Chapter XXIV: Conclusion (4)

[618] M. Merker, _Die Masai_,² Berlin, 1910, pp. 157 _sq._, 327 _sq._; compare Sir Charles Eliot, in A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_, Oxford, 1905, p. xiv.

[619] C. W. Hobley, _Ethnology of the A-Kamba and Other East African Tribes_, Cambridge, 1910, p. 163.

[620] J. L. Krapf, _Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours_, London, 1867, p. 82.

[621] J. W. C. Kirk, _A Grammar of the Somali Language_, Cambridge, 1905, p. 134; P. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas. Die geistige Kultur der Danâkil, Galla, und Somâl_, Berlin, 1896, p. 224.

[622] F. J. Bieber, in _Revue des études ethnographiques et sociologiques_, 1909, ii, 38, 63.

[623] Above, pp. 115 _sqq._ For further instances see Anne Raffenel, _Nouveau voyage dans le pays des nègres_, Paris, 1856, i, 350 (Bambara); H. Gaden, in _Revue d’ethnographie et de sociologie_, 1912, iii, 52 (Toucouleur and Mohammedan Peul of Senegal). Among the Vey of Liberia the week of seven days must be due to Christian influence (J. Büttikofer, _Reisebilder aus Liberia_, Leiden, 1890, ii, 317).

[624] Above, p. 157 _and_ _n._²

[625] Above, p. 166.

[626] J. F. Fleet, “The Use of the Planetary Names of the Days of the Week in India,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, 1912, n.s., xliv, 1039-1046. For lists of the more common planetary names of the weekdays, as now found in India, see Sewell and Dikshit, _The Indian Calendar_, London, 1896, p. 2. The celebrated astronomical work in Sanskrit, known as the _Sûrya-Siddhânta_, contains two references to the planetary week (i, 51-52, xii, 78-79; transl. Burgess-Whitney, in _Journal of the American Oriental Society_, 1860, v, 175-178, 396), and in the _Hitōpadēśa_ (ed. Johnson, p. 16, l. 411) there is an interesting passage which, as A. W. von Schlegel was the first to point out (_Indische Bibliothek_, 1827, ii, 178), refers to Sunday as a sacred day.

[627] Sir M. Monier-Williams, _Brāhmanism and Hindūism_,⁴ New York, 1891, p. 433; W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, London, 1907, p. 226; _idem_, _The Tribes and Castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh_, Calcutta, 1896, iii, 112.

[628] J. A. Dubois, _Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies_,³ Oxford, 1906, p. 382.

[629] R. Percival, _An Account of the Island of Ceylon_, London, 1803, p. 187; H. C. P. Bell, _The Máldive Islands_, Colombo, 1883, p. 119; B. H. Hodgson, _Essays on the Languages, Literature, and Religion of Nepál and Tibet_, London, 1874, p. 8; E. Schlaginweit, _Buddhism in Tibet_, Leipzig and London, 1863, 289; Shway Yoe, _The Burman_,³ London, 1910, pp. 550 _sq._; E. Aymonier, _Le Cambodge_, Paris, 1900-1904, i, 42, ii, 19; De la Loubère, _A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam_, London, 1693, ii, 168.

[630] A. Cabaton, in Hastings’s _Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, iii, 113, 345, 450. On the other hand a week of seven days, found in central Asia, has been borrowed from Persia, as its name _hafta_ from the Persian _heft_, “seven,” indicates (H. Vámbéry, _Die primitive Cultur des turko-tatarischen Volkes_, Leipzig, 1879, p. 160). In northern Asia, again, the Russian advance has begun to lead to the use of the seven-day week by native tribes, such as the Yukaghir of northeastern Siberia (W. Jochelson, in _Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History_, xiii, 42).

[631] Tournier, _Notice sur le Laos français_, Hanoi, 1900, p. 188.

[632] Robert Morrison, _A View of China for Philological Purposes_, Macao, 1817, pp. 52, 102; _idem_, _A Grammar of the Chinese Language_, Serampore, 1815, p. 54.

[633] A. Wylie, “On the Knowledge of the Weekly Sabbath in China,” _Chinese Researches_, Shanghai, 1897, pt. ii, 86-101; J. Edkins, _Chinese Buddhism_,² London, 1893, p. 211.

[634] The Nestorian Monument was set up in 781 A.D. in the department or prefecture of Hsî-an, province of Shen-hsî, northwestern China. At the end of the inscription on it we read: “Erected in the second year of the period Chien-chung of the great T’ang dynasty, the year-star being in Tso-yo, on the seventh day of the first month, being Sunday.” See James Legge, _The Nestorian Monument of Hsî-an Fu in Shen-hsî, China_, London, 1888, p. 29. A replica of this monument, which is a limestone block ten feet in height and of two tons’ weight, was taken to the United States in 1908 and now rests in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City. See F. V. Holm, “The Holm Nestorian Expedition to Sian, MCMVII,” _Open Court_, 1909, xxiii, 18-28.

[635] “Some persons,” writes an experienced observer of the Chinese, “have expressed their surprise that the unceasing round of toil which the Chinese labourer pursues has not rendered him more degraded. It is usually said that a weekly rest is necessary for the continuance of the powers of body and mind in man in their full activity, and that decrepitude and insanity would oftener result were it not for this relaxation.... Yet, in China, people who apparently tax themselves uninterruptedly to the utmost stretch of body and mind, live in health to old age.... Nothing like a seventh day of rest, or religious respect to that interval of time, is known among the Chinese, but they do not, as a people, exercise their minds to the intensity, or upon the high subjects, common among western nations, and this perhaps is one reason why their yearly toil produces no disastrous effects” (S. W. Williams, _The Middle Kingdom_,² New York, 1883, i, 809 _sq._).

[636] B. H. Chamberlain, _Things Japanese_,² London, 1891, pp. 418 _sq._

[637] Arthur Lloyd, _Every-day Japan_, London, 1909, pp. 371 _sq._

[638] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, London, 1900, pp. 548 _sq._, 554.

[639] Annandale and Robinson, _Fasciculi Malayensis_, London, 1903-1904, i, 80 _sq._, 100; ii, 30, 55.

[640] C. S. Hurgronje, _The Achehnese_, Leiden, 1906, i, 236, 261.

[641] A. Maass, _Durch Zentral-Sumatra_, Berlin, 1910, p. 513.

[642] J. Winkler, “Der Kalender der Toba-Bataks auf Sumatra,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1913, xlv, 441 _sqq._

[643] W. Marsden, _The History of Sumatra_³, London, 1811, p. 194.

[644] E. Metzger, “Über die Zeitrechnung der Javanen”, _Deutsche Rundschau für Geographie und Statistik_, 1887, ix, 311; P. J. Veth, Java,², Haarlem, 1907, iv, 297 _sq._ A recent observer points out that, although the life of a Javanese village is never intensely laborious, it is, in a sense, a life of continuous labour, “for the Javanese does not feel compelled to abstain from labour entirely upon any day of the week—not even on a Friday—to satisfy his religious beliefs. He works as long as he needs to work; but only too often only just so long. His village holidays are numerous” (A. Cabaton, _Java, Sumatra, and the Other Islands of the Dutch East Indies_, London and Leipzig, 1911, pp. 125 _sq._).

[645] R. Friederich, in _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, 1878, n.s., x, 89, 93.

[646] _An Historical Description of the Kingdom of Macasar_, London, 1701, p. 149.

[647] T. Nöldeke, “Die Namen der Wochentage bei den Semiten,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Wortforschung_, 1901, i, 162; J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentums_,² Berlin, 1897, p. 142.

