, xxxvi, 44. Each day of the Bayaka week bears a name, the last being _pungu_, or market day (_ibid._, p. 47).

[290] Torday and Joyce, _ibid._, 1905, xxxv, 413. The Bambala year consists of thirteen lunar months, each divided into seven weeks of four days, the last day of each week being _pika_, or market day.

[291] Torday and Joyce, _ibid._, 1906, xxxvi, 291.

[292] Sir H. H. Johnston, _The River Congo_, London, 1884, p. 455.

[293] H. H. Bentley, _Pioneering on the Congo_, London, 1900, i, 399 _sq._

[294] J. K. Tuckey, _Narrative of an Expedition to explore the River Zaire_, New York, 1818, p. 238.

[295] E. Pechuël-Loesche, in _Die Loango-Expedition_, dritte Abteilung, erste Hälfte, Stuttgart, 1907, p. 139. See also A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_, Jena, 1874, i, 209.

[296] R. E. Dennett, _At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind_, London, 1906, pp. 64, 140; _idem_, _Notes on the Folklore of the Fjort_, London, 1898, pp. 8, 137. Among the lower Congo tribes, generally, the dead are buried only on two of the four weekdays (J. H. Weeks, in _Folklore_, 1909, xx, 61; compare _idem_, _Among the Primitive Bakongo_, Philadelphia, 1914, p. 249).

[297] L. B. Proyart, _Histoire de Loango, Kakongo, et autres royaumes d’Afrique_, Paris, 1776, p. 116. A still earlier reference to this African Sabbath will be found in G. A. Cavazzi da Montecuccoli, _Istorica descrizione de’ tre regni Congo, Matamba, et Angola_, Bologna, 1687, p. 24. For further details relating to markets and market weeks among the lower Congo peoples see Herbert Ward, _Five Years with the Congo Cannibals_, London, 1890, p. 59; J. H. Weeks, _Congo Life and Folklore_, London, 1911, pp. 227 _sq._; H. Nipperdey, “Zur Bedeutung der Wochen-Märkte am Congo,” _Revue coloniale internationale_, 1887, v, 205-214; A. Thonnar, _Essai sur le système économique des primitifs d’après les populations de l’état indépendant du Congo_, Brussels, 1901, pp. 82-114; A. Cureau, _Les sociétés primitives de l’Afrique équatoriale_, Paris, 1912, pp. 295 _sqq._

[298] F. Hutter, _Wanderungen und Forschungen im Nord-Hinterland von Kamerun_, Brunswick, 1902, pp. 266, 360; compare Preuss, in _Deutsches Kolonialblatt_, 1898, ix, 456.

[299] W. F. Daniell, in _Journal of the Ethnological Society_, 1848, i, 222 _sq._

[300] A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_, London, 1906, pp. 305, 375; William Allen, _Narrative of the Expedition sent by Her Majesty’s Government to the River Niger in 1841_, London, 1848, i, 398; N. W. Thomas, _Anthropological Report on the Ibo-speaking Peoples of Nigeria_, London, 1913, i, 127. Seven weeks are here counted to the month of twenty-eight days (W. F. Baikie, _Narrative of an Exploring Voyage_, London, 1856, p. 316). An early missionary to west Africa observes that among the Ibo, Igara, and other Nigerian tribes the week consists of four days, viz. _eke_, a market day and unlucky for the _ata_, or chief, to see strangers, _ede_, a lucky or good day, _afo_, an unlucky day, and _uko_, a lucky day. Besides these days of good and evil omen the Mohammedans have made the natives believe that Friday is an unlucky day to undertake any work of importance (S. A. Crowther, in _The Church Missionary Intelligencer_, 1865, n.s., i, 55).

[301] J. Parkinson, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1906, xxxvi, 317.