[648] _Koran_, lxii, 9 _sq._ (_S. B. E._, ix, 283); T. P. Hughes, _Dictionary of Islam_, London, 1885, pp. 131, 666; _idem_, “The Mosque Life of the Muslim,” _Open Court_, 1906, xx, 335; T. W. Juynboll, “Djum‘a,” _The Encyclopædia of Islām_, i, 1061 _sq._

[649] See in general L. Lévy-Bruhl, _Les fonctions mentales dans les sociétés inférieures_, Paris, 1910, pp. 235-257; D. G. Brinton, “The Origin of Sacred Numbers,” _American Anthropologist_, 1894, vii, 168-173; _idem_, _The Myths of the New World_,³ Philadelphia, 1896, pp. 83-119; W. J. McGee, “Primitive Numbers,” _Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, pt. ii, 821-852; W. Schultz, “Gesetze der Zahlenverschiebung im Mythus und in mythenhaltiger Überlieferung,” _Mitteilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, 1910, xl, 101-150; R. Hirzel, “Über Rundzahlen,” _Berichte über die Verhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der königlichsächsischen Gesellschaft_, Leipzig, 1885, xxxvii, 1-74; E. Kautzsch, “Zahlen,” in Herzog, Plitt, and Hauck’s _Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche_,³ xx, 598-607; A. Bergaigne, _La religion védique_, Paris, 1883, ii, 114-156; E. W. Hopkins, “The Holy Numbers of the _Rig-Veda_,” in _Oriental Studies_, Boston, 1894, pp. 141-159; E. Wölfflin, “Zur Zahlensymbolik,” _Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik_, 1895, ix, 33-353; I. Goldziher, “Über Zahlenaberglauben im Islam,” _Globus_, 1901, lxxx, 31-32. For collections of the evidence relating to the sacredness of certain numbers see B. Stade, “Die Dreizahl im Alten Testament,” _Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft_, 1906, xxvi, 124 _sqq._; H. Usener, “Dreiheit,” _Rheinisches Museum für Philologie_, 1903, n.s., lviii, 1-47, 161-208, 321-362; Anne W. Buckland, “Four as a Sacred Number,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1896, xxv, 96-102; F. X. Kugler, “Die Symbolik der Neunzahl bei den Babyloniern,” in _Assyriologische und archäologische Studien Hermann v. Hilprecht gewidmet_, Leipzig, 1909, pp. 304-309; A. Kaegi, “Die Neunzahl bei den Ostariern,” in _Philologische Abhandlungen für Heinrich Schweizer-Sidler_, Zürich, 1891, pp. 50-70; K. Weinhold, “Die mystische Neunzahl bei den Deutschen,” _Abhandlungen der königlich-preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften_, Berlin, 1897, pp. 1-61; Edgar Thurston, “The Number Seven in Southern India,” in _Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway_, Cambridge, 1913, pp· 353-364; W. H. Roscher, “Die enneadischen und hebdomadischen Fristen und Wochen der ältesten Griechen,” _Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der königlichsächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, Leipzig, 1903, xxi, no. 4; _idem_, “Die Sieben- und Neunzahl im Kultus und Mythus der Griechen,” _ibid._, 1904, xxiv, no. I; _idem_, “Die Hebdomadenlehren der griechischen Philosophen und Ärzte,” _ibid._, 1904, xxiv, no. 6; _idem_, “Enneadische Studien,” _ibid._, 1907, xxvi, no. i; _idem_, “Die Zahl 40 im Glauben, Brauch, und Schrifttum der Semiten,” _ibid._, 1909, xxvii, no. 4; _idem_, “Über Alter, Ursprung, und Bedeutung der hippokratischen Schrift von der Siebenzahl,” _ibid._, 1911, xxviii, no. 5; _idem_, “Die Tessarakontaden und Tessarakontadenlehren der Griechen und anderer Völker,” _Berichte über die Verhandlungen_, etc., Leipzig, 1909, lxi, 17-206.

[650] For a large collection of evidence see F. von Andrian, “Die Siebenzahl im Geistesleben der Völker,” _Mitteilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, 1901, xxxi, 225-274.

[651] Brooke Low, in H. L. Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, London, 1906, i, 231; Hose and McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_, London, 1912, ii, 134 _sq._

[652] I. H. N. Evans, “Notes on the Religious Beliefs, Superstitions, Ceremonies, and Tabus of the Dusuns,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, 1912, xlii, 394 _sq._

[653] Suas, “Le septième jour aux Nouvelles Hébrides, Océanie,” _Anthropos_, 1912, vii, 1057; compare _ibid._, 50 _n._¹

[654] M. Merker, in _Petermanns Mitteilungen_, 1902, Ergänzungsheft, no. 138, p. 25.

[655] W. E. H. Barrett, in _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, 1911, xli, 22, 31 _sq._, 34.

[656] C. W. Hobley, _ibid._, 1910, xl, 439 _sq._ Seven among the Akikuyu is of all numbers the most unlucky in divination (Routledge and Routledge, _With a Prehistoric People_, pp. 264, 274).

[657] Hollis, _Nandi_, p. 89.

[658] Above, pp. 145 _sq._, 198 _sq._

[659] Above, p. 199.

[660] E. Dayrell, _Folk Stories from Southern Nigeria, West Africa_, London, 1910, nos. xxx-xxxii, xxxiv, xxxviii, etc.

[661] E. Doutté, _Magie et religion dans l’Afrique du nord_, Algiers, 1909, pp. 184 _sqq._

[662] The Zuñi priests preserve a ceremonial diagram of the seven “Ancient Spaces,” or primeval cosmogonic areas, representing north, east, south, west, the zenith, the nadir, and the middle. The observer is always supposed to stand in the central space. For illustrations of the seven-cult among the American Indians see J. W. Powell, in F. H. Cushing, _Zuñi Folk Tales_, New York, 1901, pp. xii _sq._; S. Hagar, “Cherokee Star-lore,” in _Boas Anniversary Volume_, New York, 1906, p. 361; J. O. Dorsey, in _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, p. 397 (Osage, Kansa, Omaha, Dakota, and Ponka tribes); Jean L’Heureux, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1886, xv, 303 (Blackfoot); D. G. Brinton, _The Lenâpé and their Legends_, Philadelphia, 1885, pp. 139 _sq._

[663] E. W. Hopkins, “The Holy Numbers of the _Rig-Veda_,” in _Oriental Studies_, Boston, 1894, pp. 141, 144 _sq._; compare A. Bergaigne, _La religion védique_, Paris, 1883, ii, 123, 127.

[664] _Odyssey_, x, 81, xii, 399, xiv, 252, 288, xv, 477.