[302] N. W. Thomas, _Anthropological Report on the Edo-speaking Peoples of Nigeria_, London, 1910, i, 18 _sq._ That the eight-day week of the Bini has developed from a more ancient four-day week is also the opinion of R. E. Dennett (_At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind_, pp. 214, 364). The Bini week has been stated to consist of five days (Cyril Punch, quoted in H. L. Roth, _Great Benin_, Halifax [Eng.], 1903, p. 52 _n._¹), but this is certainly an error. An early traveller among the Bini declares that their Sabbath “happens every fifth day, which is very solemnly observed by the great with the slaughter of cows, sheep, and goats, whilst the commonalty kill dogs, cats, and chickens, or whatever their money will reach to. And of whatever is killed, large portions are distributed to the necessitous, in order to enable them, as every person is obliged to celebrate this festival” (David van Nyendael, “A Description of Rio Formosa, or the River of Benin,” in W. Bosman, _A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea_, London, 1705, p. 456).

[303] A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples_, London, 1887, pp. 89, 93. On the Gold Coast white seems to be the special colour appropriate for holy or festive days. On a man’s birthday, which is sacred to his _kra_, or tenanting spirit, he abstains from work, puts white clay on his face, and dons a white cloth (_ibid._, p. 156). On the Tshi holy days, observed by families or private persons only, see further Bosman, _op. cit._, p. 153; W. Hutton, _A Voyage to Africa_, London, 1821, p. 166 _n._* (Ashanti); E. Perregaux, _Chez les Achanti_, Neuchâtel, 1906, p. 272; J. Parkinson, in _Man_, 1911, xi, 2 (Appolonians).

[304] Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples_, London, 1894, p. 145.

[305] _Ibid._, p. 149.

[306] Ellis, _Tshi-speaking Peoples_, pp. 220 _sq._ Beecham declares that were the fishermen to go out to sea on this day, “the fetish would be angry and spoil their fishing” (_Ashantee and the Gold Coast_, London, 1841, p. 186). Compare also Bosman, _op. cit._, p. 160; Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _West African Studies_,² London, 1901, p. 145.

[307] Ellis, _Tshi-speaking Peoples_, pp. 220, 304.

[308] _Idem_, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples_, London, 1890, pp. 41, 79.

[309] _Ako-ojo_, “First Day”; _ojo-awo_, “Day of the Secret,” sacred to Ifa; _ojo-ogun_, “Day of Ogun,” the god of iron; _ojo-shango_, “Day of Shango,” the god of thunder; _ojo-obatala_, “Obatala’s Day.” A holy day is called _ose_ (_se_, to disallow), and because each holy day recurs weekly, _ose_ has also come to mean the week of five days (Ellis, _Yoruba-speaking Peoples_, pp. 145 _sq._). According to an earlier writer _osse_ (_ose_), or holy day, comes from a word signifying silence. This expression was transferred to the Christian Sunday, with which the Yoruba became familiar after the year 1822, when many of them emigrated to Sierra Leone (Miss Sarah Tucker, _Abbeokuta; or Sunrise within the Tropics_,² London, 1853, p. 37 _n._*). Whether the Yoruba week really consists of five days seems open to grave doubt. Bishop James Johnson, a native African, substantiates Ellis by giving the names of the five days (quoted in Dennett, _At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind_, p. 245), and also speaks of “every fifth day, which is the close of a week of _oses_, or worshipping days” (_ibid._, p. 251). But Mr. Dennett himself, in his latest work, cites three native informants in favour of a week of four days. Moreover, Shango’s (Jakuta’s) Day is described by Mr. Dennett as the Yoruba “Sunday.” The first day of the week is Ogun’s Day, the other weekdays following in the order given by Ellis. It is to be noted that Ogun’s Day, the first, fifth, ninth, and so on, is the regular market day. The god Ogun in some parts of Yorubaland has taken the place of another deity, Odudua, whom Mr. Dennett found to be universally regarded as the originator of the system of weekdays (_Nigerian Studies_, London, 1910, pp. 72-80). A five-day week has been noted among the Jebu of southeastern Yorubaland (D’Avezac, in _Mémoires de la société ethnologique_, 1845, ii, pt. ii, 81), and Burton refers to the same institution among the Egba, by whom the terminal day is called _ose_ (R. F. Burton, _Abeokuta and the Camaroons Mountains_, London, 1863, i, 205).

[310] Ellis, _Yoruba-speaking Peoples_, p. 145.

[311] F. E. Forbes, _Dahomey and the Dahomans_, London, 1851, p. 181. For every fourth day as the market day at Whydah see P. E. Isert, _Neue Reise nach Guinea und den Caribäischen Inseln in Amerika_, Berlin, 1790, p. 132. Bosman (_op. cit._, p. 352) makes the Fida (Whyda) market recur every third day. A great market every sixth day is said to be held in the district about the town of Ardrah (Allada), Dahomey (John Adams, _Remarks on the Country extending from Cape Palmas to the River Congo_, London, 1823, p. 88).

[312] Four-day weeks: R. Plehn, _Beiträge zur Völkerkunde des Togo-Gebietes_, Halle, 1898, p. 9; J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_, Berlin, 1906, p. 311 (Ho); five-day weeks: R. Plehn, in _Mitteilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den deutschen Schutzgebieten_, 1896, ix, 123; six-day weeks: von Zech, _ibid._, 1898, xi, 128; Christaller, in _Mitteilungen der geographischen Gesellschaft für Thüringen_, 1890, viii, 121; L. Conradt, in _Petermanns Mitteilungen_, 1896, xlii, 15 (Adele). The Akposo, who have a week of five days, keep the fifth day sacred to their creator-god, Uwolowo, whose name it bears. The other gods are worshipped on the second day of the week, a time when no work may be done (F. Müller, in _Anthropos_, 1907, ii, 201).

[313] A. Mischlich, in _Mitteilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den deutschen Schutzgebieten_, 1896, ix, 83.

[314] E. Henrici, _Lehrbuch der Ephe-Sprache_, Stuttgart, 1891, pp. 59 _sq._ The names of the seven weekdays in the Ewe and Tshi languages are almost identical. See the lists in Henrici, _op. cit._, pp. 59 _sq._, and Ellis, _Tshi-speaking Peoples_, p. 218. The Ewe have borrowed from the Tshi not only the names of the weekdays but also the custom of giving to private persons names derived from those of the weekdays (Henrici, _op. cit._, p. 60).

[315] Ellis, _Yoruba-speaking Peoples_, pp. 146 _sq._; _idem_, _Tshi-speaking Peoples_, p. 218.

[316] Ellis, _Yoruba-speaking Peoples_, p. 147. For the names of the Ga weekdays, see _ibid._, p. 143. An early writer, whose observations were confined to Akkra on the Gold Coast, speaks of _haughbah_ (_ho-gba_) as one of the two sacred days of the seven-day week. It is compulsory for all ranks and sexes, but is especially observed by the women. “Under the supposition that some malign potency pervades the surrounding country on this day, more particularly directed against the pregnant women, their daily avocations are restricted within the walls of their domiciles, no egress being tolerated either for the purposes of travelling or other exterior occupations. Not many people, therefore, presume to violate these injunctions by issuing forth early in the forenoon, and none resort to their familiar haunts in the markets or public thoroughfares, until the prohibition has been withdrawn, by the well-known sign of a declining sun” (W. F. Daniell, in _Journal of the Ethnological Society_, 1856, iv, 23).

[317] R. A. Freeman, _Travels and Life in Ashanti and Jáman_, Westminster, 1898, p. 176 (market every fourth day among the Gaman, a Tshi-speaking people); M. Monnier, _France noire_, Paris, 1894, p. 209 (market every fifth day in Kong); L. G. Binger, _Du Niger au golfe de Guinée_, Paris, 1892, i, 370 (market every fifth day among the Diulasu); L. Desplagnes, _Le plateau central nigérien_, Paris, 1907, p. 377 (market every sixth day among the Habbe). A market every ninth day is described as being held at Bocqua in Northern Nigeria (R. Lander and J. Lander, _Journal of an Expedition to explore the Course and Termination of the Niger_, London, 1832, iii, 73, 82). For a general account of markets among the Nigerian peoples see A. Hovelacque, _Les nègres de l’Afrique sus-équatoriale_, Paris, 1889, pp. 355 _sqq._

[318] A. Mischlich, _Lehrbuch der hausanischen Sprache_, Berlin, 1902, p. 127 (Hausa); J. S. Gallieni, _Voyage au Soudan français, Haut-Niger, et pays de Segou_, Paris, 1885, p. 436 (Segu); R. Callié, _Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo_, London, 1830, i, 323, 346 (Mandingo); A. Hacquard, _Monographie de Tombouctou_, Paris, 1900, p. 55; O. Lenz, _Timbuktu_, Leipzig, 1884, i, 154. The Bali market is said to be held every seventh day, _i.e._, on Friday. Here, again, Mohammedan influence is to be suspected (F. Hutter, _Wanderungen und Forschungen im Nord-Hinterland von Kamerun_, Brunswick, 1902, p. 361).