[665] _Opera et dies_, 770 _sq._; Herodotus, vi, 57; Æschylus, _Septem contra Thebas_, 800; Plutarch, _Quæstiones conviviales_, viii, 1, 2; Lydus, _De mensibus_, ii, 12. The seventh day of each month was a holiday for Greek children, in remembrance of Apollo’s birth on the seventh of Thargelion (Lucian, _Pseudologistes_, 16). The first and twentieth of the month were also consecrated to Apollo, who received in consequence the cult titles Ἑβδομαγέτης, Νεομήνιος and Εἰκάδιος. According to Plutarch (_Dion_, 23), a festival of Apollo was also celebrated on the fifteenth of the month. On the seventh day in Greece see, further, L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_, Oxford, 1906-1910, iv, 258 _sq._; _idem_, _Greece and Babylon_, London, 1911, p. 295; O. Gruppe, _Griechische Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte_, Munich, 1906, ii, 939 _sqq._; M. P. Nilsson, “Die älteste griechische Zeitrechnung, Apollo und der Orient,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1911, xiv, 442 _sqq._

[666] See the exhaustive collection of the evidence, both literary and inscriptional, in Roscher, “Fristen und Wochen,” pp. 41-68; _idem_, “Sieben- und Neunzahl,” pp. 4-53; _idem_, “Hebdomadenlehren,” pp. 7-23. Some students have seen in this sanctity of seven the results of early intercourse with the Orient through Phœnician channels (V. Bérard, in _Revue de l’histoire des religions_, 1899, xxxix, 426 _sq._; compare A. Thumb, “Die Namen der Wochentage im Griechischen,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Wortforschung_, 1901, i, 163 _sq._). The theory of the diffusion of the cult of seven from the East might now be strengthened by substituting Cretan for Phœnician intermediaries. Nilsson argues that the seven-cult, together with the worship of Apollo, reached Greece by way of Asia Minor, “eine Etappe auf dem Wege nach Babylonien” (_Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1911, xiv, 447 _sq._).

[667] J. Hehn, _Siebenzahl und Sabbat bei den Babyloniern und im Alten Testament_, Leipzig, 1907, pp. 4-44; P. Jensen, _Die Kosmologie der Babylonier_, Strassburg, 1890, pp. 170-184.

[668] The predominance of seven among the Hebrews, if not wholly explained by borrowing from Babylonia, may reasonably be assumed to have been much influenced by Babylonian conceptions. On the Hebrew cult of this number see Hehn, _Siebenzahl und Sabbat_, pp. 77-90; O. Zöckler, “Siebenzahl, heilige,” in Herzog, Plitt, and Hauck’s _Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche_,³ xviii, 310-317.

[669] M. Jastrow, _Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria_, New York, 1911, pp. 217 _sqq._; _idem_, _Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens_, Giessen, 1905-1912, ii, 446 _sq._, 663 _sqq._

[670] G. Schiaparelli, _Astronomy in the Old Testament_, Oxford, 1905, pp. 134 _sq._ The fact that by the Babylonians Venus, as a morning star, was considered masculine and as an evening star, feminine (F. X. Kugler, _Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel_, Münster-i.-W., 1907-1910, ii, 19 _sq._) must point back to a time when the different appearances of that heavenly body at morning and evening were regarded as those of different planets. Such was also the opinion of the early Greeks, who held the morning star, Ἑωσφόρος, and Ἕσπερος, the evening star, to be different bodies. Their identity was not recognized until the time of Pythagoras in the sixth century B.C. (W. H. Roscher, “Planeten,” _Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie_, iii, col. 2521). Similar misconceptions are found among primitive peoples. Of the Maori it has been said: “Tawera is their Lucifer and Merimeri their Hesperus, and under these two names the beauty of the planet Venus is frequently celebrated in their poetry” (E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders_,² p. 219). Additional evidence is found among the aborigines of Sumatra (Marsden, _op. cit._, p. 194), the Hottentots (Schultze, _op. cit._, p. 367), and the Cherokee Indians (Hagar, in _Boas Anniversary Volume_, p. 357).

[671] Kugler, _op. cit._, i, 13; compare F. Boll, “Zur babylonischen Planetenordnung,” _Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, 1911, xxv, 373. Between 400 B.C. and the opening of the Christian era the order is the same, except that Mercury and Saturn exchange places.

[672] Herodotus, ii, 82.

[673] The history of the planetary week has been treated with exhaustive learning by E. Schürer, “Die siebentägige Woche im Gebrauche der christlichen Kirche der ersten Jahrhunderte,” _Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft_, 1905, vi, 1-66. A very valuable survey is that by F. Boll, “Hebdomas,” in Pauly-Wissowa’s _Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, vii, coll. 2547-2578. Among the earlier discussions those by J. C. H(are), “On the Names of the Days of the Week,” _Philological Museum_, 1832, i, 1-73, and E. Schrader, “Der babylonische Ursprung der siebentägigen Woche,” _Theologische Studien und Kritiken_, 1874, xlvii, 343-353, hold an honourable place. See further W. H. Roscher, “Planeten,” _Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie_, iii, coll. 2518-2539; A. Bouché-Leclercq, _L’astrologie grecque_, Paris, 1899, pp. 476-484; Jensen, Nöldeke, _et al._, “Geschichte der Namen der Wochentage,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Wortforschung_, 1901, i, 150-193; O. Schrader, “Woche,” _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_, Strassburg, 1901, pp. 959-965; W. Lotz, “Woche,” in Herzog, Plitt, and Hauck’s _Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche_,³ xxi, 409-414; F. Rühl, _Chronologie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit_, Berlin, 1897, pp. 49-63; F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, Leipzig, 1906-1911, index, _s.v._ “Woche.” The word “week” in various Germanic languages has the general meaning of “change” (Anglo-Saxon _wice_, Old Frisian _wike_, Old Norse _vika_, Danish _uge_, Old High German _wecha_, Gothic _wiko_, etc.). See F. L. K. Weigand, _Deutsches Wörterbuch_,⁵ Giessen, 1910, ii, 1279. The Latin _vicis_, “change,” “turn” (a genitive form) is a related expression. See Walde, _op. cit._, p. 833.

[674] The reverse order, beginning with the Moon and ending with Saturn, is attributed to Pythagoras by Pliny the Elder (_Historia naturalis_, ii, 22) and by Censorinus (_De die natali_, xiii, 3); and according to Macrobius it was adopted by Archimedes in the third century B.C. (_Commentarium in somnium Scipionis_, i, 19, 2, ii, 3, 13). But the statements of these late writers on the subject may be safely disregarded.

[675] _Historia Romana_, xxxvii, 18 _sq._ There is also extant a still earlier explanation of the planetary sequence by Vettius Valens, an astrologer of the age of the Antonines. The one provided by Plutarch, in the seventh chapter of the fourth book of his _Symposiacs_, has been lost. Dio Cassius attributes the origin of the planetary week to the Egyptians; Lydus, a Byzantine antiquarian of the fifth century A.D., hesitates between the Egyptians and the Babylonians (_De mensibus_, ii, 31).

[676] This arrangement—διὰ τεσσάρων—may be illustrated by means of the heptagram. Let the circumference of a circle be divided into seven equal arcs and the signs of the planets—Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon—be placed at the points of division. If these points are connected by a series of continuous chords, then, beginning with Saturn, the lines of the chords will lead successively to the signs of the planets in the astrological order. The figure of a seven-branched star, inscribed in a circle, is an ancient device; indeed, the heptagram appears on a clay tablet recently unearthed at Nippur in Babylonia (H. V. Hilprecht, _Explorations in Bible Lands_, Philadelphia, 1903, p. 530), but in this case quite without any indication of its use.

[677] As a matter of fact the gamut, or scale of seven notes comprised within the interval of an octave, rests on no fundamental laws of acoustic phenomena but is itself a product of the all-pervading symbolism of seven. This system of musical numeration has spread from Greece as far east as India and China. See J. Combarieu, _La musique et la magie_, Paris, 1909, pp. 176-200.

[678] Herodotus (ii, 109) says explicitly that the Greeks learned from the Babylonians to divide the day into twelve parts. This statement agrees with the evidence from the cuneiform records, which show that it was the Babylonian custom to divide the nycthemeron, or cycle of night and day, into twelve _kaspu_, corresponding to two of our equinoctial hours. On the other hand the Egyptians from very early times were familiar with a division into twenty-four hours, twelve for the night and twelve for the natural day. It is not improbable, therefore, that the astrological use of the twenty-four hours was remotely derived from Egypt. On the entire subject of hour deities see W. Gundel, “Stundengötter,” _Hessische Blätter für Volkskunde_, 1913, xii, 100-131.