[319] C. van Overbergh, _Les Mayombe_, Brussels, 1907, p. 353; A. de Calonne Beaufaict, _Études Bakango_, Liége, 1912, p. 79; J. H. Weeks, _Among the Primitive Bakongo_, Philadelphia, 1914, pp. 248 _sq._ Some of the Galla tribes have been so far affected by Arabic influences as to hold their markets every seventh day (P. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas. Die materielle Kultur der Danâkil, Galla, und Somâl_, Berlin, 1893, p. 313).

[320] Ellis, _Tshi-speaking Peoples_, p. 217. So also B. Cruickshank (_Eighteen Years on the Gold Coast of Africa_, London, 1853, ii, 189 _sq._).

[321] No evidence for markets has been discovered among the Bantu tribes south of the Zambesi. The absence of markets elsewhere is sometimes specifically noted by our authorities; see F. Thonner, _Im afrikanischen Urwald_, Berlin, 1898, p. 33 (Mondunga, on the Dua River, Belgian Congo); J. Maes, in _Anthropos_, 1913, viii, 357 (Mongelima, on the Aruwimi River, Belgian Congo); A. J. N. Tremearne, _The Tailed Head-hunters of Nigeria_, London, 1912, p. 245 (Kagoro and other pagan tribes of Northern Nigeria).

[322] Above, pp. 107, 109, 111.

[323] D. F. S. Clavigero, _Storia antica del Messico_, Cesena, 1780, ii, 62, 163; B. de Sahagun, _Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España_, transl. Jourdanet and Siméon, Paris, 1880, pp. lxxiii, 290 _sq._; A. von Humboldt, _Vues des Cordillères_, Paris, 1816, ii, 340; G. Brühl, _Die Culturvölker Alt-Amerikas_, New York, 1887, p. 234; J. Kohler, “Das Recht der Azteken,” _Zeitschrift für vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft_, 1895, xi, 75, 87; E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, Oxford, 1892-1899, ii, 359. A greater market or fair was sometimes held once in every cycle of twenty days, that is, on every fourth ordinary market day. Eighteen market months were included in the solar year. How such “months” may arise is illustrated by a Yoruba mode of computing time by periods of seventeen days, that being the number of days in four market weeks, when the first and fifth days of each cycle are counted in (Ellis, _Yoruba-speaking Peoples_, pp. 149 _sq._).

[324] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique et de l’Amérique-Centrale_, Paris, 1858, iii, 464.

[325] A. von Humboldt, _op. cit._, i, 340, ii, 227; Brühl, _op. cit._, p. 239; compare p. 326, where a market every fourth day is stated to have been held in Turmequé. In Sorotoca the market took place every eighth day (_ibid._). But authentic details concerning the Chibcha calendar are not to be had. According to von Humboldt (_op. cit._, ii, 244) ten of the Muysca “weeks” formed a lunation called _suna_. The _suna_ began, not at new moon, but at full moon.

[326] Garcilasso de la Vega, _Comentarios reales de los Incas_, pt. i, bk. vi, ch. 35; C. R. Markham, _First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, London, 1871, ii, 206. It is an old error, for which Garcilasso de la Vega (_op. cit._, pt. i, bk. ii, ch. 23) appears to be responsible, that the Peruvians had a week of seven days, following the successive phases of the moon. But Acosta, who visited Peru soon after the Spanish conquest of that country, is better informed and says clearly that neither Peruvians nor Mexicans had a seven-day week (J. de Acosta, _Historia de las Indias_, bk. vi, ch. 3; _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_, edited by C. R. Markham, London, 1880, ii, 396).