[679] _Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum_, i, pt. i,² 220; G. Gundermann, “Die Namen der Wochentage bei den Römern,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Wortforschung_, 1901, i, 177.

[680] A. Mau, in _Bullettino dell’ instituto di corrispondenza archeologica_, 1881, p. 30; _Atti della reale accademia dei lincei, anno 1901, Serie v, classe di scienze morali_, etc., _ix, Notizie degli scavi_, p. 330.

[681] _Historia Romana_, xxxvii, 18.

[682] Tertullian, _Apologeticus_, 16; _idem_, _Ad nationes_, i, 13; Clement, _Stromata_, vii, 12, 75; compare Justin Martyr, _Apologia prima_, 67.

[683] The Jews indicated each weekday by its numerical name, as the first day, the second day, and so on; compare _Exodus_, xvi, 5, 22; _Matthew_, xxviii, 1; _Mark_, xvi, 2; _Luke_, xxiv, 1; _John_, xx, 1; _Acts_, xx, 7; 1 _Corinthians_, xvi, 2. The sixth day, preceding the Sabbath, came eventually to be called by Hellenistic Jews ἡ παρασκευή, or “preparation” for the Sabbath; compare _Matthew_, xxvii, 62; _Mark_, xv, 42; _Luke_, xxiii, 54; _John_, xix, 31.

[684] The oldest dated Christian inscription to employ a planetary designation belongs to the year 269 A.D. (_Inscriptiones Christianæ urbis Romæ_, ed. De Rossi, 1861, i, no. 11).

[685] According to the testimony of Celsus, as quoted by Origen (_Contra Celsum_, vi, 21), the seven planets played an important rôle in the Mithraic mysteries. The chief position was naturally assigned to the sun, from which circumstance Cumont concludes, not only that the planetary week was known to Mithraism, but also that the _dies Solis_ “était évidemment le plus sacré de l’hebdomade pour les fidèles de Mithra, et, comme les Chrétiens, ils devaient sanctifier le dimanche et non pas le sabbat.” See F. Cumont, _Textes et monuments figurés relatifs aux mystères de Mithra_, Brussels, 1896-1899, i, 118 _sq._, ii, 31.

[686] Above, pp. 122 _sq._

[687] Below, p. 268.

[688] Italian _domenica_, _sabbato_; Spanish _domingo_, _sabado_; French _dimanche_, _samedi_, etc. But the heathen names of even these two days continued for a long time in popular use, as is evident from the words of Gregory of Tours: _Ecce enim dies Solis adest, sic enim barbaries vocitare diem dominicam consueta est_ (_Historia Francorum_, iii, 15). The other weekdays (Monday to Friday) in the calendar of the Roman Church follow the Jewish usage in being numbered, not named: _feria secunda_, _feria tertia_, _feria quarta_, _feria quinta_, and _feria sexta_ (Isidore of Seville, _Etymologiæ sive origines_, v, 30). In Portugal the influence of the Church was strong enough to secure the general adoption of this mode of reckoning, instead of the planetary sequence; and here Monday is still called _feira segunda_, Tuesday, _feira terça_, etc. It is curious to find the old Roman term for a holy day thus employed to refer to the weekdays that are particularly devoted to secular occupations. The origin of the practice has not been satisfactorily explained.

[689] Tiu (Mars), Woden (Mercurius), Thor (Jupiter), Frija (Venus). The special observance of Thursday as a holy day reflects the commanding place occupied by Thor in Germanic paganism. His worship on that day is referred to in documents of the early Middle Ages as a superstition to be eradicated (_nullus diem Jovis in otio observet_, etc.), but the modern Esthonians still consider Thursday as holier than Sunday and in Sweden, as late as the nineteenth century, the day was generally considered sacred. See J. Grimm, _Teutonic Mythology_, London, 1882, i, 191; O. Montelius, “The Sun-god’s Axe and Thor’s Hammer,” _Folklore_, 1910, xxi, 77.

[690] The Scandinavian name for Saturday, “bath-day” or “wash-day” (Old Norse _laugardagr_), arose from the custom of taking a bath at the end of the week (De la Saussaye, _The Religion of the Teutons_, Boston, 1902, p. 379; P. B. Du Chaillu, _The Land of the Midnight Sun_, New York, 1881, ii, 205 _sqq._).

[691] In Slavic antiquity Friday, or some day corresponding to it, appears to have been consecrated to a female divinity, whose personality, after the introduction of Christianity, became merged into that of St. Prascovia. “As she is supposed to wander about the houses of the peasants on her holy day, and to be offended if she finds certain kinds of work going on, they are (or at least they used to be) frequently suspended on Fridays. It is a sin, says a time-honoured tradition, for a woman to sew or spin, or weave, or buck linen on a Friday, and similarly for a man to plait bast shoes, twine cords, and the like. Spinning and weaving are especially obnoxious to ‘Mother Friday,’ for the dust and refuse thus produced injure her eyes.” The peasants believe that any work begun on Friday is sure to go wrong (W. R. S. Ralston, _Russian Folktales_, London, 1873, pp. 198 _sq._).

[692] In Thessaly and Macedonia Saturday (σάββατον) is considered inauspicious for beginning any undertaking. This taboo on the day has been considered as perhaps a reminiscence of the Jewish Sabbath (Sir Rennell Rodd, _The Customs and Lore of Modern Greece_, London, 1892, p. 159). According to Mr. G. F. Abbott, the Macedonians believe it unlucky to finish any work on a Saturday; the end of the week being associated in some way with the end of the owner’s life. “People born on a Saturday (hence called Σαββατιανοί or Sabbatarians) are believed to enjoy the doubtful privilege of seeing ghosts and phantasms, and of possessing great influence over vampires” (_Macedonian Folklore_, Cambridge, 1903, pp. 191, 221).

[693] On the week among European peoples see further E. Maass, _Die Tagesgötter im Rom und den Provinzen_, Berlin, 1902; A. Thumb, “Die albanesischen Wochentage,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Wortforschung_, 1901, i, 173-175; R. Thurneysen, “Die Namen der Wochentagen in den keltischen Dialecten,” _ibid._, pp. 186-191; W. Meyer-Lübke, “Die Namen der Wochentage im Romanischen,” _ibid._, pp. 192 _sq._; C. L. Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube und Brauch_, Berlin, 1867, ii, 9-63; K. A. Oberle, _Überreste germanischen Heidentums im Christentum_, Baden-Baden, 1883, pp. 13-40; Grimm, _op. cit._, i, 122-130.

[694] G. Smith, _Assyrian Discoveries_,⁷ London, 1883, p. 12; compare _idem_, _The Assyrian Eponym Canon_, London, 1875, pp. 19 _sq._

[695] Above, p. 177 _n._²

[696] The first edition (1875) of the fourth volume of Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_ contained only a calendar for the month of Elul II, but in the second edition (1891) of this volume there was added, from a number of fragments, a calendar for the month of Markheshwan.

[697] The difficulty which arises in respect to the nineteenth day has been solved to the satisfaction of most Assyriologists by the suggestion that the nineteenth day was regarded as seven times the seventh day (_i.e._, the forty-ninth from the first of the preceding month). This, of course, would not be strictly true, when the preceding month had only twenty-nine days, but it seems that the early Babylonian month was conventionally taken at thirty days’ duration.