[327] See G. E. Marindin, in Smith, Wayte, and Marindin’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_,³ ii, 251 _sq._; M. Besnier, in Daremberg, Saglio, and Pottier’s _Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines_, vii, 120-122; E. Huschke, _Das alte römische Jahr und seine Tage_, Breslau, 1869, pp. 288-312; R. Flex, _Die älteste Monatseinteilung der Römer_, Jena, 1880, pp. 16 _sqq._; and especially P. Huvelin, _Essai historique sur le droit des marchés et des foires_, Paris, 1897, pp. 84-99. According to the Roman system of inclusive reckoning—which may be compared with that sometimes employed in Yorubaland (p. 119 _n._¹)—the market fell on the ninth day, as the derivation of the word _nundinæ_ (from _novem_) indicates. It has been suggested by H. Diels (_Sibyllinische Blätter_, Berlin, 1890, p. 41 _n._¹) that the choice of the ninth day was influenced by the symbolism attaching to the number nine among the Romans, as among other Indo-European peoples; compare the Nones, or the ninth day before the Ides, and the nine days’ festivals (_novemdiales feriæ_). Probably, however, the Roman market week consisted originally of four days only, and later was doubled to form the cycle employed in historic times. The nundinal days were not named, but were indicated in the calendars by letters of the alphabet from A to H.

[328] Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, i, 16, 32 _sq._; Dionysius Halicarnassensis, _Antiquitates Romanæ_, ii, 28, vii, 58; compare Varro, _De re rustica_, ii, præf. Cicero attributes the institution of markets to Numa (_De republica_, ii, 14, 27).

[329] _Tertiis nundinis partis secanto (Tabula_ iii, 6, in Gellius, _Noctes Atticæ_, xx, i, 49).

[330] Macrobius, _op. cit._, i, 16, 30; Pliny, _Historia naturalis_, xviii, 3. I accept the view that the _lex Hortensia_ converted the _nundinæ_ into _dies fasti non comitiales_, that is, forbade comitial meetings on these dates, though allowing judicial business to be done thereon. For this explanation see G. W. Botsford, _The Roman Assemblies_, New York, 1909, pp. 139, 315, 471; Marquardt-Wissowa, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, Leipzig, 1885, iii,² 290. It has been maintained that toward the end of the republican period the prohibition referred to was no longer observed (P. Groebe, in Drumann-Groebe, _Geschichte Roms_,² Berlin, 1899-1906, iii, 779).

[331] Above, pp. 94 _sqq._

[332] Macrobius, _op. cit._, i, 16, 30. According to Plutarch (_Quæstiones Romanæ_, 42), the _nundinæ_ were consecrated to Saturn.

[333] _Omnes judices urbanæque plebes et cunctarum artium officia venerabili die Solis quiescant_ (_Codex Justinianus_, iii, 12, 3). The prohibition of holding court on Sunday was relaxed by Constantine in the same year so far as to permit such legal proceedings as the emancipation and manumission of slaves to take place at this time (_Codex Theodosianus_, ii, 8, 1). Eusebius (_Vita Constantini_, iv, 18-20) tells us that the emperor forbade all military exercises on Sunday.

[334] Above, p. 98.

[335] _Provisione etiam pietatis su[a]e nundinas die Solis perpeti anno constituit_ (_Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum_, iii, no. 4121, p. 523). Markets were held on Sunday in many parts of Europe until late in the Middle Ages, in spite of numerous edicts, ecclesiastical and civil, forbidding the practice (Huvelin, _op. cit._, pp. 46, 156 _sq._).

[336] The date of the obsolescence of the _nundinæ_ is not definitely known. The _fasti Philocali_ (354 A.D.) marks the days of the seven-day week by the letters A-G, and gives side by side the old nundinal letters A-H (_Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum_, i, pt. i,² 256 _sqq._). This arrangement had probably become a feature of the state calendar since the Sunday legislation of Constantine.