[698] Above, pp. 210 _sq._

[699] Compare H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader, _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_,³ Berlin, 1903, pp. 620 _sq._ The possible influence of Pleiades cults has been worked out with much ingenuity by H. Grimme (_Das israelitische Pfingstfest und der Plejadenkult_, Paderborn, 1907), who discerns in the duration of the Hebrew Pentecost, or Feast of Weeks, as well as in the rites which marked that agricultural festival, the predominance of a septenary division based on the observation of these seven stars.

[700] W. Muss-Arnolt, “The Names of the Assyro-Babylonian Months and their Regents,” _Journal of Biblical Literature_, 1892, xi, 73; E. Combe, _Histoire du culte de Sin en Babylonie et en Assyrie_, Paris, 1908, pp. 8, 13.

[701] Above, p. 178.

[702] W. Muss-Arnolt, in _Journal of Biblical Literature_, 1892, xi, 72 _sqq._, 82 _sqq._, 90; E. Meyer, “Astarte,” in Roscher’s _Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie_, i, col. 649.

[703] R. C. Thompson, _The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon_, London, 1900, ii, pp. xviii _sqq._, xxvi.

[704] Epping and Strassmeier, _Astronomisches aus Babylon_, Freiburg-i.-B., 1889, p. 179; F. X. Kugler, _Die babylonische Mondrechnung_, Freiburg-i.-B., 1900, pp. 49, 201; F. H. Weissbach, “Zum babylonischen Kalender,” in _Assyriologische und archäologische Studien Hermann v. Hilprecht gewidmet_, Leipzig, 1909, p. 281.

[705] Rawlinson, _op. cit._, iv,² pl. 32, col. 1, ll. 1-2; W. Lotz, _Quæstiones de historia Sabbati_, Leipzig, 1883, p. 39.

[706] Above, pp. 187 _sq._

[707] Above, p. 195.

[708] Rawlinson, _op. cit._, iii, 55, no. 3, ll. 17-26; P. Jensen, “Die siebentägige Woche in Babylon und Nineveh,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Wortforschung_, 1901, i, 150.

[709] Rawlinson, _op. cit._, iii, 64, 18 b; Jensen, in _Zeitschrift für deutsche Wortforschung_, 1901, i, 152; Zimmern, in Schrader, _Keilinschriften_,³ p. 621 _n._⁵

[710] _Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum_, pt. xxv, pl. 50 (K. 170); F. Hommel, “Calendar (Babylonian),” Hastings’s _Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, iii, 76.

[711] _Enuma elish_, v, ll. 12-18 (transl. L. W. King, _The Seven Tablets of Creation_, London, 1902, i, 78, 81):

“The Moon-god he caused to shine forth, the night he entrusted to him.
He appointed him, a being of the night, to determine the days;
Every month without ceasing with the crown he covered (?) him, (saying):
‘At the beginning of the month, when thou shinest upon the land,
Thou commandest the horns to determine six days
And on the seventh day to [divide] the crown
On the fourteenth day thou shalt stand opposite, the half[...].’”

For other translations see P. Jensen, _Die Kosmologie der Babylonier_, Strassburg, 1890, pp. 288 _sqq._; W. Muss-Arnolt, in R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_, New York, 1901, p. 296.

[712] Above, pp. 157, 165 _sq._

[713] Above, p. 212.

[714] C. Fossey, _La magie assyrienne_, Paris, 1902, pp. 52, 58.

[715] See H. Zimmern, _Die Beschwörungstafeln s̆urpu_, Leipzig, 1896.

[716] R. C. Thompson, _The Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia_, London, 1904, ii, pp. xxxix _sqq._

[717] H. C. Rawlinson, _The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, London, 1891, iv,² pl. 32-33. The complete text was first translated by A. H. Sayce (“A Babylonian Saints’ Calendar,” _Records of the Past_, London, 1876, vii, 157-170) and shortly thereafter by W. Lotz (_Quæstiones de historia Sabbati_, Leipzig, 1883, pp. 39-49). The passage relating to the seventh day has been many times rendered by Assyriologists, not without variations in the result. I have used the version in the scholarly work of R. W. Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_, New York, 1912, p. 189.

[718] The nineteenth day would seem to be particularly tabooed, for then the “shepherd of great peoples” is forbidden to eat “anything which the fire has touched.”

[719] Most Assyriologists (Jeremias, Delitzsch, Lagrange, Pinches, Clay) make this sentence read: “The day is unsuitable for any business,” a translation which, if correct, converts the seventh day into a veritable Sabbath. To this translation Professor Morris Jastrow now adds the great weight of his authority, pointing out that we must read _ana epasch la na-ṭu_, “‘für Arbeit (oder Ausführung) nicht geignet’ ... und nicht, wie man früher annahm, _epesch arrati_, ‘zum Fluchen,’ was ja ein eigentümliches Verbot wäre” (_Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens_, Giessen, 1905-1912, ii, 533 _n._¹).

[720] Above, p. 15.

[721] For much evidence as to the sacredness of chiefs and kings and as to the accompanying taboos, see Sir J. G. Frazer, _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, London, 1911, pp. 1-17; _idem_, _Psyche’s Task_,² London, 1913, pp. 6-19.

[722] T. C. Hodson, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1906, xxxvi, 98; _idem_, in _Folklore_, 1910, xxi, 298; _idem_, _Nāga Tribes of Manipur_, pp. 102, 141 _sq._

[723] For further discussions of the “evil days” see M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les religions sémitiques_,² Paris, 1905, pp. 291 _sqq._; J. Hehn, _Siebenzahl und Sabbat bei den Babyloniern und im Alten Testament_, Leipzig, 1907, pp. 106-109; J. Meinhold, _Sabbat und Woche im Alten Testament_, Göttingen, 1905, pp. 15 _sqq._; F. Bohn, _Der Sabbat im Alten Testament_, Gütersloh, 1903, pp. 39-43.

[724] Some painstaking efforts have been made to discover whether during historic times there was any general observance in Babylonia of the “evil days.” W. Lotz (_op. cit._, p. 66), from an examination of 540 dated contract tablets belonging to different months, found that the average of the number of transactions on the 7th, 14th, 21st, and 28th days was 18, which would be also the average for each day of the month. The 19th day, however, had only one contract to its credit. Schiaparelli (_op. cit._, p. 132 _n._¹) examined about 400 dated documents from the archives of the Babylonian business firm, Egibi and Sons, and showed that there was a real abstention from business only on the 19th day, when no contracts were concluded. The same investigator (_op. cit._, pp. 175 _sqq._) also classified according to the day of the month 2764 dates on contract tablets belonging to the period 604-449 B.C. and found again that, while the transactions for the 7th, 14th, and 21st days were considerably above the average (94) and those for the 28th day only slightly below it, the 19th day registered but 12 transactions. It is true that these statistics deal with a late period of Babylonian history and include the reigns of several Persian kings. By this time the general observance of the custom may have been in decay. The figures, moreover, do not distinguish the sort of business done on the “evil days.” Many of the documents are temple records, having to do with offerings, receipts of salaries by priests, etc., and such business may not have been regarded as a violation of the prohibitions in question (C. H. W. Johns, “The Babylonian Sabbath,” _Expository Times_, 1906, xvii, 566 _sq._). For Assyria, during the period 720-606 B.C., 365 dated documents indicate no marked cessation of business on the 7th, 14th, 21st, and 28th days. “They were not kept with puritan respect for the Sabbath, if Sabbaths they really were.” Only 2 contracts, however, were made on the 19th, and for one of these the date is doubtful (_idem_, _Assyrian Deeds and Documents_, London, 1901, ii, 40 _sq._). Finally, out of 356 dated documents of the Hammurabi era, only 2 were dated on the 19th and only 26 on the four other “evil days” (_idem_, in _Expository Times_, 1906, xvii, 566 _sq._). It would seem, accordingly, that at this earlier period (about 2000 B.C.) there was a sabbatic observance of all five days, and especially of the 19th day.

[725] _Shabbāthôn_ occurs all together ten times in the Old Testament, where it is applied to New Year’s Day, the Day of Atonement (above, pp. 82 _sq._), the first and eighth days of the Feast of Tabernacles, and also to the Sabbatical Year (_Leviticus_, xxv, 4) and to the Sabbath Day proper (_Exodus_, xvi, 23, xxxi, 15, xxxv, 2; _Leviticus_, xxiii, 3). Professor Morris Jastrow thinks that _shabbāthôn_ is mistranslated as “solemn rest” and that in fact it is merely an adjectival formation meaning “sabbatical” or “Sabbath-like.” The word “belongs to a period prior to the development of a Sabbath institution, celebrated every seventh day without any reference to the phases of the moon” (_American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures_, 1914, xxx, 97 _n._⁷).

[726] Rawlinson, _op. cit._, ii, pl. 32, no. i, 16 a-b (_Cuneiform Texts_, pt. xviii, pl. 23, 17 [K. 4397]). The discovery of this important equation was made by W. H. Boscawen; see A. H. Sayce, in _Academy_, 1875, viii, 555. _Shabattu(m)_ here and elsewhere can be read _shapattu(m)_, without, however, affecting the sense (P. Jensen, in _Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, 1900, xiv, 182; H. Zimmern, in Schrader, _Keilinschriften_,³ p. 592 _n._⁵).

[727] A. H. Sayce, _The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments_, London, 1895, p. 74; _idem_, _The Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia_, Edinburgh, 1902, p. 476; F. Delitzsch, _Babel and Bible_, London, 1903, p. 41. The purely conjectural character of this procedure was long ago pointed out by Francis Brown in his article, “The Sabbath in the Cuneiform Records,” _Presbyterian Review_, 1882, iii, 693. Compare also A. T. Clay, _Amurru_, Philadelphia, 1909, pp. 55 _sqq._

[728] _Babel and Bible_, p. 99.

[729] H. Hirschfeld, “Remarks on the Etymology of Šabbāth,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, 1896, n.s., xxviii, 357.

[730] M. Jastrow, “The Original Character of the Hebrew Sabbath,” _American Journal of Theology_, 1898, ii, 316 _sq._, 351; compare _idem_, _Hebrew and Babylonian Traditions_, New York, 1914, pp. 134, 149.

[731] H. Zimmern, in Schrader, _Keilinschriften_,³ p. 593. In one cuneiform list (Rawlinson, _op. cit._, v, pl. 28, l. e-f) the verb _shabâtu_ is equated with _gamâru_, which is thought to mean “be complete,” “be full,” “cease,” though in some other syllabaries it apparently has the sense of “pacify.” In the light of the meaning now assigned to _shabattum_ both translations appear to be intelligible and harmonious.

[732] T. G. Pinches, _The Old Testament_, London, 1902, p. 327.

[733] D. Nielsen, _Die altarabische Mondreligion_, pp. 87 _sq._

[734] J. Hehn, _Siebenzahl und Sabbat_, p. 98.

[735] S. Langdon, “The Derivation of _Šabattu_ and Other Notes,” _Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, 1908, lxii, 30.

[736] C. H. Toy, “The Earliest Form of the Hebrew Sabbath,” _Journal of Biblical Literature_, 1899, xviii, 190 _sqq._; compare _idem_, _Introduction to the History of Religions_, Boston, 1913, p. 251.

[737] The text (K. 6012 + K. 10,684) forms a part of the British Museum collection of cuneiform tablets. A portion of the text was published by Rawlinson (_op. cit._, iii, pl. 56, no. 4) and additions to it, as well as duplicate Babylonian fragments, were subsequently identified by Dr. Pinches, to whom, accordingly, full credit for this important discovery should be ascribed. See T. G. Pinches, “_Šapattu_, the Babylonian Sabbath,” _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, 1904, xxvi, 51-56. H. Zimmern, however, had previously pointed out that, according to the Rawlinson text, the fifteenth day of a thirty-day month might have borne the designation _shabattum_ (Zimmern, in Schrader, _Keilinschriften_,³ p. 593 _n._³); compare his comments on Pinches’s discoveries (_Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, 1904, lviii, 199-202, 458-460).

[738] Above, p. 181 _n._⁷

[739] The text (K. 2164 + 2195 + 3510) has been edited with a translation and commentary by E. Weidener, “Zur babylonischen Astronomie,” _Babyloniaca_, 1911, vi, 8 _sqq._ It should be observed that it belongs to the same series as the text (K. 170) in which the fifteenth day is expressly described as the day of full moon (above, p. 229). Professor A. H. Sayce has published a table of lunar longitudes (K. 490) which shows how many degrees the moon advances during the first fifteen days of the month and how many degrees it retrogrades during the second half of the month (_Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, 1887, ii, 337-340).

[740] Combe, _Histoire du culte de Sin_, pp. 46 _sqq._, 86 _sq._; Jastrow, _Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens_, i, 66 _sq._, 72 _sqq._

[741] H. Radau, _Early Babylonian History_, New York, 1900, pp. 314 _sq._ The text on the statue of Gudea, a chief, or _patesi_, of Lagash (_c._ 2350 B.C.), bears record of a rest day which has been interpreted as a full-moon day, therefore as a _shabattum_: “No one was struck with the whip, the mother corrected not her child, the householder, the overseer, the labourer ... the work of their hands ceased. In the graves of the city ... no corpse was buried. The Kalû played no psalm, uttered no dirge, the wailing women let no dirge be heard. In the realm of Lagash no man who had a lawsuit went to the hall of justice.” See A. Jeremias, _The Old Testament in the Light of the Ancient East_, London, 1911, i, 203; compare H. Winckler, _Religionsgeschichtlicher und geschichtlicher Orient_, Leipzig, 1906, p. 61. Professor Morris Jastrow holds, however, that this passage from the inscription of Gudea has no reference to the full moon (_American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures_, 1914, xxx, 98 _n._²).

[742] D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_, St. Petersburg, 1856, ii, 8, 94 _sqq._, translating the _Fihrist_ (ix, i, 5) of Ibn al-Nadīm. On the Harranians see in general D. S. Margoliouth, in Hastings’s _Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, vi, 519 _sq._ It is curious to find a Moslem tradition, current about 830 A.D., that “Abraham lived with his people four-score years and ten in the land of Harran, worshipping none other than Al Ozza, an idol famous in that land and adored by the men of Harran, under the name of the Moon, which same custom prevails among them to the present day” (Sir William Muir, _The Apology of Al Kindy_,² London, 1887, p. 17).

[743] W. F. von Landau, _Beiträge zur Altertumskunde des Orients_, Leipzig, 1899, ii, 46 _sq._; compare _idem_, _Die phönizischen Inschriften_, Leipzig, 1907, p. 22 (_Der alte Orient_, viii, 3).

[744] Above, p. 182 _n._⁷ There are numerous reports by Babylonian astrologers according to which any one of five days, from the twelfth to the sixteenth of the month, might be taken as the exact time when the moon became full, depending, of course, upon how early or how late was the visible new moon (Kugler, _Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel_, ii, 14 _sq._).