[337] P. Ehrenreich, _Die allgemeine Mythologie und ihre ethnologischen Grundlagen_, Leipzig, 1910, pp. 114-127; S. Arrhenius, “Über den Ursprung des Gestirnkultus,” _Scientia_, 1911, ix, pp. 424 _sqq._, Sir J. G. Frazer, _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_,³ London, 1914, ii, 140-150; E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, Oxford, 1892-1899, i, 547 _sqq._; W. H. Roscher, _Über Selene und Verwandtes_, Leipzig, 1890, pp. 1-16, and _Nachträge_, Leipzig, 1895, pp. 1-19. For the ideas of civilized children relating to the moon see J. W. Slaughter, “The Moon in Childhood and Folklore,” _American Journal of Psychology_, 1902, xiii, 294-318; G. S. Hall, “Note on Moon Fancies,” _ibid._, 1903, xiv, 88-91.

[338] Albîrûnî, _India_, translated by C. E. Sachau, London, 1888, i, 346 _sq._ Compare the fine passage in Apuleius (_Metamorphoses_, xi, 1).

[339] Spix and Martius, _Reise in Brasilien_, Munich, 1823-1831, i, 381, iii, 1186.

[340] K. Weule, _Native Life in East Africa_, London, 1909, p. 188. On the other hand, children of the Bageshu, a Bantu people of British East Africa, are expected to take part in new-moon dances, since it is thought that they derive benefit from the moon (J. Roscoe, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1909, xxxix, 193). A Baganda mother believes that her child will grow strong and healthy, if it is shown the first new moon after its birth (_idem_, _The Baganda_, London, 1911, p. 58). Similarly, it is said that in the island of Kiriwina, the largest of the Trobriand group to the east of New Guinea, a mother always presents her child to the first new moon after its birth, in order that it may grow fast and talk soon (George Brown, _Melanesians and Polynesians_, London, 1910, p. 37).

[341] Plutarch, _Quæstiones conviviales_, iii, 10, 3.

[342] A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart_,³ edited by E. H. Meyer, Berlin, 1900, p. 391 (Oldenburg).

[343] W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography_, _Bulletin_, 1903, no. 5, p. 7.

[344] W. H. I. Bleek and Lucy C. Lloyd, _Specimens of Bushman Folk-lore_, London, 1911, pp. 67 _sq._

[345] W. Bogoras, in _Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History_, xi, 306.

[346] C. M. Doughty, _Travels in Arabia Deserta_, Cambridge, 1888, i, 444.

[347] _Psalms_, cxxi, 6. Another Biblical passage (_Hosea_, v, 7), possibly referring to the moon, is most obscure.

[348] _Matthew_, iv, 24, xvii, 15. The Greek verb used here is σεληνιάζομαι.

[349] E. Combe, _Histoire du culte de Sin en Babylonie et en Assyrie_, Paris, 1908, pp. 36 _sqq._

[350] _Quæstiones conviviales_, iii, 10, 3.

[351] P. Sébillot, _Le folk-lore de France_, Paris, 1904-1907, i, 45.

[352] Wuttke-Meyer, _op. cit._, p. 301.

[353] _Ibid._, p. 59. In Voigtland, central Germany, the assaults of witches are especially looked for and dreaded on Mondays (R. Eisel, _Sagenbuch des Voigtlandes_, Gera, 1871, p. 210).

[354] Fanny D. Bergen, _Current Superstitions_, Boston, 1896, p. 120.

[355] For the belief that impregnation can be accomplished by the sun, see Sir J. G. Frazer, _Balder the Beautiful_, London, 1913, i, 74 _sqq._

[356] Mrs. K. L. Parker, _The Euahlayi Tribe_, London, 1905, pp. 50, 64, 98.

[357] C. G. Seligmann, in _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v, 206 _sq._ The word for moon, _ganumi_, is sometimes used as a synonym of _nanamud_, the proper expression for menstrual blood (_ibid._). Compare A. Hunt, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1899, xxviii, 11.

[358] C. G. Seligmann, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1902, xxxii, 303 _sq._ (Sinaugolo of the Rigo District); E. Beardmore, _ibid._, 1890, xix, 460 (Mawatta of the Daudai District); A. Baessler, _Neue Südsee Bilder_, Berlin, 1900, p. 383 (Santa Cruz Islands).

[359] E. Best, “Notes on Procreation among the Maori People of New Zealand,” _Journal of the Polynesian Society_, 1905, xiv, 210 _sq._

[360] C. W. Hobley, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1903, xxxiii, 358.