[745] The Rev. C. H. C. Johns has pointed out that in Babylonian calendars many days are indicated as _nubattu_, a term signifying rest, pause, and especially a god’s connubial rest with his consort goddess. “The observance of such days was a bar to attending even to important diplomatic business or setting out on a journey.... It is quite possible that _shabattum_ and _nubattum_ are from the same root and originally denoted much the same thing—a pause, abstention, from whatever cause or for ceremonial purposes” (_Encyclopædia Britannica_,¹¹ xxiii, 961 _sq._). A calendar of the intercalary month of Elul cites the 3d, 7th, and 16th days as the _nubattu_ of Marduk and his consort Sarpanit (Lagrange, _op. cit._, p. 284 _n._⁶; Schrader, _Keilinschriften_,³ p. 371).

[746] The form of the Fourth Commandment in the First Decalogue (_Exodus_, xx, 8), “Remember the Sabbath Day, to keep it holy,” indicates not the institution of a new day but the sanctioning of an old one. In the Second Decalogue (_Deuteronomy_, v, 12), the commandment reads: “Observe the Sabbath Day, to keep it holy.” The word “holy” in these injunctions has the force of “set apart ritually,” “separated from common use,” _i.e._, taboo.

[747] _Exodus_, xxxiv, 21, xxiii, 12.

[748] 2 _Kings_, iv, 23. This is perhaps the earliest historical reference to the Sabbath.

[749] _Amos_, viii, 5; _Hosea_, ii, 11.

[750] _Genesis_, ii, 2-3; _Exodus_, xx, 11.

[751] _Deuteronomy_, v. 15; compare _Nehemiah_, ix, 14; _Ezekiel_, xx, 12. The principal Old Testament references to the Sabbath have been grouped in their assumed historical order by E. G. King, “The Sabbath in the Light of the Higher Criticism,” _Expository Times_, 1906, xvii, 438-443.

[752] M. Jastrow, “The Original Character of the Hebrew Sabbath,” _American Journal of Theology_, 1898, ii, 313 _sq._; S. R. Driver, _The Book of Genesis_,⁵ London, 1906, p. 35. Canon Cheyne suggests that the priestly writer in _Genesis_, ii, 2 _sqq._ appears to accept the anthropomorphic view which finds such frequent expression in Oriental antiquity. Things on earth correspond to things in heaven; if God “rested” on the seventh day, man ought to do likewise (_Traditions and Beliefs of Ancient Israel_, London, 1907, p. 70). Later Hebrew writers carry this idea of correspondence so far as to require the angels to observe all the Jewish festivals (H. P. Smith, _The Religion of Israel_, New York, 1914, p. 229).

[753] F. Baur, “Der hebräische Sabbat und die Nationalfeste des mosaischen Cultus,” _Tübinger Zeitschrift für Theologie_, 1832, iii, 145 _sqq._; A. Kuenen, _The Religion of Israel_, London, 1873, i, 262 _sqq._; Paul de Lagarde, editor, _Psalterium iuxta Hebræos Hieronymi_, Leipzig, 1874, 158 _sqq._

[754] Schiaparelli, _Astronomy in the Old Testament_, pp. 48 _sq._; P. Jensen, “Astronomy,” _Jewish Encyclopedia_, ii, 246.

[755] _Amos_, v, 26; W. R. Harper, _A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Amos and Hosea_, New York, 1905, pp. 137 _sqq._; K. Budde, _The Religion of Israel to the Exile_, New York, 1899, pp. 67 _sqq._

[756] J. Fürst, _Kultur- und Literaturgeschichte der Juden in Asien_, Leipzig, 1849, pt. i, 40; W. Nowack, _Lehrbuch der hebräischen Archäologie_, Strassburg, 1894, ii, 142 _sq._; E. Schürer, in _Zeitschrift für neutestamentliche Wissenschaft_, 1905, vi, 6 _sq._, 19. There is a Talmudic story which tells how Moses, having arranged with Pharaoh for a day of rest to be observed by the Hebrews in Egypt, was asked what day he thought most suitable for the purpose. Moses answered, “The seventh day, sacred to Saturn; work done upon this day never prospers” (Jeremias, _The Old Testament in the Light of the Ancient East_, i, 202; Delitzsch, _Babel and Bible_, p. 102).

[757] _Saturni aut sacram me tenuisse diem_ (_Elegiæ_, i, 3, 18).

[758] Ovid, _Remedium amoris_, 220; compare _idem_, _Ars amatoria_, i, 415-416; Horace, _Satiræ_, i, 9, 69-70; Persius, _Satiræ_, v, 184.

[759] Frontinus, _Strategematica_, ii, 1, 17; Dio Cassius, _Historia Romana_, xxxvii, 17. Tacitus (_Historiæ_, v, 4) thinks that the Jewish Sabbath may be an observance in honour of Saturn, though he gives an alternative explanation, connecting the day with the escape from Egyptian bondage. For other evidence from classical writers see P. Lejay, “Le sabbat juif et les poètes latins,” _Revue d’histoire et de littérature religieuses_, 1903, viii, 305-335; T. Reinach, _Textes d’auteurs grecs et romains relatifs au judaïsme_, Paris, 1895, pp. 104, 243, 266, 287; M. Wolff, “Het oordeel der hellenensch-romeinsche schrijvers over oorsprong, naam, en viering van der Sabbat,” _Theologisch Tijdschrift_, 1910, xliv, 162-172.

[760] J. Spencer, _De legibus Hebræorum ritualibus et earum rationibus_, Cambridge, 1727, i, 67 _sqq._ (bk. i, ch. v, sect. viii).

[761] Above, p. 191.

[762] Below, pp. 253 _sq._

[763] Nowack, _op. cit._, ii, 144; R. Smend, _Lehrbuch der alttestamentlichen Religionsgeschichte_, Freiburg-i.-B., 1899, pp. 160 _sq._; A. F. von Gall, “Die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft und die keilinschriftliche Forschung,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1902, v, 321.

[764] J. Wellhausen, _Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels_,⁶ Berlin, 1905, p. 109; W. E. Addis, _Documents of the Hexateuch_, London, 1892, i, 139; _idem_, _Hebrew Religion to the Establishment of Judaism under Ezra_, London, 1906, p. 85.

[765] C. M. Doughty, _Travels in Arabia Deserta_, Cambridge, 1888, i, 366.

[766] The Hebrew lunisolar year consisted of twelve months, adjusted to the solar year by the intercalation of a thirteenth month. The name of the latter is first met in the _Mishna_, where it is styled the “second Adar.” The months consisted of 29 days (hence called “defective” months), or of 30 days (“full” months), but there seems to have been no uniform sequence of long and short months. The regulation of the month was probably at first in the hands of the priests and later was committed to the Sanhedrin. A solar year of 364 days, _i.e._, 52 complete weeks, is found in two pseudographia which date probably from Maccabæan times (_Book of Enoch_ and _Book of Jubilees_), but it is hardly likely that solar reckonings were then in general use. On this subject consult S. Poznanśki, “Calendar (Jewish),” in Hastings’s _Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, iii, 117 _sqq._

[767] _Psalms_, civ, 19. Compare _Ecclesiasticus_, xliii, 6-8: “He made the moon also to serve in her season for a declaration of times, and a sign of the world. From the moon is the sign of feasts, a light that decreaseth in her perfection. The month is called after her name, increasing wonderfully in her changing.”