[361] J. Roscoe, _ibid._, 1901, xxxi, 121.

[362] Thomas Winterbottom, _An Account of the Native Africans in the Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone_, London, 1803, ii, 206 (Mandingo, Susu, etc.).

[363] Hans Egede, _A Description of Greenland_, London, 1745, p. 205.

[364] W. B. Grubb, _An Unknown People in an Unknown Land_, London, 1911, p. 139.

[365] P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpación de la idolatria del Piru_, Lima, 1621, p. 32.

[366] H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Ägypter_, Leipzig, 1885, p. 335. The sacred bull Apis, which the Egyptians regarded as an image of the soul of Osiris, a god often identified with the moon, was supposed to be born of a virgin cow impregnated by a divine influence emanating from the moon (Plutarch, _Quæstiones conviviales_, viii, 1, 3; _idem_, _De Iside et Osiride_, 43). On the discovery of an Apis the Egyptians kept a holiday (Herodotus, iii, 28).

[367] W. H. Roscher, “Aphrodite,” in Roscher’s _Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie_, i, coll. 390 _sq._

[368] L. H. Gray, in _Spiegel Memorial Volume_, Bombay, 1908, pp. 160-168. Râkâ and Sînîvalî, two of the Vedic goddesses identified with the lunar phases, seem to have been associated with childbirth (_Rig-Veda_, ii, 32; transl. H. Grassmann, i, 41).

[369] Plutarch, _Quæstiones conviviales_, iii, 10, 3; _idem_, _Quæstiones Romanæ_, 77. See further, W. H. Roscher, _Juno und Hera_, Leipzig, 1875, pp. 40-59; _idem_, _Über Selene und Verwandtes_, pp. 55-61; _idem_, “Mondgöttin,” _Ausführliches Lexicon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie_, ii, coll. 3150 _sqq._

[370] Sébillot, _op. cit._, i, 41.

[371] E. H. Man, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1883, xii, 337; Sheldon Dibble, _History of the Sandwich Islands_, Lahainaluna, 1843, p. 109; N. B. Dennys, _The Folk-lore of China_, London, 1876, p. 118; M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, Boston, 1898, p. 358.

[372] H. A. Hazen, “The Origin and Value of Weather Lore,” _Journal of American Folk-lore_, 1900, xiii, 191-198; E. G. Dexter, _Weather Influences_, New York, 1904, pp. 10-26.

[373] Payne, _op. cit._, i, 547 _sq._; Sir E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,⁴ London, 1903, i, 130; W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_, London, 1883, pp. 124 _sqq._; A. E. Crawley, “Dew,” Hastings’s _Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, iv, 698-701.

[374] Roscher, _Über Selene und Verwandtes_, pp. 49 _sqq._, 61-67. The New Zealanders believed that it was in the night that everything grew (R. Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui_, London, 1855, p. 175). The single Old Testament passage which may possibly embody a like conception is _Deuteronomy_, xxxiii, 14: “and for the precious things put forth by the moon.” See W. von Baudissin, _Jahve et Moloch_, Leipzig, 1874, p. 24.

[375] For many illustrations see Frazer, _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_,³ ii, 131 _sqq._; J. Grimm, _Teutonic Mythology_, London, 1883, ii, 708-716.

[376] Gellius, _Noctes Atticæ_, xx, 8: _Eadem autem ipsa, quæ crescente luna gliscunt, deficiente contra defiunt_.

[377] _The Todas_, London, 1906, p. 411.

[378] E. H. Man, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1883, xii, 152 _sq._ It is also said of the Andamanese that they do no work, except what is noiseless, between dawn and sunrise (_ibid._).

[379] Peter Dobell, _Travels in Kamtchatka and Siberia_, London, 1830, ii, 16.

[380] Joannes de Plano Carpini, in R. Hakluyt, _The Principal Navigations, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation_, i, 141 _sq._ (Glasgow reprint, 1903-1905).

[381] Mungo Park, _Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa_, London, 1816, i, 266.

[382] L. G. Binger, _Du Niger au golfe de Guinée_, Paris, 1892, ii, 116.