[768] _Jeremiah_, viii, 2; _Zephaniah_, i, 5; _Deuteronomy_, xvii, 3; 2 _Kings_, xxiii, 5; G. W. Gilmore, “Moon,” _New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopædia of Religious Knowledge_, vii, 493. That no trace of the cult of Sin, the Babylonian moon-god, is discoverable in the Old Testament, even in the name Sinai, is the opinion of the latest investigator of this subject. See E. Combe, _Histoire du culte de Sin_, Paris, 1908, pp. 157 _sqq._ The custom of kissing the hand to the moon (_Job_, xxxi, 26 _sq._) may have meant to the Hebrews little more than it does to us. Orthodox Jewish mothers are said still to teach their sons to take off their caps to the new moon.

[769] Doughty, _op. cit._, ii, 305 _sq._; compare D. Nielsen, _Die altarabische Mondreligion und die mosaische Überlieferung_, Strassburg, 1904, p. 50. For the Abyssinian customs see E. Littmann, in _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1908, xi, 313 _sq._

[770] Mrs. H. H. Spoer, in _Folklore_, 1910, xxi, 289.

[771] M. Jastrow, _Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria_, New York, 1911, pp. 214 _n._³, 336 _n._²; F. Hommel, _Der Gestirndienst der alten Araber und die altisraelitische Überlieferung_, Munich, 1901, p. 28.

[772] 1 _Samuel_, xx, 27-28; compare _Judith_, viii, 6. On the new-moon festival see Nowack, _op. cit._, ii, 138 _sqq._; Wellhausen, _op. cit._, pp. 107 _sqq._; I. Benzinger, _Hebräische Archäologie_,² Tübingen, 1907, pp. 388 _sq._; G. Förster, “Die Neumondfeier im Alten Testament,” _Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie_, 1906, xlix, 1-17; B. Stade, _Biblische Theologie des Alten Testaments_, Tübingen, 1905, i, 176 _sqq._; A. Dillmann, _Die Bücher Exodus und Leviticus_,³ edited by V. Ryssel, Leipzig, 1897, pp. 634 _sqq._ See also “New Moon” in Hastings’s _Dictionary of the Bible_, _Jewish Encyclopedia_, and _Encyclopædia Biblica_.

[773] 1 _Samuel_, xx, 5-6, 24-29.

[774] _Ibid._, xx, 18-19. In verse 19 the Hebrew expression _beyom hama ‘aseh_, rendered in the Authorized Version (margin) “in the day of the business,” appears in the Greek Septuagint, the Latin Vulgate, and the Jewish Aramaic Targum as the designation of a working day, in distinction from the festival day of the new moon. The Douai version of the Scriptures translates accordingly, “in the day when it is lawful to work.” Professor H. P. Smith holds that, owing to the corruption of the text, the particular day here intended is no longer intelligible (_A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Books of Samuel_, New York, 1899, pp. 190 _sq._). He has, however, overlooked the fact, that, as my friend and pupil Rabbi Jacob Singer points out to me, the same expression _sheset yeme hama ‘aseh_ is found in _Ezekiel_ (xlvi, 1) as the designation of “the six working days” of the week; see Brown, Driver, and Briggs, _A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament_, Boston, 1906, p. 795.

[775] 2 _Kings_, iv, 23. Some Biblical references indicate that on the first day of the month the prophets were supposed to be most under the influence of their divine afflatus; compare _Ezekiel_, xxvi, 1, xxix, 17, xxxi, 1, xxxii, 1; _Haggai_, i, 1.

[776] John Allen, _Modern Judaism_,² London, 1830, pp. 390 _sq._; H. G. F. Löwe, _Schulchan Aruch, oder die vier jüdischen Gesetzbücher_, Vienna, 1896, i, 91; M. Friedmann, in _Jewish Quarterly Review_, 1891, iii, 712; Israel Abrahams, _Jewish Life in the Middle Ages_, London, 1896, p. 374.

[777] That the Old Testament thus contains indirect evidence of the celebration of full-moon day by the early Hebrews was long ago recognized by the learned commentator, August Dillmann. “Von einer Feier des Vollmondes zeigt sich bei den Israeliten keine Spur.... Jedoch war er dadurch bevorzugt, dass an ihm das grosse Frühlings- und Herbstfest begann” (_Die Bücher Exodus und Leviticus_,³ p. 635). A passage in one of the _Psalms_ (lxxxi, 3): “Blow the trumpet at the new moon, at the full moon, on our feast-day,” probably refers to new moon in the seventh month, or New Year’s Day (_Leviticus_, xxiii, 24), and to the first day of the Feast of Tabernacles, which began on the fifteenth of the same month (_ibid._, xxiii, 39).

[778] _Leviticus_, xxiii, 5-6; _Exodus_, xii, 6 _sqq._; _Numbers_, xxviii, 16-17.

[779] _Leviticus_, xxiii, 33-36, 39; _Numbers_, xxix, 12.

[780] _Leviticus_, xxiii, 6-8; _Exodus_, xii, 16; _Numbers_, xxviii, 18, 25.

[781] _Leviticus_, xxiii, 39; _Numbers_, xxix, 12, 35.

[782] _Leviticus_, xxiii, 11, 15.

[783] M. Jastrow, “‘The Day after the Sabbath,’” _American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures_, 1914, xxx, 104.

[784] 2 _Kings_, iv, 23. This passage, incidentally, affords proof that at the time it was written the legal length of a “Sabbath Day’s journey” had not been determined, for from Shunem to Elisha’s abode on Carmel was a distance of some thirty to forty kilometres (R. Kittel, _Die Bücher der Könige_, Göttingen, 1900, p. 200).

[785] _Hosea_, ii, 13 (A. V. v. 11).

[786] _Amos_, viii, 4-5.

[787] _Isaiah_, i, 13.

[788] _Ibid._, lxvi, 23; compare _Colossians_, ii, 16.

[789] Wellhausen, _Prolegomena_,⁶ pp. 108 _sq._; Smith, “Sabbath,” _Encyclopædia Britannica_,⁹ xxi, 126.

[790] This pregnant suggestion was first made by H. Zimmern in his comments on the discovery by T. G. Pinches (_Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, 1904, lvii, 202 _and_ _n._¹). The hypothesis of the original identity of Sabbath and full-moon day was subsequently elaborated by J. Meinhold (_Sabbat und Woche im Alten Testament_, Göttingen, 1905), whose main conclusions have been accepted by K. Marti (_Religion of the Old Testament_, London, 1907, pp. 150 _sq._) and T. K. Cheyne (_Traditions and Beliefs of Ancient Israel_, London, 1907, p. 69). See also E. Mahler, “Der Sabbat,” _Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, 1908, lxii, 40, 46 _sq._; M. Jastrow, _Hebrew and Baylonian Traditions_, New York, 1914, pp. 154 _sqq._, 185.

[791] _Ezekiel_, xlvi, 1-3.

[792] Above, pp. 226, 247. _Shabbāth_ also appears several times in the Old Testament in the general sense of “week,” the name of the principal weekday being used as the designation of the entire cycle of seven days. Compare _Leviticus_, xxiii, 15, xxv, 8.

[793] H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader, _Keilinschriften_,³ p. 594; compare A. H. McNeile, _The Book of Exodus_, London, 1908, p. 122.

[794] Johannes Meinhold, _Sabbat und Woche im Alten Testament_, Göttingen, 1905, pp. 10 _sqq._; compare _idem_, “Die Entstehung des Sabbats,” _Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft_, 1909, xxix, 81-112.