[383] A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_, Oxford, 1908, pp. 52, 60, 71.

[384] J. Sibree, “Malagasy Folk-lore and Popular Superstitions,” _Folk-lore Record_, 1879, ii, 32.

[385] _De bello Gallico_, i, 50.

[386] _Germania_, 11. The rule of the Spartans never to march out to war before the full moon (Herodotus, vi, 106; Pausanias, i, 28, 4) prevented them from sending aid to the Athenians at the time of the battle of Marathon. Though the Spartans always knew how to make use of their religious scruples, during their festivals they really did ostentatiously abstain from expeditions which might have been profitable to them. See A. Holm, _History of Greece_, London, 1895, ii, 26, referring to Thucydides, iv, 5, v, 75.

[387] Kuhn and Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen, und Gebräuche_, Leipzig, 1848, p. 457.

[388] The Rev. John Grant, in Sir John Sinclair’s _The Statistical Account of Scotland_, Edinburgh, 1794, xii, 457. See also Charles Rogers, _Familiar Illustrations of Scottish Character_,² London, 1865, p. 172 (as to Orkney). In the Calendar of Coligny, the most important of the Celtic inscriptions of ancient Gaul, the lunation is divided into two parts by the full moon, and nearly all the important activities of the month are crowded into the first fortnight, apparently because of the ill luck associated with a waning moon. See Sir John Rhŷs, “The Coligny Calendar,” _Proceedings of the British Academy_, 1909-1910, pp. 221, 265. It has been pointed out that most of the Greek festivals known to us fell in the first half of the month, and especially on the twelfth day. “Zugrunde liegt die weit verbreitete Vorstellung, dass alles, was gedeihen und zunehmen soll, während des zunehmenden Mondes vorgenommen werden soll” (M. P. Nilsson in _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1911, xiv, 441 _sq._).

[389] J. T. Bent, _The Cyclades_, London, 1885, p. 438.

[390] John Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_, edited by J. Britten, London, 1881, p. 85.

[391] On the superstitions attaching to eclipses, generally, see R. Lasch, “Die Finsternisse in der Mythologie und im religiösen Brauch der Völker,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1900, iii, 97-152.

[392] W. E. H. Barrett, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1911, xli, 35.

[393] Hodson, _Nāga Tribes_, pp. 166 _sq._ See above, pp. 50 _sq._

[394] Rivers, _op. cit._, pp. 580, 592.

[395] _Madras Weekly Mail_, 15th October, 1908, quoted by Edgar Thurston, _Omens and Superstitions of Southern India_, London and Leipzig, 1912, p. 44.

[396] R. G. Chaube, “Some of the Most Popular Beliefs and Superstitions of the Hindus of Northern India,” _Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, v, 326.

[397] W. Crooke, _The Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_,² Westminster, 1896, i, 21 _sqq._; compare _idem_, _Natives of Northern India_, London, 1907, p. 203. See also H. G. Rose, “Hindu Pregnancy Observances in the Punjab,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1905, xxxv, 277 _sq._

[398] John Barrow, _Travels in China_, London, 1804, p. 287.

[399] Thucydides, vii, 50; Plutarch, _Nicias_, 23.

[400] J. Buxtorf, _Synagoga Judaica_,³ Basel, 1680, p. 477: _Defectum lunæ pro pessimo habent signo, quod aliquid mali et inauspicati ab hostibus et inimicis suis portendat. Ideo ejusmodi die animas vulgo jejunio affligunt et ab hostibus suis a Deo defendi postulant._

[401] Above, p. 134. During a solar eclipse Swabian peasants totally abandon their usual occupations and shut up their cattle in the stalls (A. Birlinger, _Volksthümliches aus Schwaben_, Freiburg-i.-B., 1861-1862, i, 189). In Ober-Pfalz and Bohemia at such a time it is believed to be dangerous to eat anything or even to go outside the house, unless one’s mouth is securely covered with a cloth (Wuttke-Meyer, _op. cit._, p. 302).

[402] C. W. Hobley, _Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African Tribes_, Cambridge, 1910, p. 53.

[403] W. S. Routledge and Katherine Routledge, _With a Prehistoric People_, London, 1910, p. 284.